<p>Central Asia is a region strategically located at the crossroads of the two continents: Asia and Europe. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources represented by oil, gas, coal and water resources.</p><p>The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’,  an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties.</p><p>The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc.</p><p>Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between the Central Asian states and the European Union Member States actively cooperating with these countries is characterised.</p><p>The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed.</p><p>In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented.</p><p>The European Union’s policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the research.</p>

Within the last ten years HIV rates in Central Asia have more than quadrupled amongst the general population. Labor migrants from the region who are working in Russia are considered at high risk of HIV infection due to risky sexual practices. Similar behavior has been documented among labor migrants in sub Saharan Africa. By reviewing medical data and literature written by international health professionals in both regions, I analyze the chain of sexual contact of labor migrants within female partners that contribute to the spread of HIV from Russia to the general population within Central Asia. I use Tajikistan as a case study. The findings of this study recommend that existing behavior modification strategies need to recognize existing gender structures when addressing at risk populations. They must also emphasize collaboration with community religious leaders and civil society organizations to promote effective and appropriate HIV/AIDS education efforts in order to curb the growing prevalence rates among male labor migrants in Central Asia. / text

Close to two decades after the break-up of the Soviet Union, there is still a marked difference in developmental paths, including institutional as well as economic development and performance among the states emerging from the ruins of the vast empire. Turning attention to the least successful post-Soviet region, Central Asia, and Tajikistan in particular, this thesis provides a contribution to the discussion of how to institutionalize social power and build the foundations for political community in post-colonial societies. It is argued here that increased institutional stability may be achieved through inter-organizational cooperation among main actors within an institutional setting. Through the dispersion of intra- and inter-organizational effects of cooperation beyond the action situations where they are produced, several goals may be achieved. These are increased predictability, transparency and durability in governance, a more equitable distribution of wealth, and (in relation to the kinship-foundation of Tajik society) the embracing of kin-divisions in society. The study examines how and why organizations decide to get involved in cooperative collective activities within the Tajik cotton industry, an industry infamous for its unscrupulous financing schemes to which local investors tie farmers; schemes lacking business ethics and the interconnection of the social and economic with political relations. The study, through an embedded case study of one project (the Farmers’ Ownership Model), also examines the institutional implications of inter-organizational collective activities. The study’s empirical base is a combination of data derived from literature, reports, reviews of official documents, as well as from interviews and an expert survey conducted among organizational representatives with expert knowledge on the Tajik cotton industry.                The results suggest that it is possible to divide the forms of cooperation into three broad categories; business based cooperation, development and support-based cooperation and unilateral cooperative activity. The latter category contains interactions based on helping as well as on coercion. The motives for cooperating follow the same divisions, with profit and position-related motives dominating business-based cooperation. Development and support-based cooperation are primarily motivated by non-profit factors, such as community-(re)building and knowledge enhancement, as well as position-related motives. Within the group of unilateral interactions, the same divisions valid for business-based cooperation (unilateral cooperative activity based on coercion) and development and support-based cooperation (unilateral cooperative activity based on helping) are found. The actors approached for this study confirm that the institutional setting is “difficult” and that the social and political climate is not supportive of inter-organizational cooperative collective activities. Despite this, the actors agree that the time is right for cooperative efforts. The implications of inter-organizational cooperative collective activities within the frameworks of the examined Farmers’ Ownership Model project are many and important from a stabilizing perspective. Numerous strategic effects have been identified, among which is the creation of the first open farmer-owned joint stock company in the country, providing crop financing, high quality input, and technical assistance to the farmers in the northern Sugd region.  This is the most tangible effect, as is legislative change related to the marketing of cotton. The learning and knowledge-creation effects as a result of inter-organizational interactions within the project are also substantial. Client as well as non-client farmers have, through the technical assistance provided through the project company, managed to improve awareness in terms of their legal status. In addition, the technical assistance component of the project has served to improve productivity and the quality of the cotton grown. Despite indications of attitudinal changes within the action situations examined, there is no clear-cut evidence of trust effects at the institutional level. The results of empirical examination of the Tajik cotton industry to a large extent support the central thesis of the study.

The interest in studying the effects of armed conflict and LGBTs have increased significantly in the last decade. Mainly due to the international recognition and increased reporting of violations against said group. Moreover, previous studies have mainly been within-case studies focusing on the state or rebel groups as the main perpetrators. This paper moves beyond these and explore why LGBTs are targeted to different extents across conflicts. Thus, the paper asks the following research question: "Why is the LGBT community more vulnerable in some armed conflicts than in others?". The paper argues that armed conflict duration fuels militarisation, which increases honour ideology over time. The process results in the polarisation of masculine and feminine ideals. Finally, as LGBTs inherently challenge the gender system, they are targeted by both civilians and the state. Hence, the hypothesis is, “The longer an armed conflict continues, the more vulnerable the LGBT community becomes.”. The paper uses structured focused comparison and data from 63 reports to conduct three within-case analyses and a cross-case comparison to answer the above question. The results and analyses indicate preliminary support for the hypothesis.

This work focuses on the influence of terror, extremism, trafficking and corruption on the regional security of Central Asia, with a particular emphasis on Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is regarded as the most stable and financially developed state in Central Asia, yet domestic and regional stability are threatened by the rise in extremism, narcotics trafficking, institutional corruption and acts of terrorism. The challenges of trafficking and extremism within the region originated from outside of Central Asia. Foreign organizations and ideologies are significant actors in progression of regional instability. Government response to these challenges can perpetuate or stymie the aforementioned threats to regional security. Repressive regimes inadvertently contribute to the propaganda of the non-state foes. A prominent solution is the international program referred to as border management. This program aims to support border security while also promoting economic growth and ensuring the protection of human rights. Improved borders promotes regional security, economic growth can potentially undermine the growth of corruption and human rights protection can undermine a large part of extremist propaganda.

After 1991 five countries emerged out of the fall of the Soviet Union to create a new region: Central Asia. No longer dominated by Soviet rule these countries fought to overcome barriers to independence and struggled to be seen by the international community as developed countries. However, these countries were far from developed and had to pay the high cost of human rights to get what they desired. This study researches and analyzes how Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan have traded the rights of women to achieve a placebo of development. Two of the largest violations of women’s rights that have manifested because of the government’s direct actions are domestic abuse and sex trafficking. The government’s structure and leadership, the economic opportunity for women, and the cultural acceptance have all been orchestrated by the government to create a society where women’s rights are unheard of. The actions taken by the three governments seem extensive on paper and international covenants yet are never implemented to help society. Through this research women’s rights in the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan are examined through the prevalence and acceptance of both domestic violence and sex trafficking. The international conventions, domestic policies, and actions taken by political leaders are examined to better understand the underlying reasons that contribute to the persistence of these attitudes.

Die vorliegende Arbeit wollte eine Antwort auf die Frage geben, was das wirtschaftliche und soziale Handeln tadschikischer Kolchosbauern seit den 1960er Jahren leitete. Das Kernargument der Arbeit ist, dass die Bauern auch nach der Industrialisierung der Agrarproduktion an einem vorindustriellen Wirtschaftshandeln festhielten. Zum vorindustriellen Wirtschaftsverhalten gehörten zum einen familiengetragene Bauernwirtschaften, zum anderen bewährte Formen von Reziprozität wie Patron-Klientel-Strukturen, redistributive Ausgaben für die Dorfgemeinschaft und die kollektive Nutzung von Ressourcen. Das Konzept, dass die Existenz im Sinne der vormodernen moral economy über soziale Bindungen gesichert wird, hatte während der Sowjetperiode Bestand. Die Fortdauer einer vormodernen Wirtschaftsgesinnung zeigt sich auch darin, dass die Bauern in den peripheren Gebieten (Kaukasus, Mittelasien) stärker als die Bauern in den zentralen Regionen der Sowjetunion die persönliche Nebenerwerbswirtschaft für die Steigerung ihres Einkommens nutzten. Die Steigerung der privaten Hoflandproduktion seit den 1960er Jahren ging mit einer sozialen und kulturellen Re-Traditionalisierung einher. Dank der konzilianten Haltung, die die Brežnev-Führung gegenüber den Muslimen einnahm, und den gestiegenen Einnahmen aus dem informellen Sektor lebten lokales Brauchtum und lokale Festkultur wieder auf. Die Befunde zur sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Situation in der Maxim-Gorki-Kolchose stellen die von James Scott vorgebrachte These in Frage, wonach die sowjetische Agrarmodernisierung als Misserfolg einzuschätzen sei. Die sowjetische Transformation brachte an der tadschikischen Peripherie eine komplexe Variante der Moderne hervor, in der sowjetische und traditionelle Identitäten gleichzeitig nebeneinander gut funktionierten. Diese subjektiven und lokalen Perspektiven müssen ebenso bei der Frage berücksichtigt werden, ob man das Verhältnis zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie als kolonial bezeichnen kann. / The present doctoral dissertation aimed to explore economic and social motives behind peasant activities in Tajik kolkhozes since the 1960s. The core-argument of the dissertation is that the Soviet agrarian modernization production could not overcome the peasants’ preindustrial mentality. Like pre-modern societies the rural Tajik communities were shaped by the family household economy and by different patterns of reciprocity such as the exchange of food, protective patron-clientele-relationships, the collective use of village resources and prestigious, redistributive expenditures of village elites. The concept that social ties secure one’ s existence as defined by the moral economy endured during the Soviet Period. The persistence of a preindustrial mentality also become apparent that the peasants of the Soviet periphery more intensely than the peasants of the central regions used the “personal garden plot economy”. The rise of the family production in the Brezhnev-Era went along with a social, cultural and political re-traditionalisation. Due to a more conciliatory attitude towards the Muslims and against the backdrop of the declining ideological appeal of Communism in the Brezhnev era, the kolkhoz farmers began to spend the increased revenues from the private fruit and vegetable trade for costly celebrations of life-cycle and religious holidays. In Tajikistan, the establishment of the new district (oblast') Kurganteppa in 1976, offered the opportunity to purchase posts in politics and administration. The findings concerning the social and economic situation in the Maxim-Gorki-Kolkhoz challenge James Scott’s thesis, that the Soviet agrarian modernization has to be regarded as a failure. The Soviet transformation generated a complex form of modernity, which smoothly combined traditional and Soviet identities. These local perspectives also have to be taken into account in the debate, if the relationship between Moscow and its Central Asian periphery was colonial or not.

In simultaneously pursuing commercial and social goals, specialist microfinance organisations (MFOs) are leading examples of social enterprises working in development. Yet evidence of the feasibility of such ‘double bottom line’ management is limited. The thesis takes a comparative case study approach to investigating the dynamics of a social enterprise model of microfinance, with particular emphasis on its role in promoting employment related goals. Case study material consists primarily of the experience of two Central Asian MFOs that participated in an action research project ‘Microfinance for Decent Work’ implemented by the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Data was obtained through participant observation, staff interviews, client level surveys, and it also includes reflective practice arising from my participation in the ILO project as a consultant to both MFOs between 2008 and 2012. The findings are mixed. One of the MFOs was more strongly internally motivated to achieve social goals, and was more successful in implementing social performance management initiatives. The other was motivated more by the goal to demonstrate social performance to external stakeholders, and was less responsive to the evidence generated. The thesis also illustrates both path dependence in the evolution of social performance management, and the limited capacity of external agencies such as the ILO to influence the institutionalisation of development management within MFOs.

No description available.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) first came into being as a result of border negotiations between Russia and China but evolved shortly thereafter into more than this. A regional organization comprised of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and China the SCO’s mandate now encompasses trade and security. Most secondary literature on this organization tends to detail the interests of its constituent members, while overlooking the historical relationships underlying the SCO’s growth and evolution. This thesis argues that Russia’s long-standing relationships with the states of Central Asia created the conditions making the SCO a necessary tool of Russian foreign policy, while Moscow’s relations with China and the US have driven the development of the group. It concludes that the SCO has become the most viable of Central Asia’s regional organizations because it has effectively resolved contradictions and conflicts in Russia’s relationships with the other SCO members.