Orientador: Salvador Antonio Meireles Sandoval / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T11:19:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_JoseFerdinandoRamos_M.pdf: 3794306 bytes, checksum: 6ffaaf4cfd235d7e645de80e4c85d15b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O estudo se refere às relações de trabalho no Brasil, dadas a partir das fábricas, como um conjunto de arranjos que podem ser institucionais ou não, e que organizam as relações sociais de produção em locais de trabalho. Assim, a passagem do capitalismo competitivo para o monopolista, a reestruturação das atividades produtivas não só afetam como transformam as relações de trabalho. Na sociedade de classes, em que as relações de trabalho se apresentam como relações de exploração e de dominação, por meio de arranjos institucionais (aqui chamados de acordo ou negociações) são tomadas decisões acerca do trabalho. Essas decisões expressam relações de poder, capacidade de pressão de grupos sociais (como os sindicatos) na luta pela defesa de direitos (demandas). As relações de trabalho (na sociedade capitalista) caracterizam-se por relações de assalariamento. Na perspectiva marxista por relações de exploração ou de extração de sobre trabalho (mais valia) pelo capitalista que tem por objetivo a realização do valor (a acumulação do capital). Os interesses contraditórios permitem a construção de relações de conflito ou de consenso no processo de trabalho. O consenso, de forma geral, resulta da coerção. O caráter conflituoso das relações de trabalho e suas possibilidades de tornar-se aberto, visível, dando origem aos processos de resistência (como a greve) é o foco desta pesquisa. A greve é tomada como uma ação coletiva que permite a construção de processos de pertencimento de consciência de classe e que também possibilita a mudança nas relações sociais de produção. A questão central que orienta a análise é indagar os alcances e os limites da greve (na dimensão apontada) na sociedade brasileira contemporânea. / Abstract: The study concerns industrial relations in Brazil, taking place in factories, as a set of arrangements which may or not be constitutional and which organize the social relations of production at the workplace. Thus, the change from a competitive capitalism to a monopolistic sort and the restructuring of the productive activities not only affect but also transform industrial relations. In the class society, in which industrial relations present themselves as relations of exploitation and domination, by means of institutional arrangements (herein referred to as agreement or negotiation), decisions concerning labor are made. Such decisions express power relations, and the capacity to exert social group pressure (such as labor unions) in the struggle for the defense of rights (demands). The industrial relations (in the capitalist society) are characterized by salary relations. In the marxist perspective, they are characterized by relations of exploitation and surplus labor (surplus value) on the part of the capitalist, whose aim is the realization of value (accumulation of capital). The opposing interests between capital and labor lead to relations of either conflict or consensus in the industrial process. Consensus, on the whole, results from coercion. The conflicting nature of industrial relations and the possibility of their becoming open, visible, allowing for processes of resistance (such as strikes) is the focus of this research. Strikes are taken as collective actions which allow for the constructions of processes of belonging class awareness and which enables changes to take place in the social industrial relations. The central question which guides the analysis is to question the ranges and the limits of strikes (in the dimension pointed out herein) in contemporary Brazilian society. / Mestrado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Mestre em Educação

This paper investigates the decline in success of nonviolent conflicts. While nonviolent conflicts are known to have higher efficacy compared to violent conflicts, this disparity has decreased since the 1990s. Previous scholars have divided the causes behind the success of nonviolent conflict into three categories: (1) mobilization; (2) resilience; and (3) leverage. The hypothesis is that one or more of these factors have changed and is the cause behind the decline. The research uses a largeN quantitative method, comparing the two time periods of 1945 – 1999 with 2000 – 2013. The resulting descriptive statistics, regression analysis, and likelihood ratio tests show that mobilization has decreased alongside a decrease in how successfully nonviolent campaigns utilize leverage over their opponents. These findings invite further investigation into why this decrease has occurred.

This thesis analyzes the current disputes between the United States and China over the exchange rate of the Chinese currency renminbi using an International Political Economy (IPE) analysis. Monetary relations are not mere economic affairs, but bear geopolitical implications. Money is power. Money is politics. The pursuit of monetary power is an important part of great power politics. Based on this assertion, the thesis studies past cases of monetary power struggles between the United States and the Great Britain, the Soviet Union, Japan, and the European Union (EU), respectively. The thesis then investigates the dollar’s status as the dominant international reserve currency in the current international monetary system, as well as the power that this unique status can generate and provide. The dollar’s monetary hegemony has become the main characteristic of the current international monetary system and an important power source for continued U.S. hegemony. The dollar’s hegemony and the asymmetrical interdependency between the dollar and the renminbi are the source and the key basis for the recent U.S.-China monetary disagreements. The U.S.-China monetary disputes reflect not only each country's respective domestic interests and perceived benefits, but also the monetary power struggle between the two biggest global economies. Predictions are also entertained for the future monetary relations between the two countries, as well as the geopolitical implications that this relationship may have for the U.S.-China bilateral relationship in coming decades.

This essay examines various aspects of alienation in Karl Ove Knausgaard's autobiographical novel My Struggle and its cultural contexts. The overall purpose of the essay is twofold. The aim is to analyze both the depiction and the causes of alienation in My struggle, and to examine how the cultural contexts contribute to the author Knausgaard's experience of alienation. To accomplish this the analysis is divided into two sections. The first part focuses on the literary character Karl Ove and aims to analyze the experience of alienation in the novel. The aim of the second part is, on the other hand, to look at how the cultural context affects the author Knausgaard in an alienating way, mainly how the media landscape and the digitalization of society increases Knausgaard's self-exploitation and the reification of his name. The second part, thereby, reads the novel as a work of autofiction where the author (Knausgaard) and the protagonist (Karl Ove) are treated as one and the same. The theoretical framework of the essay is based upon Rahel Jaeggi's and Hartmut Rosa's definitions of alienation. Altogether, the analysis indicates multiple examples of alienation in My Struggle. The protagonist, Karl Ove, is indifferent to the people and the world around him, and he feels as if he has lost control over his own life. Karl Ove is also unable to combine his two most important social roles in life – as a father and as a writer. Consequently, this leads to an internal division between his conflicting ideals and gender notions. Furthermore, Karl Ove is described as a rootless and formless subject, who is alienated from time and space. Another form of alienation occurs when Knausgaard becomes famous, and his authorship is reified. The reification of Knausgaard's name and face implies that he, as a commodified subject, is linked to the trademark Knausgaard™ over which he has limited control. Also, the results of the analysis suggest that it matters whether you choose to read the book as a novel or as autofiction. As a novel, My Struggle’s ending seems to indicate that the protagonist, Karl Ove, manages to replace his alienation with a meaningful seeing, and that he is able to shift his attention to what really matters in life. If you read My Struggle as autofiction, however, this progress is not that obvious. Rather, it looks as if the uncontrollable autobiographical feedback structure of My Struggle continues in media even after the novel is completed.

As a political, social, and cultural ideology, Pan-Africanism has been a complex movement attempting to ameliorate the dehumanizing effects of "the global Eurocentric colonial/modern capitalist model of power," which Anibal Quijano (2000) refers to as "the coloniality of power." The destructive forces of the coloniality of power--beginning with the transatlantic slave trade--that led to the dispersal and displacement of millions of Africans subsequently facilitated the creation of Pan-African political and cultural consciousness. Thus, this dissertation examines diverse articulations of Pan-African politics of cultural struggle as a response to racist and sexist oppression and economic exploitation of Afro-descendants. I am specifically interested in the formation of international politico-cultural movements, such as the Black Arts movement, Négritude, and the Pan-African Cultural Revolution and their ideological alignments to political liberation struggles for the emancipation of people of African descent. With varying degrees of revolutionary commitment, intellectuals in each of these movements utilized literary and cultural production to raise the political consciousness of Africans and Afro-descendants to combat forces that oppressed their communities. To demonstrate this, my dissertation historicizes and analyzes the numerous Pan-African festivals, congresses, and conferences, which occurred between 1965 and 1977, while interrogating the specific manifestations of "translocal" contacts and linkages between movement intellectuals. I chose to focus on these years because they roughly correspond with the historical time period known as the Black Arts movement in North America (1965-1975), which had a vibrant, yet understudied Pan-African worldview. Moreover, while Pan-Africanism gained considerable traction after World War II, it was particularly between 1966 and 1977 that intellectuals aligned with Négritude and Pan- African Marxism competed for ideological hegemony of the movement on the African continent and in the African Diaspora.

Black communities located in cities across the country became sites of explosive political unrest during the mid-1960s. These uprisings coincided with a period of intensified political activity among African Americans nationally, and played a decisive role in expanding national concern with black political struggle from a singular focus on the Civil Rights movement led by black southerners to consider the "race problem" clearly present in the cities of the North and West. Moreover, unrest within urban black communities emerged at a time when alternate political analyses of the relationship between black people and the American state that challenged the goal of integration and presented different visions of black freedom and identity were gaining considerable traction. The most receptive audience for these radical and nationalist critiques was found among black students and cadres of militant, young black people living in cities who insisted on the right to self determination for black people, and advocated liberation through revolution and the application of black power to secure control over their communities as the most appropriate goal of black political struggle. The following study examines grassroots political organizations formed by black people in Cleveland, Ohio during the early 1960s in order to analyze the development of the tactics, strategies, and ideologies that became hallmarks of Black Power by the end of the decade. These developments are understood within the context of ongoing political struggle, and particular attention is paid to the machinations of the multifaceted system of racial oppression that shaped the conditions against which black Clevelanders fought. This struggle, initially aimed at securing unrestricted employment, housing, and educational opportunities for black people, and curtailing episodes of police brutality against them, culminated in five days of unrest during July 1966. The actions of city officials, especially the Mayor and members of the Cleveland Police Department, during the Hough uprising clarified the nature of black oppression in Cleveland, thereby illuminating the need for and uses of both the formal political power of the ballot, as well as the power of the bullet to defend black people and communities through the force of arms.

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[pt] A Vila do Vintém é uma favela situada entre os bairros de Realengo e Padre Miguelna zona oeste da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Esta tese tem como objetivo investigaro processo de formação e expansão desta localidade, para isso foram analisados discursos parlamentares, bem como aqueles proferidos por Carlos Lacerda como governador do Estado da Guanabara, reportagens de diferentes periódicos, alémde fichas do arquivo da polícia política do antigo DOPS. Verificouse que, entre osanos de 1943 e 1965, esta favela passou por um intenso processo de crescimento,acompanhado por uma série de lutas por moradia cujos protagonistas eram os seus habitantes, o que acabou por colocar a Vila do Vintém como uma das favelasde maior destaque no período, ao lado daquelas situadas nas regiões norte, sul ecentral da cidade. / [en] Vila do Vintém is a favela located between the neighborhoods of Realengo and Padre Miguel in the west zone of the city of Rio de Janeiro. This thesis aims to investigate the process of formation and expansion of this location, for thispurpose, parliamentary speeches were analyzed, as well as those given by CarlosLacerda as governor of the State of Guanabara, reports from different periodicals,as well as files from the political police archive of the former DOPS. It was found that between the years 1943 and 1965 this favela went through an intense processof growth, accompanied by a series of struggles for housing whose protagonists were its inhabitants, which ended up placing Vila do Vintém as one of the most prominent favelas of the period, alongside those located in the north, south and central regions of the city.

My experiment concerned the influence of chronobiological (circadian) rhythm on fatigue, effort, and cardiovascular (CV) response. It evaluated responses of morning people (Larks) presented an easy or difficult recognition memory task at a time congruent or incongruent with their rhythm. Based on an extension of a conceptual analysis of fatigue influence, my central prediction was that circadian rhythm would combine interactionally with task difficulty to determine effort and associated CV responses. Specifically, effort and associated CV responses were expected to be (1) positively correspondent to task difficulty in the morning (stronger where difficulty is high), but (2) negatively correspondent to difficulty in the evening (stronger where difficulty is low). Preliminary results showed concerning gender effects on difficulty appraisal of the task, thus we examined women and men's data separately. CV findings for women were broadly, but not completely, consistent with predictions. Analyses revealed no group differences in CV response for Lark men.