The writings and the experience of independent African American editors in the first half of the twentieth century from 1901 to 1955 played an invaluable role in laying the ideological groundwork for the Black Freedom movement beginning with the Montgomery Bus Boycott. The anti-imperialist writings of Pauline Hopkins who was literary editor of the Colored American Magazine from 1900 to 1904 celebrated revolutionary leaders, and adopted an independent course that refused partisan lines, which prompted her replacement as editor according to a letter she writes to William Monroe Trotter. The anti-imperialist writing of A. Philip Randolph as editor of The Messenger from 1917 to 1928, raised the role of labor organizing in the advancement of racial justice and helped to provide future organizers. These individuals founded the Southern Negro Youth Congress an analytical framework that would help organize thousands of Southern workers against the Jim Crow system into labor unions. Based on the letters he wrote to the American Fund For Public Service, Randolph raised funds by appealing to the values that he believed Fund chair Roger Baldwin also valued while protecting individual supporters of The Messenger from government surveillance. The anti-imperialist writing of Paul Robeson as chair of the editorial board of Freedom from 1950 to 1955 could not escape McCarthyist government surveillance which eventually caused its demise. However not before including an anti-fascist editorial ideology endorsing full equality for African Americans that inspired plays by Alice Childress and Lorraine Hansberry that imagined a world that defies the increasingly fascist rule of the American state. This thesis will argue that the Black Freedom Struggle that developed after the fifties owed a great deal to Hopkins, Randolph, and Robeson. The work that these three did as editors and writers laid a solid intellectual, ideological, and political foundation for the later and better known moment when African American would mobilize en masse to demand meaningful equality in the United States. / African American Studies

This is a study of how late Republican and early Imperial authors recast different elements of episodes from the Struggle of the Orders (509-287 BCE) based on the events and circumstances of their own times and their authorial aims. The study is divided into two parts. Part I focuses on portrayals of Sp. Cassius’ third consulship in 486 BCE, when he sought to pass a lex agraria. Part II examines the treatments of Sp. Maelius’ private frumentary distributions, which purportedly occurred in 439 BCE. Both episodes seem to have been treated briefly by earlier sources; the main thread of the stories centred around Cassius’ and Maelius’ desire to acquire regnum, which led to their suppressions and deaths. Over time, the stories evolved and became more detailed. Elements were exaggerated, added, or omitted, which often spoke to what was happening during the time at which a certain author was writing. By means of a comparison of the primary sources I examine the contemporary Roman historical realities contained within our surviving narratives on the patricio-plebeian conflicts of the early period. Late Republican authors frequently recast the patrician-plebeian struggle in the context of the recent political conflicts between optimates and populares, using the political idiom of their own times to describe the Struggle of the Orders. Cassius and Maelius became embedded in the political controversy surrounding the suppression of men (reportedly) seeking kingship by the state that began with the institution of the SCU and continued long into the first century BCE. I analyze the changes that take place in the accounts of Cicero, Livy, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, our main sources on the episodes involving Cassius and Maelius. Different authors reinterpret, emphasize, and omit various elements of the events of 486 and 439 BCE. A single author might, as is the case with Cicero, reimagine the episodes differently at different times based on his immediate aims. While the ways by which the sources reimagine elements of these episodes has led to harsh criticisms of these authors, especially Livy and Dionysius, I argue that our sources were engaging with the material at their disposal and shaping it in ways that were acceptable to ancient audiences. This historical interpretation helped the Romans to make sense of their own past and derive meaning from it, which, in turn, helped them to engage with and make sense of their present. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Esta tese objetiva confrontar os fenômenos do reconhecimento e da liderança, com o propósito de investigar teoricamente se os padrões de reconhecimento identificados por Axel Honneth podem servir de base para uma definição de liderança que atenda as demandas de construção de identidade e de transformação do século XXI. O reconhecimento intersubjetivo está no centro dos debates da Filosofia e das Ciências Sociais. Ele fundamenta as construções das identidades de sujeitos e grupos e acontece através da busca ativa da intersubjetividade, ou luta por reconhecimento, conforme sistematizado por Honneth. De outra parte, a liderança é também um fenômeno da relação eu-outro e integra toda a vida social humana. Entretanto, durante muito tempo ela foi interpretada como atributos, habilidades e competências dos indivíduos. Esta interpretação foi modificada a partir da introdução do conceito de influência, em substituição a poder e autoridade. Para atender ao propósito acima, a investigação iniciou-se por uma arqueologia da liderança, incluindo as maneiras pelas quais ela foi interpretada ao longo da história e pelas diversas disciplinas, as dificuldades de compreender suas causas, mecanismos e consequências, as confusões em torno da acepção da palavra e a identificação das principais teorias de liderança, elaboradas pela Psicologia Social e pela Administração. Foram investigadas as contribuições de pesquisadores da Filosofia, como Cícero, Maquiavel e Smith, da Sociologia, como Weber e Barnard, da Psicologia Social, como Lewin e Smircich, e da Administração, como Burns e Bass. O estudo evidenciou que a liderança é um fenômeno da intersubjetividade humana e um processo importante na construção das identidades dos sujeitos. Foi deduzido que uma definição de liderança para os tempos contemporâneos integra cinco conceitos fundamentais: ela é um processo que emerge da interação eu-outro; é fruto da influência multidirecional; implica em reconhecimento e conhecimento do outro; é um processo dialético; e ela gera a transformação dos sujeitos e do social. Por sua vez, o reconhecimento, como uma das formas pelas quais acontece a intersubjetividade, também foi investigado desde as primeiras formulações feitas por Hegel, passando pelas contribuições de Mead e Ricoeur, até alcançar a sistematização de luta por reconhecimento proposta por Honneth. Desta sistematização, foram extraídos quatro conceitos fundamentais: as três esferas ou padrões de reconhecimento de Honneth, amor, direito e solidariedade e a dialética. Finalmente, concluiu-se pela possibilidade teórica de revisar a definição de liderança com base nos padrões de reconhecimento e da dialética, compreendendo que os conceitos de liderança verificados atendem a esses padrões. Foi proposta uma definição de liderança e, assim como sugestões para futuras pesquisas envolvendo este objeto de estudo / This thesis aims to confront the phenomena of recognition and leadership, in order to theoretically investigate whether the patterns of recognition identified by Axel Honneth can support a definition of leadership that meets the demands of identity construction and transformation of the XXI Century. The intersubjective recognition is at the center of debates of Philosophy and Social Sciences. Recognition is on the foundation of the construction of subjects and groups identities and it is realized through the active pursuit of intersubjectivity, or the struggle for recognition, as systematized by Honneth. On the other hand, leadership is also a phenomenon of the relationship I-other and integrates all human social life. However, for a long time it was interpreted as attributes, skills and competencies of individuals. This interpretation has been modified after the introduction of the concept of influence, replacing power and authority. To meet the above purpose, the investigation was initiated by an archeology of leadership, including the ways in which it has been interpreted throughout history and the various disciplines, the difficulties of understanding its causes, mechanisms and consequences, the confusion surrounding the sense of the word and the identification of the main theories of leadership, built in the fields of the Social Psychology and Management. Also, contributions from researchers of Philosophy were investigated, as Cicero, Machiavelli and Smith; of Sociology, as Weber and Barnard; of Social Psychology, as Lewin and Smircich; and of Administration, as Burns and Bass. The study demonstrated that leadership is a phenomenon of human intersubjectivity and an important process for the construction of the identities of the subjects. It was deduced that a definition of leadership to contemporary times integrates five key concepts: it is a process that emerges from the interaction I-other; It is the result of multidirectional influence; It implies recognition and knowledge of the other; It is a dialectical process; and it generates transformations on individuals and society. In turn, recognition, as one of the ways of intersubjectivity, was investigated from its first formulations made by Hegel, through the contributions of Mead and Ricoeur, and ending with the systematization as a struggle for recognition proposed by Honneth. From Honneths systematization were extracted four fundamental concepts: the three spheres or patterns of his proposition of recognition, love, law and solidarity and the dialectic the process of struggle. Finally, the thesis conclusions support the theoretical possibility to revise the definition of leadership based on these patterns of recognition and the dialectic process, understanding that the verified leadership concepts meet these standards. It was also proposed a definition of leadership, as well as suggestions for future research involving the study of this object

La décennie des années 1970 est caractérisée en Italie par un « cycle de protestation » et des mobilisations politiques et sociales de grande ampleur, qui s'accompagne – sans s'y limiter – d'une vague de violences politiques de natures très diverses, des attentats à la bombe mis au point par l'extrême-droite aux attentats ciblés de la lutte armée d'inspiration marxiste-léniniste, en passant par les débordements occasionnés par des manifestations ou des agressions. Ces violences s'inscrivent dans des stratégies d’intimidation qu'il s'agit de replacer précisément dans des cultures politiques qui se donnent comme objectif d'utiliser, parfois explicitement, la peur comme outil d'intervention politique, occasion de replacer les différents « terrorismes » dans la perspective de trajectoires de radicalisation. Quels sont les résultats socio-politiques de ces manœuvres visant à généraliser la guerre psychologique ? Au fil de la décennie et en comparant, sans les confondre, les différentes formes de « terrorisme » et leurs effets, se dessine une géographie et une chronologie de l'imprégnation de la peur : au-delà de l'effet de terreur qui dure peu, la violence « terroriste » installe un climat de peur durable, un sentiment de menace qui devient, à partir de 1978, un fait incontournable et que nombre de sources contemporaines permettent de saisir. Se pose alors la question de la représentation de la peur dans l'espace public et politique, son instrumentalisation éventuelle dans des stratégies propres au gouvernement ou à l'opposition, et l'absolue nécessité de rassurer, y compris au prix d'une mise en tension des mesures de sécurité avec les valeurs de l'État de droit. / The 1970s in Italy are characterized by a new “cycle of protests” and a dramatic rise in social and political mobilization. These movements were accompanied by – although not limited to – a wave of political violence of various types, from right-wing bombings to targeted attacks by armed underground Marxist-Leninist organizations, and a great number of outbursts of collective violence during demonstrations and street fights. Not all of this violent activity falls under the heading of “terrorism”, rather it should be considered within the broader context of a political climate where intimidation tactics were on the increase and fear was, sometimes explicitly, used as a political tool. The political culture facilitated the use of violence in a process of radicalisation. What are the socio-political results of such a strategy of intimidation and psychological warfare? Analysis of the different strategies and their effects reveals a propagation of fear through the decade, resulting in a sustained climate of terror and the sense of a pressing threat, particularly from 1978 onwards. This raises the question of the effects of repetitive terrorist attacks, and the representation of fear in the public and political sphere: at the same time a destabilizing factor and a tool for legitimising political activities.

Cette recherche éclaire la prise de décision en politique extérieure dans la Roumanie de Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, entre 1944 et 1965. Les mécanismes en amont de la décision, les processus de sa mise en œuvre, les problématiques liées à sa réception sont analysés. La thèse étudie les relations entre acteurs impliqués - cercles dirigeants du parti et de l'État diplomates en poste à Moscou, fonctionnaires du ministère des Affaires étrangères, spécialistes des questions économiques ou conseillers soviétiques -, interroge leurs trajectoires et leurs compétences. À partir d'une influence, soviétique omniprésente, véhiculée par des canaux et des institutions multiples, il s'agit de voir comment le rapport à cette domination est renversé. Les acteurs du processus décisionnel, structurés en réseaux coopératifs ou concurrents, en cercles d'allégeances et d'intérêt, contribuent à une prise de décision diplomatique inextricablement liée à des enjeux de politique intérieure. Dans le cercle restreint du Secrétariat et du Bureau politique, la lutte interne pour le pouvoir constitue d'abord un moteur de la soviétisation, puis de la désatellisation économique et de l'émancipation de la diplomatie roumaine. À destination de la puissance tutélaire soviétique, ainsi que de l'opinion roumaine et internationale, la politique extérieure devient un outil de consolidation, pour un régime et des dirigeants qui souffrent, initialement, d'un déficit de reconnaissance. Elle alimente un discours de légitimation politique, dont l'orientation nationale prend appui sur la mobilisation des masses et de l'opinion et qui revêt parfois les apparences d'une prise en compte des aspirations populaires. / This research sheds light on the decision-making in foreign policy in Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's Romania, from 1944 to 1965. The mechanisms of the decision, its implementation and the issues related to its reception are discussed all through the analysis, as well as different categories of actors : the ruling circles of the Party and of the State, diplomats in Moscow, officials of Foreign affairs Ministry, economy specialists and Soviet advisors. The point is to study these actors' trajectories and to question their skills. Starting from a situation where the Soviet influence and interests are pervasive through multiple channels and institutions, it is shown how the relation to the Soviet domination is reversed. The actors involved in the decision-making process, organized in cooperative or competitive networks and in circles of loyalty and interest, contribute to diplomatic decisions that are inextricably linked to domestic policy issues. In the inner circle of the Secretariat and of the Politburo, the internal struggle for power is to be seen as an impulse first for Sovietization and then for economic desatellisation and for diplomatic emancipation. Foreign policy becomes a powerful tool of consolidation for a regime and for leaders who initially suffer from a serious lack of recognition, both toward Soviet power and toward Romanian and international public opinions. It supplies a discourse of political legitimization whose nationalist accents are first perceptible and then resolute. Based on mass and opinion mobilization, this discourse sometimes contrasts with totalitarian propaganda, to assume the appearance of popular aspirations consideration.

Entre 1979 et 1989, la région des Antilles et de la Guyane, et plus particulièrement la Guadeloupe, ont connu une décennie de violence. 284 attentats à la bombe ont été commis dans ces pays, soit un peu plus de 10 % des 2616 attentats perpétrés sur le territoire français de 1973 à 1980. Ces actes de violence ont été revendiqués par deux organisations “terroristes“ successives : le Groupe de libération armée (G.L.A) et l’Alliance révolutionnaire caraïbe. Cette “lutte armée“ avait pour objectif de “pousser“ le gouvernement français à accorder l’indépendance nationale à ses dernières possessions des Antilles et de l’Amérique du Sud. Cette thèse intitulée : “le traitement, dans la presse écrite, de la violence politique en Guadeloupe de 1979 à 1989“ s’attache à interroger la stratégie discursive des journaux nationaux et régionaux pour rendre compte des violences dans un pays où est à l’œuvre une théorie politique de l’assimilation. En se fondant sur le schéma actanciel, ce travail, dans sa première partie, s’emploie à dégager les grandes étapes de la formule “départementalisation“ qui s’est imposée au fil du temps comme cadre politique de régulation de la vie publique des départements d’outre-mer. Dans sa deuxième partie, il s’attarde à mettre en lumière le long processus historique qui a conduit aux événements de violence précités. Ceux-ci sont analysés, dans la troisième partie, par la technique de mise en relation contrastive du quotidien de “référence“ le “Monde“ et du journal “nationaliste“ le “Journal Guadeloupéen“, et par celle de l’analyse de contenu. Les résultats de ce travail sont de deux ordres : 1) le phénomène de la violence politique est saisi dans son fonctionnement pratique et théorique ; les premières vérités, à la suite d’une enquête approfondie, apparaissent sur cette période troublée. 2) la mise en relation contrastive, les analyses lexicale et thématique révèlent avec quel substrat les journaux construisent leurs dires. / Between 1979 and 1989, the region covering the French West Indies and Guyana, and in particular Guadeloupe, experienced a decade of violence. 284 bomb attacks were committed in these countries, i.e. slightly more than 10% of the 2,616 attacks carried out throughout French territory between 1973 and 1980. Two “terrorist” organizations successively claimed responsibility for these acts of violence: the Liberation Army Group (G.L.A.) and the Caribbean Revolutionary Alliance. The aim of this “armed struggle” was to “incite” the French government to grant national independence to its last strongholds in the West Indies and South America. This dissertation, entitled “How the written press dealt with the political violence in Guadeloupe between 1979 and 1989”, focuses on questioning the discursive strategy implemented by national and regional newspapers for reporting the violence in a country where a political theory on assimilation was brought into play. In its first part, this work, which is based on the actantial model, concentrates on highlighting the major phases in the “departmentalization” formula, which imposed itself over time as the political framework that would be used to regulate public life in overseas departments. In its second part, it emphasizes in detail the long historic process which led to the aforementioned violent events. These are analyzed in the third part through a contrastive study of the reference daily – Le Monde, with the nationalistic newspaper – the Journal Guadeloupéen and by analyzing the content. The results of this work are twofold: 1) the phenomenon of political violence is addressed in its theoretical and practical functioning; following an in-depth enquiry, the basic truths are brought to the fore for this troubled period. 2) the contrastive relationship, the lexical and thematic analysis uncovers the “substance” used by the newspapers for establishing their claims.

As ações que resultaram na Reforma Psiquiátrica tiveram início no Brasil a partir da década de 1970 e, especialmente na década de 1980, favorecendo a abertura para a participação política de usuários dos serviços de saúde mental e familiares de usuários, possibilitando a formação de diversos coletivos antimanicomiais que partilham dos ideais de eliminação dos manicômios, das práticas segregadoras em relação à saúde mental e pelo reconhecimento dos direitos e das capacidades de uma pessoa portadora de sofrimento psíquico. Essas transformações que vem ocorrendo nos últimos anos colocaram o usuário e o familiar em outra relação, seja com a própria loucura, seja com a sociedade, pois, ao menos em tese, novas possibilidades de inserção no espaço público foram se mostrando. Ainda assim, reconhecemos também os interesses envolvidos na Reforma Psiquiátrica que podem esconder as práticas manicomiais ainda presentes na sociedade, podendo ser essas transportadas para espaços extra-muros. Diante disso, os usuários e familiares que participam de coletivos antimanicomiais encontram-se na encruzilhada das políticas de identidades que regulam seu modo de vida e os lugares de sua existência e, das identidades políticas que visam desconstruir naturalizações de desigualdades sociais a que alguns grupos estão submetidos. Entre esses dois polos, desejamos verificar como se dá as metamorfoses da identidade de militantes da luta antimanicomial. Para isso, utilizamos duas histórias de vida: Laura e Fernando, militantes da luta antimanicomial que vão nos contar, por meio de suas memórias da participação política, como as relações sociais se materializaram em suas individualidades. Para a análise de suas histórias, utilizamos o referencial teórico de autores que entendem a identidade pelo sintagma identidade-metamorfose-emancipação. Ao final, verificamos o potencial emancipador da luta por reconhecimento que ambos estiveram inseridos, evidenciando a busca por melhores condições de vida para outros indivíduos, assim como o reconhecimento de seu valor social. / The actions which resulted in the Psychiatric Reform began in the 1970s especially in the 1980s in Brazil and have favoured openness to the political participation for mental health service of users and their families. This fact has enabled the formation of various anti-asylum collectives which shared the ideals of eliminating not only the asylums but also the segregating practices regarding mental health and for the recognition of the rights and capacities of people with mental suffering. These transformations which have occurred in recent years have provided the users and their families the opportunity to establish a different relation with either the insanity or the society, once, at least in thesis, they were shown new possibilities of being inserted into the public space. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize to which extent the interests involved in the Psychiatric Reform can hide asylum practices still present in our society. Therefore, users and their families who participate in anti-asylum collective are at the crucial crossroads of polices of identity which rule and shape their way of life and the places they live in, and also the political identities which aim to deconstruct the naturalization of social inequalities some groups are submitted. Between these two poles, our aim is to check how the metamorphosis of anti-asylum fight activists identity is formed. For this purpose, we used two life stories: Laura and Fernando, anti-asylum fight activists who will tell us based on the memory they have of their political participation, such as social relations materialized in their individualities. For the analysis of their stories, we used the theoretical framework of authors who understand by the term identity identity-bubble-emancipation. Finally, we will analyse the emancipatory potential of the struggle for recognition both stories were inserted in and put the search for better conditions of life for others individuals in evidence, as well as the recognition of its social value.

O presente trabalho pretende narrar a história da Ala Vermelha, organização que surgiu como dissidência do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PC do B) e se transformou em partido autônomo em 1966, momento em que se inseriu nas lutas sociais brasileiras, chegando, inclusive, a realizar ações armadas de expropriação de fundos e de propaganda revolucionária entre 1968 e 1971. A Ala Vermelha apresenta um aspecto singular, que viria a distingui-la dos demais grupos guerrilheiros que atuavam naquela época no Brasil. Na plenitude do processo de luta armada, esta organização iniciou um procedimento autocrítico com relação à própria luta armada, procedimento este que se iniciou em 1969 para culminar em 1974, quando avaliou seu equívoco ao optar pelas ações armadas de forma imediata / The purpose of this work is to tell the story of the Red Wing, an organization that appeared originally as a dissidence inside the Brazilian Communist Party (PC do B) and became an autonomous party in 1966. From 1968 to 1971, it became actively involved in the Brazilian social struggle and even carried out armed actions to expropriate funds and disseminate revolutionary propaganda. The Red Wing had an unique trait that would distinguish it from other guerrilla groups operating at that time: in the heat of the armed struggle, this organization set off a self-criticism procedure focused on the very fight it was engaged on. This procedure was started in 1969 and culminated in 1974, when the organization concluded that its option for immediate armed reaction had been a mistake

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Paulo Bocca.pdf: 1906096 bytes, checksum: d50830c017c3e2a87945e705a9bb1133 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-23 / This dissertation analyzes the Latin American political scenario after the failure of the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which represented the implementation of the neoliberal model in Latin America, sponsored by the United States and its allied different bourgeois factions in the different social formations in the region. To this proposal, a strong resistance led by social movements and leftist political parties emerged victorious, culminating in the election of progressive governments that, regard to the differences between them, seek an autonomy politics from the greatest imperialist power of our time. In this conjuncture of crisis in the U.S. hegemony, we examine three trends: an imperialist neoliberal offensive, a neo-developmental integration process, and the so called "Socialism of the XXI Century" / Esta dissertação analisa o cenário político latinoamericano após o fracasso da proposta da Área de Livre-comércio das Américas (ALCA), que representava a aplicação do modelo neoliberal na América Latina, patrocinada pelos Estados Unidos e suas frações burguesas aliadas nas distintas formações sociais da região. À esta proposta, uma forte resistência liderada por movimentos sociais e partidos políticos de esquerda saiu vitoriosa, culminando nas eleições de governos progressistas que, levando-se em conta as diferenças entre eles, buscam uma política de autonomia em relação à maior potência imperialista de nossa época. Nesta conjuntura de crise da hegemonia estadunidense, examinamos três tendências: uma ofensiva imperialista neoliberal; um processo de integração neodesenvolvimentista; e o chamado Socialismo do Século XXI

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Paulo Bocca.pdf: 1906096 bytes, checksum: d50830c017c3e2a87945e705a9bb1133 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-23 / This dissertation analyzes the Latin American political scenario after the failure of the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which represented the implementation of the neoliberal model in Latin America, sponsored by the United States and its allied different bourgeois factions in the different social formations in the region. To this proposal, a strong resistance led by social movements and leftist political parties emerged victorious, culminating in the election of progressive governments that, regard to the differences between them, seek an autonomy politics from the greatest imperialist power of our time. In this conjuncture of crisis in the U.S. hegemony, we examine three trends: an imperialist neoliberal offensive, a neo-developmental integration process, and the so called "Socialism of the XXI Century" / Esta dissertação analisa o cenário político latinoamericano após o fracasso da proposta da Área de Livre-comércio das Américas (ALCA), que representava a aplicação do modelo neoliberal na América Latina, patrocinada pelos Estados Unidos e suas frações burguesas aliadas nas distintas formações sociais da região. À esta proposta, uma forte resistência liderada por movimentos sociais e partidos políticos de esquerda saiu vitoriosa, culminando nas eleições de governos progressistas que, levando-se em conta as diferenças entre eles, buscam uma política de autonomia em relação à maior potência imperialista de nossa época. Nesta conjuntura de crise da hegemonia estadunidense, examinamos três tendências: uma ofensiva imperialista neoliberal; um processo de integração neodesenvolvimentista; e o chamado Socialismo do Século XXI