Questa tesi contribuisce alla letteratura di economia politica attraverso l’analisi degli effetti di una crisi economica sulla tipologia di governo. In particolare, ci si concentra su due tipologie di governo che possono essere viste come anomalie empiricamente correlate a fenomeni di crisi economica e finanziaria: il populismo e la tecnocrazia. Dopo una rassegna critica della letteratura esistente, si sviluppano due distinti modelli di teoria dei giochi. Il primo analizza il populismo nel contesto di una relazione principale-agente tra l’elettore e il politico. Concentrandosi su come la probabilità che si affermi un governo populista è influenzata dai parametri che catturano la situazione economica del Paese, si dimostra che, in un contesto di crisi economica, è più probabile che il governo attui provvedimenti populisti. Il secondo modello spiega la comparsa di un governo tecnocratico (e in parte anche la sua stabilità) in un sistema politico in cui gli agenti principali sono due partiti e, in alcuni casi, un gruppo di tecnocrati. Qui si prova che il governo tecnocratico ha più probabilità di emergere in un contesto di crisi economica, quando il parlamento è equamente diviso e quando la distanza ideologica tra i due partiti è sufficientemente grande. / This thesis contributes to the literature on theoretical political economy analyzing the effects of economic crisis on the types of government. In particular, we focus on two types of government that can be seen as anomalies empirically related with the emergence of financial and economic crisis: populism and technocracy. After a critical survey of the existing literature on those topics, we develop two different game-theoretical models. The first one studies populism in the context of a standard political-agency relationship between a voter and a politician. We see how the likelihood of the emergence of a populist government is affected by parameters representing the economic conditions of a country, and we find that, in a context of economic crisis, the government is more likely to make populist decisions. The second model explains the emergence of a technocratic government (and captures some issues related to its stability) in a post-election partisan politics setting where the main players are two parties and possibly a group of technocrats. We prove that the technocratic government is more likely to emerge in a context of economic crisis, when the parliament is evenly split and the ideological distance between the two parties is big enough.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:35:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5811.pdf: 1336683 bytes, checksum: bf0fc9f43afb30253063d1c20082bc99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The central objective of this study is to clarify the technocratic formulations used by capitalism through the use of technical and scientific knowledge of the material world to intervene in the institutional structures of society with a view to organisation of socioeconomic system, especially in times of crises. Study the technocratic in the different historical contexts propositions involving the structures of society, the State and education in capitalist reality demanded theoretical references of sociology, economics, education, economic sociology, political economy, history and economics of education. We restrict our analysis to the compendium of universe theories that we believe are the more substantial for the realization of research, in order to identify the principles and/or foundations which characterized the technocratic proposals to the directors of the company and its implications for education. We divided the study in four different moments: in the first stage, we resorted to the writings of Saint Simon and Thorstein Veblen to characterize the technocracy in their socio-political aspects; in the second stage, we focus our analysis on the studies of Max Weber and the propositions of Frederick Taylor and Henri Fayol for expressing politicaladministrative character of the technocracy; in the third stage we analyze the theses of John Keynes and theories of Theodore Schultz to express political and economic purpose of interventionist technocracy; in the fourth stage, we examine criticisms and proposals of August Von Hayek and Milton Friedman to characterize the technocracy in his liberal political and economic disposition. We conclude that the fundamentals technocratic constitute the set of devices and strategies rationally constructed by highly skilled intellectuals in their fields of expertise to mediate, monitor, control and direct the society and their relationship dynamics, considering aspects and economic, political and social conditions in accordance with the needs determined by the historical realities that characterize the capitalist universe. / O objetivo central deste estudo é o de explicitar as formulações tecnocráticas utilizadas pelo capitalismo, mediante o emprego do conhecimento técnico e científico do mundo material, para intervir nas estruturas institucionais da sociedade, tendo em vista a (re)organização do sistema socioeconômico, sobretudo em período de crises acentuadas. Estudar as proposições tecnocráticas nos distintos contextos históricos que envolveram as estruturas da sociedade, o Estado e a Educação na realidade capitalista exigiu referenciais teóricos da sociologia, da economia, da educação, da sociologia econômica, da economia política, da história e da economia da educação. Limitamos o nosso universo de análise ao compêndio das teorias que entendemos serem as mais substanciais para a realização da pesquisa, na perspectiva de identificar os princípios e/ou fundamentos que caracterizaram as propostas tecnocráticas para a administração da sociedade e suas implicações para a educação. Dividimos o estudo em quatro momentos distintos: no primeiro estágio, recorremos aos escritos de Saint Simon e de Thorstein Veblen para caracterizar a tecnocracia em seus aspectos político-sociais; no segundo estágio, concentramos as nossas análises nos estudos de Max Weber e nas proposições de Frederick Taylor e de Henri Fayol, para expressar o caráter políticoadministrativo da tecnocracia; no terceiro estágio analisamos as teses de John Keynes e as teorias de Theodore Schultz, para exprimir a finalidade político-econômica intervencionista da tecnocracia; e no quarto estágio, examinamos as críticas e proposições de August Von Hayek e de Milton Friedman, para caracterizar a tecnocracia em sua disposição políticoeconômica liberal. Concluímos que os fundamentos tecnocráticos constituem o conjunto de dispositivos e estratégias racionalmente construídos por intelectuais, altamente especializados em seus campos de atuação, para mediar, fiscalizar, controlar e dirigir a sociedade e suas dinâmicas relações, considerando os seus aspectos e condições econômicas, políticas e sociais, em função das necessidades determinadas pelas realidades históricas que caracterizam o universo capitalista.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:12:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5365.pdf: 1378751 bytes, checksum: b9c089fe63d5bbde24e4b76a396c2792 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-24 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / We presuppose the existence of an Ethics in Skinner's work. It reveals, at least, three aspects: a Metaethics, a Normative and an Applied Ethics, which will be detailed in the present investigation. Before this, we will try to present chronologically the development of his ideas related to this topic. We conclude that the Skinnerian Ethics may be considered as a Naturalistic one. We attempt to describe it. Inside the Naturalistic Ethics, Skinner proposes something interesting, relevant, well founded, both in relation to a methaethics as well as in relation to the principles for an applied ethics. There are questionable points, one of them indicated in our last work, that is the attempt to traduce/reduce prescriptive aspects into descriptive ones, disregarding the difference between the causal determinants for tacts and those for mands. In this approach, we will essay a depth analysis, identifying what maybe is the core, or final, aspect of this tension: the defense of a technocracy, a huge problem found in the Skinnerian Ethics. What would be the limit for the technical authority? Prescriptions based on scientific knowledge are fully appropriate and acceptable, but what would be the limit for the derivation of mands from scientific evidence? Is there an alternative? Our thesis is this: Skinnerian Ethics is a kind of Naturalistic Ethics, and its main limitation is the defense of a technocracy. / Partimos da suposição de que há uma ética na obra de Skinner. Ela se apresenta em, pelo menos, três aspectos: o metaético, o normativo e o aplicado, os quais serão detalhados neste trabalho. Antes disso, porém, ao longo da obra de Skinner, tentaremos acompanhar cronologicamente o desenvolvimento de suas propostas em relação ao tema. Concluiremos que a Ética Skinneriana pode ser classificada como naturalista. Buscaremos descrevê-la. Dentro do Naturalismo Ético, Skinner nos traz uma proposta interessante, relevante, bem fundamentada, tanto em relação a uma metaética, quanto aos princípios para uma ética aplicada. Há pontos questionáveis, um deles constatado em trabalho anterior, que diz respeito à tentativa de traduzir/reduzir aspectos prescritivos aos descritivos, desconsiderando-se as diferenças entre os determinantes dos tatos e aqueles dos mandos. No presente trabalho, aprofundaremos a questão, identificando o que talvez seja o aspecto central, ou final, dessa tensão: a defesa da tecnocracia, um grande problema encontrado na Ética Skinneriana. Qual seria, então, o limite da autoridade técnica? Prescrições fundamentadas em conhecimentos científicos são plenamente cabíveis e aceitáveis, mas qual seria o limite da derivação de imperativos a partir de evidências científicas? Há alternativas? Nossa tese, portanto, é esta: a Ética Skinneriana é uma variante do Naturalismo Ético, sendo sua principal limitação a defesa da tecnocracia.

This dissertation has the ambition to contribute to the understanding of the economic system in Czechoslovakia during the post-war socialist transformation and the subsequent consolidation of the communist regime in the 1950s. The means of knowledge is the state economic plan, which has gradually become one of the key determinants of the Czechoslovak economy after the Second World War. The process of forming a system of state-controlled economy is monitored from the field of view of selected industry - brewing. The importance of the brewing industry consists in the deep-rooted specifics of beer consumption in Czech society. The research focuses on the penetration of post-war national, social and economic transformations through Czechoslovak production and beer consumption. It focuses on the limits of business freedom in brewing industry in the period of the Third Republic, transformation of private enterprise into collective forms of ownership, specifics and detail of the state plan and its formation in the context of crucial domestic political and international events. The results of the dissertation provide information about the mechanism of state economic planning, the development of traditional Czech industry and beer consumption in the period of state socialism, and at the same time provide...

[pt] A presente dissertação sob o título de O ser humano, um ser de relação: a Ecologia Integral como caminho de reintegração e reconciliação, busca adentrar o campo da antropologia teológica tendo como inspiração maior a Encíclica Laudato Si. Nela o Papa Francisco nos apresenta os grandes impactos da crise socioambiental que atravessamos e alternativas para seu enfrentamento. Essa crise é também uma crise de humanidade, visto que a partir da modernidade com o surgimento do paradigma tecnocrático, houve uma mudança profunda na compreensão do ser humano que influenciou diretamente na forma com que ele estabelece seus vínculos. Ao se autodeclarar senhor, dominador e explorador da natureza por meio do aparato técnico, o ser humano vai pouco a pouco se distanciando da sua própria identidade e integralidade e seus relacionamentos passam a ser marcados pela superficialidade, pelo individualismo e pela falta de gratuidade. Ao colocarmos em evidência o conceito de Ecologia Integral queremos evocá-lo como um novo paradigma que substitua o tecnocrático. Um paradigma que efetive um processo de reumanização, onde o ser humano supere todo e qualquer dualismo e se reintegre enquanto pessoa. Além disso, certos de que o ser humano, é por natureza, um ser de relação, urge uma restauração de seus vínculos com Deus, com seus pares e com a natureza como uma espécie de movimento de reconciliação. Reconstruir o ser humano hoje é fundamental para pensarmos na existência futura da humanidade sobre a terra. / [en] The current dissertation under title The human being, a being of relationship: the Integral Ecology as reintegration and reconciliation path, as the objective to go into the teological antropology having as most inspiration the Laudato Si Encyclical. In the encyclical Pope Francis presents us the big impacts of socio-environmental crisis we are through and the alternatives to face it. This crisis is also a humanity crisis, seen from of the modernity with showing up of tecnocratical paradigm, there was a deep change in the human being comprehension that influenced directly on the way it is stablished its relationships. When self declaring lord, dominator and explorer of nature using technical apparatus, the human being goes litle by litle distancing of its own identity and completeness and its relationship become marked by superficiality, individualism and by lack of gratuity. When we bring the concecpt of Integral Ecology we want to evoke it as new paradigm to replace the technocratical. A paradigm that effective a rehumanization process where human being overcome all and any dualism and self reinteger as person. Besides, we are sure human being, is by nature, a being of relationship, urge its relationship restoration with God, with its pairs and with nature such as reconcialiation movement. Rebuild the human being today is fundamental for us to think future existence of humanity on earth.

Rapid industrialization, breakthroughs in science and technological development have ushered in an era regarded as a technocratic age. The advent of a technocratic age has necessitated the acquisition of technologically appropriate knowledge, skills and attitudes, and consequently it has become necessary to establish education systems that fulfil the demands set by technocratic age principles. Present-day education is typified by technocratic age imperatives which include meritocracy, specialization, vocationalism, professionalism and scientism. Technocratic age education is further characterized by mass education, free and compulsory education and greater bureaucratic control of education. In technocratic age education systems, entrance examinations are used to select learners for advanced education and training. It would appear that this takes place with little regard for the learner's personal worth or meeting the learner's distinctive needs. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

Rapid industrialization, breakthroughs in science and technological development have ushered in an era regarded as a technocratic age. The advent of a technocratic age has necessitated the acquisition of technologically appropriate knowledge, skills and attitudes, and consequently it has become necessary to establish education systems that fulfil the demands set by technocratic age principles. Present-day education is typified by technocratic age imperatives which include meritocracy, specialization, vocationalism, professionalism and scientism. Technocratic age education is further characterized by mass education, free and compulsory education and greater bureaucratic control of education. In technocratic age education systems, entrance examinations are used to select learners for advanced education and training. It would appear that this takes place with little regard for the learner's personal worth or meeting the learner's distinctive needs. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

This article analyzes the technocracy emergence in social sector, through the study of the Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion case, created in 2011 in response to one of the essential themes of Ollanta Humala’s electoral campaign: social inclusion. This paper aims to determine which factors led to the establishment of a technocracy linked to social policy in a country where it has been traditionally linked to political usage and patronage. There are three factors that explain the positioning of a technocracy in this ministry addressed throughout the article. On one hand, there was the presence of a consensus about the need for a technical management of this sector in the search of generating legitimacy and autonomy. On the other hand, it happened to be a favorable political environment characterized by a wide political support from the government. Finally, the wide discretion of the technical team in the design of MIDIS and during formation of the first ministerial body of bureaucrats allowed the emergence of a technocratic institution. To this end, this article describes development of the stages of the creation of the institution, design, approval and implementation and shows a corroboration of the technocratic profile of the initial top management team of this ministry. / El presente artículo analiza el surgimiento de una tecnocracia en un sector social, a través del caso del Ministerio de Desarrollo e Inclusión Social, creado en el 2011 en respuesta a uno de los ejes centrales de la campaña electoral de Ollanta Humala: la inclusión social. Este texto busca determinar qué factores permitieron el establecimiento de una tecnocracia vinculada a la política social en un país donde esta ha estado tradicionalmente vinculada a un manejo político y clientelar. A lo largo del artículo, se abordan tres factores que explican el posicionamiento de una tecnocracia en este ministerio. Por un lado, existió un consenso sobre la necesidad del manejo técnico de este sector en la búsqueda de generar legitimidad y autonomía. Por otro lado, se dio un entorno político favorable caracterizado por un vasto respaldo político del gobierno. Por último, el amplio margen de decisión de los técnicos en el diseño del MIDIS y en la conformación del primer cuerpo ministerial permite el surgimiento de una institución de carácter tecnocrático. Para ello, esta investigación describe el desarrollo de las etapas de creación de esta institución, de diseño, aprobación e implementación, así como presenta una corroboración del perfil tecnocrático del equipo inicial de alta dirección de este ministerio.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:53:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CARLOS FREDERICO LAGO BURNETT.pdf: 1742928 bytes, checksum: 191ff75fbac84f6cbc2d8f1e58549040 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-27 / FUNDAÇÃO DE AMPARO À PESQUISA E AO DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTIFICO E TECNOLÓGICO DO MARANHÃO / In the eighties, as a reaction to social-spatial inequity in Brazilian cities, the Urban Reform program sought to unify academy intellectuals and organized community entities in a movement for egalitarian and distributive urban policies. Partially recognized by the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, the ideas of the Urban Reform movement were subjected to those of urban planning, since the Urban Master Plan was declared the municipality s major instrument of urban policy. Initially disputed by the Urban Reform movement, due to its technocratic and segregationist character during the Brazilian military government, however regularized by the City Statute, the Urban Master Plan proposes to insure, since 2005, urbanized and well located land for the poorest in thousands of Brazilian cities. Despite the diminished popular participation, low rates of legislation approval and almost null implementation of its proposals, the Master Plan affirms itself as instrument of the Urban Reform and the Movement condenses itself in the Urban Planning Law as a way to achieve the city of all . By the means of a historical analysis of the twenty years that separate the criticism from the adhesion to the Urban Master Plan, supported by a theoretical study and field research on significant experiences of participative planning in Brazil, the present study shows that, by partaking the values of the bourgeoisie democracy and submitting the urban rights struggle to the institutional procedures of city planning, the Urban Reform Movement compromises the autonomy of social organizations and contributes to the capitalist accumulation and reproduction in the urban space, aggravating the tragedy of the cities. In this way, under the leadership of a technocratic elite and heavily influenced by the political and economic changes that have occurred in Brazil conservative democratic consolidation, neoliberalism s offensive and hegemony, political access of the Labor Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores PT) to federal government -, the institutionalization process of the Urban Reform project, through the fetishism of Participative Urban Master Plans, turns into sham the purposes of reformist urbanism. / Nos anos 80, como reação às desigualdades sócio-espaciais das cidades brasileiras, o projeto da Reforma Urbana logrou unificar, em torno de um movimento por política urbana igualitária e distributiva, intelectuais da Academia e entidades da organização popular. Parcialmente reconhecido pela Constituição Federal de 1988, o ideário da Reforma Urbana ficou subordinado ao planejamento urbano, pois o Plano Diretor foi declarado instrumento maior da política urbana municipal. Inicialmente contestado pelo movimento, por seu caráter tecnocrata e segregacionista durante o regime militar, mas regulamentado pelo Estatuto da Cidade e através de campanha nacional do Ministério das Cidades, o Plano Diretor se propõe garantir, a partir de 2005, terra urbanizada e bem localizada aos mais pobres em milhares de municípios do país. Apesar da reduzida participação popular, baixa taxa de aprovação da legislação e quase nula implementação de suas propostas, se afirma como instrumento de Reforma Urbana e o Movimento se concentra no Direito Urbanístico como meio para alcançar a cidade de todos . Através da análise histórica dos vinte anos que separam a crítica da adesão ao Plano Diretor, apoiada em estudo teórico e pesquisa de campo sobre experiências significativas de planejamento participativo no Brasil, este trabalho demonstra que, ao assumir valores da democracia burguesa e submeter a luta urbana aos procedimentos institucionais do planejamento, o Movimento da Reforma Urbana compromete a autonomia das organizações populares e contribui para acumulação e reprodução capitalista no espaço urbano, agravante da tragédia das cidades. Desta maneira, sob a liderança de uma elite tecnocrata e fortemente influenciado pelas mudanças políticas e econômicas ocorridas no país - consolidação democrática conservadora, ofensiva e hegemonia neoliberal, acesso do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao governo federal -, o processo de institucionalização do projeto da Reforma Urbana, por meio da fetichização dos Planos Diretores Participativos, transmuda em farsa a proposta do urbanismo reformista.

This study examined technocracy in Haiti in the Cold War era. It showed how Haitian and non-Haitian technicians navigated United States imperialism, Soviet ideology, and postcolonial nationalism to implement bold utopian visions in a country oppressed by poverty and dynastic authoritarianism. Throughout the mid-to-late twentieth century, technicians lavished Haiti with plans to improve the countryside, the city, the workplace, and the home. This study analyzed those plans and investigated the motivations behind them. Based on new evidence discovered in the private correspondence between Haitian, American, and Western European specialists, it questioned the assumption that technocracy was captivated by high-modernist ideology and US hegemony. It exposed how many technicians were inspired by a utopian desire to create a just society—one based not only on technical knowledge but also on humanist principles, such as liberty and equality. Guided by the utopian impulse, technicians occasionally disobeyed policymakers who wished to promote modernization and the capitalist world-economy. In many cases, however, they also upset the Haitian people, who believed technocracy was too exclusive. This study concluded that technicians were empowered by expertise but unable to build the utopias they envisioned because they were constantly at odds with both policymakers at the top and the people whose lives they planned.