This thesis tries to answer the question of how the night office sluthō d-lilyō has developed in the Syrian Orthodox Antiochian tradition as it is expressed in the Syrian Orthodox prayerbook of ܫܚܝܡܐ Šḥimō - which is the prayerbook used on ordinary weekdays and Saturdays throughout the liturgical year except for the great Lent. One of the main liturgical scholars of the 20th century, Robert F. Taft S.J. (+ 2018), refined the methods of Anton Baumstark (+ 1948) and Juan Mateos S.J. (+ 2003), and studied how the Liturgy and Liturgy of the Hours have grown during the centuries. This thesis uses the method(s) of Taft and studies how the night office has grown by comparing the structure of this office in six manuscripts from the Monastery of Mor Gabriel in Tur-’Abdin – one of the major monasteries in the Syrian Orthodox world. The oldest manuscript in our study is dated to 1474 C.E. (perhaps the oldest dated MS of the Šḥimō in the entire world). Few studies have looked into how the Šḥimō tradition has changed during the centuries and in this thesis we will take the night office as an example of liturgical growth and development.

This thesis examines the study of images in International Relations (IR). Even though images play an important role in global politics, images have received little attention by IR scholars. In this thesis I aim to answer how images can be studied. I conduct two analyses, which I call ‘single image analysis’, and ‘multiple images analysis’ to answer the research question of ‘how did images of children in the Syrian war shape global political narratives and identities´. I argue that images of children in the Syrian war though their emotional value (re)produced as Syrian identity of ‘misery’, ‘chaos’, and ‘hopelessness’. And images (re)produced narratives of who is ‘good’ and ‘bad’. Two analyses are conducted to discuss the different ways images can be analysed. I argue that single image analysis and the multiple images analysis have their own strengths and weaknesses and applicable in different cases. Also, I argue further theoretical and methodological discussions on how to study images would benefit IR as a whole.

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This paper explores the employment integration of Syrian refugees in the Swedish labor market, focusing on Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö. As the largest migrant group in Sweden, Syrians face significant challenges in labor market integration. Understanding the key factors influencing their employment is crucial. By utilizing existing quantitative survey data collected from Syrian refugees in these cities, the study seeks to understand what key factors influence their employment levels. The study’s findings demonstrate that education and language proficiency often correlate with higher employment levels. Regional context also plays a role, with geographic location affecting employment prospects. Moreover, subjective discriminatory experiences are shown to negatively impact employment outcomes, highlighting the need for inclusive practices. Gender disparities are evident, with males consistently demonstrating higher employment levels than females, posing questions on gender roles. This research highlights avenues for improving the employment integration of Syrian refugees.

In den Diskussionen zu Globalisierung und Global Governance wird häufig darauf hingewiesen, dass Staaten und zwischenstaatliche Organisationen allein nicht in der Lage sind, die verstärkt auftretenden transnationalen Probleme zu lösen. Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs) gelten als Hoffnungsträger, die Problemlösungskompetenzen beisteuern und die Legitimität internationaler Politik verbessern könnten. Obwohl die UNESCO bereits seit 1945 eine ausgeprägte und institutionalisierte Zusammenarbeit mit der Zivilgesellschaft pflegt, lassen viele politikwissenschaftliche Studien über die Einbeziehung von NGOs durch internationale Organisationen die UNESCO völlig unberücksichtigt. In Arbeiten zu globalen öffentlichen Gütern bleibt die UNESCO ebenso unter-belichtet. Der Fokus richtet sich vor allem auf Umwelt und Klima. Doch das Weltkulturerbe ist gleichfalls ein globales öffentliches Gut. Mit dem Welterbeprogramm ruft die UNESCO alle Menschen weltweit auf, auch die Kulturstätten anderer Völker als ihr eigenes kulturelles Erbe zu begreifen und sich für dessen Erhaltung einzusetzen. Seit der von der UNESCO initiierten Rettung der nubischen Kulturstätten in den 1960er Jahren etablierte sich ein spannendes transnationales Politikfeld – leider wenig beachtet von der Politikwissenschaft. Wird in Medien über das Welterbe berichtet, findet die UNESCO meist nur im Zusammenhang mit der Verleihung des Welterbetitels Erwähnung. Von der Öffentlichkeit kaum wahrgenommen, hat die UNESCO auch die Aufgabe, Welterbestätten zu überwachen und ggf. Hilfsprogramme zu initiieren. Diese Studienarbeit wird politikwissenschaftliches Licht auf die Interaktionen zwischen UNESCO und Zivilgesellschaft zum Schutze von gefährdetem Kulturerbe werfen. Dabei konzentriere ich mich auf die Notfallmaßnahmen für die Kulturgüter in Syrien, die seit Beginn der kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen im Jahr 2011 massiv von Zerstörung und illegaler Entwendung bedroht sind. Eine umfassende Analyse aller Beziehungen zwischen NGOs und UNESCO im Rahmen der Arbeit ist unmöglich. Ich wählte deshalb die NGO ‚Heritage for Peace‘ aus, um an diesem Beispiel zu zeigen, aus welchen Gründen und in welchen Bereichen die UNESCO mit NGOs kooperiert bzw. welche Gründe dagegen sprechen. Theoretisch angeleitet wird die Arbeit von der Ressourcentausch-Theorie. Die Untersuchung beginne ich mit einer kurzen Darstellung des Kulturgutschutzes durch die UNESCO und der Situation, in der sich die syrischen Kulturgüter gegenwärtig befinden.

Notre recherche interroge les modalités selon lesquelles une pratique artistique peut constituer un vecteur de contestation en contexte autoritaire. Elle se situe à l’intersection de deux aires de questionnement. D’une part, elle examine les multiples rapports qu’un monde de l’art peut entretenir avec un monde politique, éclairant les enjeux politiques qui traversent un champ cinématographique fortement dépendant de l’État, ainsi que les pratiques contestataires spécifiques qui y ont court. D’autre part, elle explore des formes de contestation qui se déploient à la marge d’un espace politique verrouillé, mettant au jour certains mécanismes de l’autoritarisme observés dans les négociations, arrangements et conflits entre acteurs du monde cinématographique et acteurs de l’appareil bureaucratique et étatique. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons comment les relations sociales qui se tissent autour de l’organisation et du fonctionnement de la production cinématographique polarisent et réfractent certaines pratiques et enjeux spécifiques au champ politique tout en les reformulant. Nous plaçons ensuite l’analyse au cœur des films afin de repérer et de décrire, à partir des différents procédés propres au langage cinématographique, des thématiques, des catégories et des objets qui relèvent du politique, sur lesquels les cinéastes posent un regard critique, alors même que l’expression d’une opinion contestataire dans l’espace public s’avère problématique / Our research investigates how an artistic activity can also be a vehicle for contention within an authoritarian context. It relies at the crossroad of two areas of questioning. On the one hand, we explore the various interactions between an art world and a political world, shedding light on the political logics at stake in a cinematographic field greatly dependent upon the state, as well as on the contentious practices emerging from this particular configuration. On the other hand, we scrutinize contention expressed at the margin of a locked political space, unveiling some mechanisms of authoritarianism produced by negotiations, arrangements and conflicts between actors belonging to the cinematographic world and actors of the bureaucratic apparatus. At first, we examine how the social relationships woven around the organization and the functioning of film production polarize and refract practices and issues proper to the political field while reformulating them. Then we shift the focus of our analysis on the very heart of the films to locate and describe, from the specific tools of the film language, subjects, categorizations and objects dealing with politics, upon which filmmakers cast a critical eye, whereas contentious expression in the public sphere proves to be problematic

Cette thèse traite la question des frontières terrestres du Liban selon les règles et la jurisprudence du droit international public. Elle retrace la composition du bloc territorial libanais en se référent aux archives des Etats mandataires au Levant, la France et l’Angleterre, pour comprendre le choix et la répartition entre les Etats des frontières actuelles. Cette étude passe ensuite à analyser la spécificité juridique de chaque tronçon de la frontière libanaise et à étudier les règles de droit international qui lui sont applicables. En effet, la frontière libanaise n’est pas homogène dans son étendue, elle se découpe en plusieurs secteurs représentant chacun une spécificité juridique propre. Ainsi, la frontière au Sud et au Nord et une partie de la frontière Est, sont régit par des conventions de frontières établies par le mandat français, alors que le reste de la frontière Est, est régit par l’application de la règle de l’uti possidetis juris. L’étude s’arrête également sur les secteurs litigieux de la frontière entre le Liban et Israël dans le secteur du Sud d’un coté, et le Liban et la Syrie dans le secteur Est de la frontière d’un autre coté. Elle avance également une nouvelle approche pour le règlement du litige des Hameaux de Chebaa entre ces trois pays frontaliers avec l’intervention des Nations Unies. / This thesis addresses the issue of the Lebanese boundaries in accordance with the rules and jurisprudence of international law. It retraces the composition of the Lebanese territorial block referring to the mandatory archives of the States in the Levant, France and England, to understand the selection and allocation among the present boundaries between the States. The study goes on to analyze the legal specificity of each section of the Lebanese border and to study the rules of international law applicable to it. Indeed, the Lebanese border is not homogeneous in its scope; it is divided into several sectors each representing a specific legal entity. Thus, the Southern and Northern borders and part of the Eastern border, are governed by boundaries conventions established by the French mandate, while the rest of the eastern border, is governed by the application of the uti possidetis juris rule. The study also stops on the disputed sectors from the areas between Lebanon and Israel in the South from one side, and Lebanon and Syria in the eastern border on the other side. It also suggests a new approach of the Chebaa’s Farms dispute between these three neighboring countries with the United Nations’ intervention.

Esta pesquisa analisa a presença de imigrantes sírios e libaneses no Acre, a partir de duas perspectivas distintas. Na primeira, partimos da análise das memorias reminiscentes de dois descendentes da segunda geração de imigrantes, cujas narrativas, reconstituem a trajetória de vida de seus pais, descrevendo as estratégias e os arranjos sociais necessários para conviverem, se estabelecerem e se integrarem à sociedade acolhedora. As narrativas demonstram o entrelaçamento entre o discurso idealizado sobre a memória dos antepassados com a história de vida dos próprios narradores. Na segunda abordagem, pesquisamos em fontes judiciais elementos que demonstrassem a interação dos imigrantes, enquanto grupo, com a sociedade local. Para tanto, analisamos os processos post mortem para compreendermos o perfil dos imigrantes no Acre: como viviam; se casados ou solteiros; em que trabalhavam; como o grupo interagia internamente e com a sociedade local; como morriam; qual o patrimônio que conseguiram formar ao longo da vida; quem era beneficiado com heranças. Nos Inquéritos Policiais e Processos Criminais, analisamos a interação entre homens sírios e libaneses com mulheres brasileiras, e a forma como delitos impactantes (estupros, defloramento e espancamentos) praticados por estes imigrantes contra mulheres locais eram encarados pela sociedade e pelo poder público. / This research analyses the presence of the Syrian and Lebanese immigrants in Acre (Brazil), from two different perspectives. In first perspective, we start from the analysis of two descendants of the second generation of immigrants reminiscent memories, whose narratives recount the life trajectory of their parents, describing strategies and the social arrangements needed to mingle, settle and integrate into the welcoming society. The narratives demonstrate the intertwining between the idealized discourse on the memory of their ancestors with the life story of the own narrators. In the second approach, we research judicial sources elements that demonstrate the interaction of immigrants as a group with the local society. To this end, we examined post mortem procedures to understand the profile of immigrants in Acre: how they lived; if they were married or single; which were their jobs; how they interacted internally and with the local society; how they died; what equity they could form over the life; who was benefited with inheritances. In the Police Investigations and Criminal Prosecutions, we analyze the interaction between Syrian and Lebanese men with Brazilian women, and how impactful delicts (rape, deflowering and beatings) practiced by these immigrants against local women were regarded by society and by the Government.

Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : Discours et pratiques.Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse du discours des élites politiques syriennes qui ont dominé la scène politique pendant la période 1946 – 1963, c'est-à-dire de l’indépendance jusqu’à l’arrivée au pouvoir du comité militaire du Ba`ath. Pour comprendre comment le discours s’est construit et comment il a été mis en pratique sur le terrain, nous avons classé les élites en trois catégories : libérale, militaire et émergentes (nationaliste, islamiste et communiste). Ces élites sont traitées aux niveaux politique et historique, mais aussi social, à partir de leur discours : sa formation, sa constitution et sa mise en œuvre. Nous nous sommes donc appuyés sur les documents produits par et sur les leaders : mémoires, discours, articles de presse, déclarations, statuts des partis…L'approche analytique comparative que nous avons choisie, basée sur les théories de Foucault, Bourdieu et Keller, nous a aidés à faire le lien entre le texte des discours et les contextes politiques, économiques, culturels et sociaux où ils étaient produits. Notre approche méthodologique nous a permis d'étudier l'histoire et les mécanismes de la formation des élites, les « acteurs sociaux », d'analyser les discours et de les comparer au niveau des concepts, des slogans et des pratiques. Nous avons observé que si le discours des élites politiques syriennes se voulait attaché à la modernité (société et État), leurs pratiques politiques demeuraient fortement influencées par leurs formations socio-culturelles, locales, idéologiques et par les conditions de la lutte pour le pouvoir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la Syrie. Ce discours fut « élitiste », notamment en ce qu’il incarnait les intérêts de la bourgeoisie et utilisé pour dissimuler la différence entre la théorie et la pratique. L’étude de cette période de l'histoire de la Syrie éclaire l’évolution de la situation du pays après ‎le ‎Printemps arabe de 2011. Elle aide ainsi à comprendre la réalité actuelle et contribue à répondre à certaines questions d’aujourd'hui à propos du conflit en cours en Syrie. / This research focuses on the discourse of the Syrian political elite that dominated the political scene from 1946 to 1963, in other words, from Independence until the Ba`ath military committee came to power. To understand how this discourse has been built and how it has been put into practice, elites have been divided into three categories: Liberal, military and emergent (nationalist, islamist, and communist). These elites are viewed from a political and a historical perspective, as well as a social one based on their discourse: its creation, its constitution and its application. We therefore relied on documents produced by and about leaders, their memoirs, speeches, press articles, statements and parties’ legal statuses.This research utilizes comparative analytical approach. Based on the theories of Foucault, Bourdieu and Keller, which establishes a link between the text of the discourse and the political, economic and cultural contexts in which it has been produced. Moreover, the methodological approach allows one to study the history and the formation of the elites, the “social actors,” as well as, perform an analysis of discourses based on their different concepts, slogans and practices. This research showed that if the Syrian political elite’s discourse appears to be committed to modernity (society and State), their political practices remain strongly influenced by their socio-cultural, local and ideological constitution. It is also influenced by the requirements of the power struggle inside and outside of Syria. This discourse is “elitist” especially because it represents the interests of the upper class/bourgeoisie and further, it is used to conceal the difference between theory and practice. Studying this period of Syrian history creates an understanding of Syria’s evolution after the Arab Spring. It therefore helps in grasping the current situation and answering questions about the Syrian conflict.

Esta pesquisa analisa a presença de imigrantes sírios e libaneses no Acre, a partir de duas perspectivas distintas. Na primeira, partimos da análise das memorias reminiscentes de dois descendentes da segunda geração de imigrantes, cujas narrativas, reconstituem a trajetória de vida de seus pais, descrevendo as estratégias e os arranjos sociais necessários para conviverem, se estabelecerem e se integrarem à sociedade acolhedora. As narrativas demonstram o entrelaçamento entre o discurso idealizado sobre a memória dos antepassados com a história de vida dos próprios narradores. Na segunda abordagem, pesquisamos em fontes judiciais elementos que demonstrassem a interação dos imigrantes, enquanto grupo, com a sociedade local. Para tanto, analisamos os processos post mortem para compreendermos o perfil dos imigrantes no Acre: como viviam; se casados ou solteiros; em que trabalhavam; como o grupo interagia internamente e com a sociedade local; como morriam; qual o patrimônio que conseguiram formar ao longo da vida; quem era beneficiado com heranças. Nos Inquéritos Policiais e Processos Criminais, analisamos a interação entre homens sírios e libaneses com mulheres brasileiras, e a forma como delitos impactantes (estupros, defloramento e espancamentos) praticados por estes imigrantes contra mulheres locais eram encarados pela sociedade e pelo poder público. / This research analyses the presence of the Syrian and Lebanese immigrants in Acre (Brazil), from two different perspectives. In first perspective, we start from the analysis of two descendants of the second generation of immigrants reminiscent memories, whose narratives recount the life trajectory of their parents, describing strategies and the social arrangements needed to mingle, settle and integrate into the welcoming society. The narratives demonstrate the intertwining between the idealized discourse on the memory of their ancestors with the life story of the own narrators. In the second approach, we research judicial sources elements that demonstrate the interaction of immigrants as a group with the local society. To this end, we examined post mortem procedures to understand the profile of immigrants in Acre: how they lived; if they were married or single; which were their jobs; how they interacted internally and with the local society; how they died; what equity they could form over the life; who was benefited with inheritances. In the Police Investigations and Criminal Prosecutions, we analyze the interaction between Syrian and Lebanese men with Brazilian women, and how impactful delicts (rape, deflowering and beatings) practiced by these immigrants against local women were regarded by society and by the Government.