Proceeding from the premise that the meaning of performances flows from contextual, textual, and nonverbal elements, this dissertation explores layers of meaning arising from performances of selected South African struggle songs, poems and plays. In particular, it focuses on performances of the Mayibuye Cultural Group which functioned as an adaptive mechanism in the changing sociopolitical landscape of the 1980s and early 1990s, and on contemporary performances. The analysis of the songs, poems and play underscores the importance of nonverbal elements for the interpretation of performances, and proposes that performances functioned as debate and as a discursive presence in the public sphere. In particular, the performances glorified a masculine conception of the struggle and of South African society which highlighted the fragile gender politics in South Africa, and functioned as a vibrant mechanism for the expression of sanctioned criticism especially for the marginalised and for those at the fringes of power. / Anthropology / M.A. (Anthropology)

I denna erfarenhetsbaserade essä utforskar jag det dilemma som pedagoger kan försättas i när gamla traditioner och normer möter nya, samt när pedagoger med olika erfarenheter, utbildningar och kunskaper möts. I min inledande berättelse skildrar jag två olika händelser med ett liknande dilemma. Där försätts jag i en situation där jag inte riktigt vet hur jag ska agera. Jag vet hur jag vill agera men vågar inte stå upp för mina åsikter. Jag frågar mig själv om jag ska följa den ansvarige förskolläraren på avdelningen eller om jag ska stå upp för mina egna erfarenheter och mina praktiska kunskaper. I mitt dilemma är det två olika typer av syn på barn och deras utveckling och lärande som krockar. I reflektionsdelen undersöker jag varför dessa krockar uppstår. Jag tar hjälp av ett av våra tidigare styrdokument "Pedagogiskt program för förskolan-87" som jag jämför med den nuvarande läroplanen för förskolan – "Lpfö98, rev.2010". Med hjälp av olika kunskapsbegrepp undersöker jag hur värderingen av praktisk kontra teoretisk kunskap påverkar hur vi arbetar i förskolan. Jag reflekterar över hur mina egna kunskaper såg ut då vid tiden för mitt dilemma samt på vilket sätt dessa har utvecklats. Jag ställer mig också frågan, hur vår barnsyn och vår syn på kunskap påverkar barnen i förskolan. / In this experiential essay I explore the dilemma that educators can encounter when old traditions and norms meet new, as well as what happens when teachers with different experience, training and knowledge meet. In my initial report, I describe two different events with a similar dilemma where I am put in a situation where I do not really know how I should act. I know how I want to act, but do not dare to stand up for my opinions. I ask myself if I should follow the responsible preschool teacher of the department or whether I should stand up for my own experiences and my practical knowledge. In my dilemma, there are two different types of view of children and their development and learning that are in conflict. In the reflection part, I examine why these crashes between views occur. I compare one of our previous policy documents "Pedagogiskt program för förskolan-87" with the current curriculum - "Lpfö98, rev.2010". Using different concept of knowledge, I examine how the valuation of practical versus theoretical knowledge affects how we work in preschool. I reflect on my own knowledge the time of my dilemma, and how it has evolved. I also question how our child perspective and our view of knowledge affect children in preschool.

Ma thèse examine quatre romans de l`époque post-1960 qui s’appuient sur le genre de la littérature prolétarienne du début du vingtième siècle. Se basant sur les recherches récentes sur la littérature de la classe ouvrière, je propose que Pynchon, Doctorow, Ondaatje et Sweatman mettent en lumière les thèmes souvent négligés de cette classe tout en restant esthétiquement progressiste et pertinents. Afin d’explorer les aspects politiques et formels de ces romans, j’utilise la « midfiction », le concept d’Allen Wilde. Ce concept vise les textes qui utilisent les techniques postmodernes et qui acceptent la primauté de la surface, mais qui néanmoins essaient d’être référentiels et d’établir des vérités. Le premier chapitre de ma thèse propose que les romans prolétariens contemporains que j’ai choisis utilisent des stratégies narratives généralement associées avec le postmodernisme, telles que la métafiction, l’ironie et une voix narrative « incohérente », afin de contester l’autorité des discours dominants, notamment les histoires officielles qui ont tendance à minimiser l’importance des mouvements ouvriers. Le deuxième chapitre examine comment les romanciers utilisent des stratégies mimétiques afin de réaliser un facteur de crédibilité qui permet de lier les récits aux des réalités historiques concrètes. Me référant à mon argument du premier chapitre, j’explique que ces romanciers utilisent la référentialité et les voix narratives « peu fiables » et « incohérentes », afin de politiser à nouveau la lutte des classes de la fin du dix-neuvième et des premières décennies du vingtième siècles et de remettre en cause un sens strict de l’histoire empirique. Se basant sur les théories évolutionnistes de la sympathie, le troisième chapitre propose que les représentations des personnages de la classe dirigeante riche illustrent que les structures sociales de l’époque suscitent un sentiment de droit et un manque de sympathie chez les élites qui les font adopter une attitude quasi-coloniale vis-à-vis de la classe ouvrière. Le quatrième chapitre aborde la façon dont les romans en considération négocient les relations entre les classes sociales, la subjectivité et l’espace. Cette section analyse comment, d’un côté, la représentation de l’espace montre que le pouvoir se manifeste au bénéfice de la classe dirigeante, et de l’autre, comment cet espace est récupéré par les ouvriers radicaux et militants afin d’avancer leurs intérêts. Le cinquième chapitre explore comment les romans néo-prolétariens subvertissent ironiquement les tropes du genre prolétarien précédent, ce qui exprimerait l’ambivalence politique et le cynisme généralisé de la fin du vingtième siècle. / My dissertation project examines post-1960s novels that draw on the genre of proletarian fiction of the early twentieth century. Building upon current research focused on working-class literature, as well as pertinent literary theory, I argue that Pynchon, Doctorow, Ondaatje, and Sweatman bring to light often neglected working-class themes while remaining aesthetically progressive and relevant. In order to explore these novels in their political and formal aspects I employ Allen Wilde’s concept midfiction. This concept refers to texts that use postmodern techniques and accept the primacy of surface, but nonetheless try to be referential and establish truths. The first chapter of my dissertation argues that the contemporary proletarian novels that I have selected employ narrative strategies commonly associated with postmodernism, such as metafiction, irony, and an “incoherent” narrative voice, to challenge the authority of dominant discourses, including the official histories that tend to downplay labour movements. The second chapter examines how the novelists employ mimetic strategies in tandem with more experimental techniques in order to achieve a believability factor that helps to connect the narratives to concrete historical realities. Referring to my argument in chapter one, I explain that the novelists ultimately use these two modes, referentiality and “unreliable”, “incoherent” narrative voices, in order to both re-politicize the class struggle of the late nineteenth and early decades of the twentieth century as well as to undermine a strict sense of empirical history. The third chapter draws on evolutionist theories of sympathy to argue that the depictions of wealthy ruling class characters illustrate that social structures at the time fostered a sense of entitlement and lack of sympathy in the elites that caused them to adopt a colonial-like attitude towards the working class. The fourth chapter addresses how the novels under consideration mediate the relationships between social classes, subjectivity and space. This section analyses how, on the one hand, representations of space show how power is manifested to benefit the ruling class, and on the other hand, how space was co-opted by radicals and militant workers in order to further their interests. The fifth chapter explores how the neo-proletarian novels ironically subvert tropes from the earlier proletarian genre which, I argue, expresses the political ambivalence and cynicism of the late twentieth century.

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre l’expérience de vie des jeunes Québécoises de 2e génération portant le voile islamique, qui ont vécu le débat sur la charte de la laïcité au Québec en 2012. Un des articles de ce projet de loi visait à interdire le port des signes religieux «ostentatoires» par les employés de la fonction publique. Une vague de protestation a animé les membres des minorités religieuses visées et une apparition, quoique marginale, des Québécois de 2e génération a commencé à émerger. À travers le concept de lutte pour la reconnaissance tel que théorisé par Honneth et celui de stigmate amené par Goffman et élaboré par Göle, j’ai tenté de comprendre l’expérience de lutte pour la reconnaissance entamée par des Québécoises porteuses d’un signe religieux stigmatisé. Le concept d’hybridité m’a permis également de comprendre la richesse identitaire de ces jeunes qui se manifeste notamment dans l’articulation de leurs revendications. J’ai ainsi mené 13 entrevues semi dirigées sur le mode du récit de vie avec des jeunes femmes âgées entre 19 et 27 ans, nées au Québec et portant le voile islamique. / This Masters aims to understand the life experience of young Québécoises from second generation of Muslims immigrants wearing Islamic headscarves, and who experienced the debate over the political project la charte des valeurs in 2012. One of the articles of this charte aimed to forbid employees of the public sector to wear ‘ostentatious’ religious signs. The province of Quebec has witnessed a wave of protests and many rallies of members of religious minorities who felt targeted by this bill. I have noticed the emergence of the second generation of these religious minorities who displayed their religious signs in the public space and protested against La Charte. To understand this phenomenon I used the concept of struggle for recognition theorized by Honneth and the concept of stigma elaborated by Goffman and later by Göle. I tried to comprehend the struggle for recognition of the young Quebeckers wearing the veil as a stigmatized religious sign. The concept of hybridity allowed me to consider the multiplicity of identifications of these young women and how it could be articulated through their struggle for recognition. I conducted 13 semi structured interviews with young Muslim women between 19 and 27 years old, born in Quebec and wearing the Islamic headscarf.

Cette thèse étudie la réception plurielle de Hegel dans le discours philosophique du XXème siècle. En prenant comme fil rouge la dialectique hégélienne de la reconnaissance, cette thèse soumet à l’examen ses réappropriations successives chez Kojève, Lacan et Honneth. La première réception de Hegel fût une théorie de l’anthropogenèse qui mettait l’accent sur la lutte pour la reconnaissance et sur la fameuse dialectique du maître et de l’esclave. La reconnaissance de soi atteinte par l’esclave et sa victoire imaginaire ouvrant sur la terre promise de la reconnaissance correspondent à la fin du Temps Historique. Mais à la suite de Kojève, c’est cette version de l’anthropologie hégélienne qui a inspiré la psychanalyse lacanienne. Celle-ci constitue une critique de la conscience de soi considérée comme synonyme d’aliénation imaginaire. Bien qu’indispensable pour la constitution d’un soi et d’un monde stables, la reconnaissance spéculaire de soi est forcément méconnaissance. Contrairement à Kojève et à sa reprise par Lacan, la théorie de la reconnaissance d’Honneth constitue l’envers de la domination puisqu’elle autorise le passage de la tyrannie de l’inconscient et du déni résiduel à une lutte pour la reconnaissance. Son entreprise consiste à renouer avec Hegel, mais celui-ci n’est pas lu comme une pensée de l’historicité, mais celle de la constitution intersubjective de l’autonomie du sujet. Ainsi, l’horizon de la vie éthique ne procède plus d’une dialectique du développement historique, il est inscrit plutôt dans la formation psycho-sociologique de l’identité / The question, which is at the core of this dissertation is the plural reception of Hegel in the philosophical discourse in the 20th century. The guiding line in this study is the Hegelian dialectics of recognition, I then examined in this dissertation its successive reappropriations in Kojève, Lacan and Honneth. The first reception of Hegel was a theory of anthropogenesis, which focused on the struggle for recognition and on the well known dialectic of master and slave. The self-recognition achieved by the slave and by his/her imaginary victory opening onto the promised land of recognition, corresponds to the end of Historical Time. However, after Kojève, it was that version of Hegelian anthropology that inspired Lacanian psychoanalysis. The Lacanian psychoanalysis is a critique of self-consciousness, which is considered as synonymous with imaginary alienation. The specular recognition of oneself, while essential for the formation of a stable self and world, is necessarily misrecognition. Unlike Kojève and his resumption by Lacan, Honneth’s theory of recognition is considered as the opposite of domination since it allows the transition from the tyranny of unconscious and residual denial to a struggle for recognition. Honneth’s gesture consists in returning to Hegel, but the latter is not represented as a thought of historicity, but as the intersubjective constitution of the autonomy of the subject. Thus, the horizon of ethical

La notion de terrorisme international relève de deux critères, l’un emprunté à des actes qui constituent l’assise de l’action terroriste, l’autre tiré de circonstances particulières, qui tiennent à une relation avec une entreprise individuelle ou collective ayant pour but de troubler gravement l’ordre public par l’intimidation ou la terreur. La communauté internationale est confrontée depuis la fin de l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique à l’internationalisation d’un mouvement radical extrémiste l’organisation wahhabite Al-Qaïda. Les attaques terroristes organisées par cette mouvance menacent aujourd’hui la sécurité mondiale. Ses actes extrémistes, criminels et terroristes visent à tuer les gens sans distinction entre les enfants et les femmes, car ils ne considèrent pas comme interdits de tels actes. La scène internationale est devenue de plus en plus menacée par l’idéologie wahhabite d’origine saoudienne à laquelle appartenaient quinze des dix-neuf kamikazes de New York et Washington. Face au problème que pose le terrorisme, les Etats ont réagi, mais chacun à sa manière, en prenant des mesures nécessaires en fonction de leur propre système juridique. Leurs objectifs sont de renforcer la répression, de faciliter le travail des enquêteurs et de rendre les jugements plus rapides. Le plus souvent, de nouvelles lois pénales ou de nouveaux textes ont été adoptés par les Parlements dans plusieurs Etats pour lutter contre ce phénomène international. Les réponses juridiques des droits nationaux restent jusqu’à présent les véritables instruments de lutte contre les actions terroristes. Elles sont l’occasion d’approfondir les réflexions sur les motivations profondes des terroristes, leurs méthodes et leurs objectifs. Elles permettent de réprimer le financement des mouvements terroristes et le blanchiment d’argent, en se basant sur les directives internationales du GAFI et du Comité Contre le terrorisme (CCT). Mots clefs en français : Lutte antiterroriste, légitime défense, agression armée, coopération européenne, menace terroriste, approches et lacunes juridiques / The notion of international terrorism is based on two criteria: one borrowed from actions that constitute the foundation of terrorist acts, the other drawn from particular circumstances coming from a relationship with an individual or collective organization whose objective is to seriously damage public security by intimidation or terror. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the international community is confronted by a radical extremist organization wahhabite Al-Qaïda. The terrorist attacks organized by this movement threaten global security today. These extremist criminal terrorist acts target civilians without distinction - women and children included - because they do not consider such acts as forbidden. The international scene has become more and more threatened today by wahhabite ideology whose Saudi origins included fifteen of the nineteen suicide-bombers responsible for the September 11, 2001 attacks on New York and Washington. Faced with the problem posed by terrorism, the international community reacted, each in their own way, by taking necessary measures that conform to their own legal system. Their objectives are to reinforce repression, facilitate the work of investigators and speed up court decisions. New penal laws or new texts have been introduced by several countries in order to confront this international phenomenon. The legal responses of national laws remain until today veritable instruments of confrontation against terrorist acts. These laws serve to deepen the understanding of terrorist motivations, their methods and their goals. By basing these laws on the international directives of the GAFI (Groupe d'Action financière) and the Committee Against Terrorism (CCT), they also serve to combat the financing of terrorist movements as well as money laundering. Keywords : anti-terrorist struggle, international law, European cooperation, extremist criminal terrorist acts

Au-delà des représentations et des pratiques des alpinistes et trekkeurs, toujours plus nombreux, les conditions du développement et de la pérennisation du système touristique associées à la région népalaise de l’Everest – le Khumbu – semblent de plus en plus reposer sur la valorisation de ressources comme l’eau, l’électricité et l’emplacement foncier. Source de revenus considérables pour les populations locales, et plus particulièrement pour les hébergeurs touristiques, l’accès à ces différentes ressources ne va pourtant pas de soi. Tous les acteurs n’occupent pas les mêmes positions, ni ne possèdent les mêmes moyens pour les valoriser. Cet accès aux ressources, et par extension à de nouvelles positions socio-spatiales, donne lieu à de multiples stratégies fondées sur les capitaux, compétences et intérêts de chacun. Dans cette petite région, néanmoins hautement symbolique, ces stratégies d’accès aboutissent à une lutte des places entre d’une part les membres de la communauté sherpa – qui revendiquent une position d’insiders mais se déploient à l’extérieur du Khumbu par des modes d’habiter très polytopiques –, et d’autre part, de nouvelles populations originaires des basses vallées, en position d’outsiders, qui cherchent à s’y implanter. Dans le contexte d’un espace de plus en plus ouvert sur le monde, en pleine recomposition sociodémographique et culturelle, ce qu’incarne le « Yak Donald’s » – l’un des nombreux nouveaux pubs implantés dans la région –, se pose ainsi la question du partage et de la gouvernance des ressources et des revenus de ce haut-lieu du tourisme. Loin d’être passifs, mais plutôt à l’origine de ces nouvelles dynamiques, cette thèse montre comment les manipulateurs de symboles sherpas contrôlent encore largement le territoire et l’économie du tourisme. / Beyond the representations and practices of mountaineers and trekkers, conditions for the development and functioning of the touristic system linked to the Nepalese Mount Everest area (the Khumbu region) seem to be increasingly based upon resources such as water, electricity and property. With the rise of tourism, these various resources are source of considerable incomes for local populations, especially for lodge owners. However, sharing these resources is not simple. First, the different actors do not occupy the same positions in relation to them. Second, they don’t have the same capacities (i.e., capital and skills) to exploit them. Eventually, they do not have the same interests depending on their social status, so their cooperation is not always guaranteed. In this small but highly symbolic region, local access to resources leads to “locational struggles” (Lussault, 2009). This struggle opposes members of the Sherpa community - who claim to be deeply rooted inhabitants, but whose ways of life are very polytopic – and on the other hand, new populations from the lower valleys, who seek to establish themselves within the Khumbu region. In the context of intense interrelations with the rest of the world, as well as wide socio-demographic and cultural changes, which is embodied in one of the many new pubs established in the region; the "Yak Donald's", this questions the good resources governance of this tourist hub. Far from being passive, but rather very proactive, this thesis shows how the Sherpas still control the territory and its touristic economy.

This research investigated the manner in which a group of African male students perceive and construct gender equality in the work place. A sample of 19 African male students within the University of Witwatersrand student population was used. The participants were aged between 19 and 30 years. This specific age range was chosen on the grounds that most students in this age range would have already formed specific views regarding gender equality. Individual and focus group interviews were the main methods of data collection; both types of interviews were conducted with this varied sample of African male students. The study was qualitative in nature and it employed thematic content analysis as a method of data analysis. Key themes were identified and discussed.The results indicated the contradictory nature of how men understand and accept equality. This was evident in how men tried to curb and undermine the empowerment of women in a manner that helped to advance the agenda of men. The participants used a varied number of strategies to try and argue for male power and control. These strategies were utilised as deemed contextually relevant by the men. This was especially relevant in how men were seen to negotiate their roles within the workplace in a manner that would align or help them be seen to be in favour of equal opportunities in the workplace yet in private and within their homes they were seemingly against the whole notion altogether.

Nesta tese apresentamos a contribuição da população Yao no contexto da luta armada de independência de Moçambique que teve lugar de 25 de setembro de 1964 a 7 de setembro de 1974. Nesta luta os Yao integraram-se ao movimento armado dirigido pela FRENTE DE LIBERTAÇÃO DE MOÇAMBIQUE (FRELIMO), organização nacionalista moçambicana, contra o governo colonial português, tendo se destacado no desenvolvimento dos setores oriental e sul do Niassa e no que este governo designou de Estrada de Mataca. A participação Yao, documentada em fontes coloniais portuguesas, esteve diretamente ligada na importância geoestratégica que este corredor desempenhava ao interligar a Tanzânia, onde estava sediada a FRELIMO, as frentes militares do Niassa e o território do Malawi, pelo interior do Niassa, e os situou no interior do processo efetivo - político e militar - da disseminação do discurso nacionalista moçambicano. A análise da historiografia dos séculos XVIII, XIX e XX sobre os Yao permitiu observar a dinâmica do seu imaginário político que a despeito de suas experiências de poderio económico e militar e de dominação administrativa portuguesa demonstraram sua integração (não isenta de tensões e contradições) na luta armada de independência nacional do país. A pesquisa se baseou na documentação consultada no Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique, em Maputo, no Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (ANTT) e no Arquivo Histórico Militar, ambos em Lisboa. / In this thesis, we present the contribution of the Yao population in the context of the armed struggle for independence of Mozambique that took place from September 25, 1964 to September 7, 1974. In this struggle, the Yao joined the armed movement led by the FRONT OF LIBERATION OF MOZAMBIQUE (FRELIMO), a Mozambican nationalist organization, against the Portuguese colonial government, having distinguished itself in the development of the eastern and southern sectors of Niassa and what this government has designated as the \"Mataca Road\". The Yao participation, documented in Portuguese colonial sources, was directly linked to the geostrategic importance that this corridor played in interconnecting Tanzania (where FRELIMO was based), the Niassa military fronts and the Malawian territory, through the interior of Niassa, which placed them within the effective process - political and military - of the dissemination of the Mozambican nationalist discourse. The analysis of the historiography of the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries on the Yao made it possible to observe the dynamics of his political imagination which, despite his experiences of economic and military power and Portuguese administrative domination, demonstrated his integration (not free of tensions and contradictions) in Armed struggle of the country\'s national independence. The research was based on the documentation consulted in the Mozambican Historical Archive in Maputo, in the National Archive of the Torre do Tombo (ANTT) and in the Historical Military Archive, both in Lisbon.

A trajetória do Partido dos Trabalhadores, sobretudo a partir do início da década de 90, se notabilizou por um distanciamento cada vez maior de suas bases sociais, de suas práticas organizativas e de seu projeto político de transformação da sociedade brasileira. Diante disso, o chamado trabalho de base, que caracterizou a construção dos movimentos populares e sindicais que ajudaram a formar o partido durante as décadas de 70 e 80, foi sendo abandonado como estratégia de construção política. O resultado foi o retrocesso organizativo e político da classe trabalhadora, agora enxergada pelos dirigentes do partido meramente como massa eleitoral e uma conseqüente dificuldade, ou mesmo impossibilidade, de mobilizar a classe para a luta por seus direitos e, em última instância, para a transformação das estruturas da sociedade brasileira. Retomando momentos importantes da história dos movimentos populares no Brasil - principalmente as primeiras décadas do século, marcada pela hegemonia do anarco-sindicalismo, bem como a década de 70, em que as CEBs foram protagonistas da organização dos movimentos populares fomos buscar elementos que nos permitam resgatar as principais características que marcaram o trabalho de base realizado por tais organizações da classe trabalhadora, a fim de que sirvam de elementos para a reflexão a respeito da necessária retomada do trabalho de base no interior das classes populares no Brasil contemporâneo, marcada pela hegemonia de um projeto que não contempla as verdadeiras necessidades do povo brasileiro. Finalmente, buscamos, na recente experiência de organização de movimentos populares urbanos surgidos na última década na Argentina, algumas práticas e reflexões que podem nos ajudar a pensar o desafio posto para a esquerda brasileira nos dias de hoje. / The trajectory of the Labor Party, especially since the early 90s, was emphasized by a growing divide their social bases, their organizational practices and their original political project of transformation of Brazilian society. Given this, the \"ground work\" that characterized the construction of popular movements and unions that helped shape the party during the 70\'s and 80\'s, was abandoned as a strategy for political integration. The result was the decline and organizational politics of the working class, then see the party leaders as merely \"electoral weight\" and a consequent difficulty, if not impossible, to mobilize the class to fight for their rights and, ultimately, to structural change in Brazilian society. Picking up moments in the history of popular movements in Brazil - especially the first decades of the century, marked by the hegemony of anarcho-syndicalism, and the 70, where CEBs were protagonists of the organization of popular movements - we get indication on allow rescue the main characteristics that marked the \"ground work\" done by these organizations of the working class in order to serve as elements for reflection on the necessary revival of \"basic work\" within the popular classes in contemporary Brazil marked by the hegemony of a project that does not address the real needs of the Brazilian people. Finally, we look at the recent experience of organizing urban popular movements have arisen in the last decade in Argentina, and some practical considerations that can help us think about the challenge posed to the Brazilian left today.