The first wave of stateless nationalist mobilisation triggered decentralisation processes in several Western European states. Political autonomy provided European stateless nations with sub-state institutions with significant competences to manage their own affairs. Multinational federalism scholars have long debated whether political decentralisation to accommodate stateless nations appeases demands for secession or rather exacerbates them. Autonomous institutions created a new sub-state political system which political entrepreneurs, most significantly Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties, are able to exploit to put forward demands for further empowerment of sub-state institutions. In the last decade territorial demands have been progressively raised by political parties in some Western European stateless nations, thus casting doubt on the effectiveness of political decentralisation as a valid mechanism to prevent secession. Scotland voted on independence on September 2014 whereas Catalan nationalist parties have been attempting to hold their own referendum since 2013. By looking specifically at the effects of political party competition at the sub-state level, this research aims at providing an explanation for the dynamics of territorial demands that have led to a high saliency of the territorial question in many Western European multinational states. An in-depth qualitative analysis of party competition in Catalonia aims to provide a successful explanation for the escalation of territorial demands in that country, also taking into account the role played by central institutions and the increasing support that secession shown amongst the population. The Catalan case is compared to Flanders and Scotland to test whether the dynamics of party competition can tell us a bit more about the ongoing territorial demands put forward by political parties in these three countries. The territorial accommodation of multinational states have tended to be analysed from an institutionalist perspective whereas multi-level party competition has kept a blind eye on constitutional change. This research aims at contributing to the growing literature of sub-state party politics and its capacities to explain constitutional change processes.

Orientador: Eda Maria Góes / Banca: Raul Borges Guimarães / Banca: Silvio Simione da Silva / Resumo: O presente trabalho realiza um estudo sobre a formação territorial do Brasil e do Acre, como ponto de partida para se refletir sobre uma nova configuração das terras acreanas. O processo de emancipação de Vila Campinas, localizada no município de Plácido de Castro, Estado do Acre, é o recorte empírico utilizado para análise. O contexto de lutas pela criação de Estados, Territórios e Municípios é ressaltado para se fazer a conexão do local com o global. A Geografia Política dará o embasamento teórico para se analisarem os processos de construção e reconstrução de novos territórios. Na localidade estudada enfatizar-se-ão os seguintes aspectos para entender a sua formação: as migrações para o Estado nas décadas de 1970/19880, a implantação dos projetos de assentamentos como política de reforma agrária para a região amazônica e a articulação da Comissão Pró-Emancipação, que dará base para se aglutinar os olhares divergentes sobre a temática. / Abstract: The present work realize a study about the territorial formation of Brasil and of Acre, as staring point for us to think about a new configuration of the lands from Acre. The process of emancipation of Vila Campinas, located Plácido de Castro - Acre, is the impiric cutting used for analysis. The context of fights for the creation of States, Territories and Municipal districts is stood out for us to make the connection of the place with the global. The Political geography will give the theoretical basement to analyze the construction processes and reconstruction of new territories. In the planned place we will emphasize the following aspects to understand its formation: the migration for the State in 70s/80s, the implantation of the projects of establishment s like land reform politics for the Amazonian area and Comissão Pró- Emancipação, thtat will give base to agglutinate the divergent watch on the theme. / Mestre

Tese sobre as repercussões das políticas territoriais na reorganização do espaço geográfico, cuja realidade empírica atém-se ao atual estado do Maranhão, no período de 1920 a 2007. Para tanto, articularam-se categorias como Estado, políticas territoriais e fundos territoriais a partir do diálogo com uma gama de autores que de maneira direta e/ ou indireta analisaram as relações de tal processo. Neste caso, fezse uma visão retrospectiva da formação colonial e políticas territoriais no Brasil, incluindo-se o Maranhão até a conformação territorial de 1920. As políticas territoriais pós-1920 priorizaram o sistema de transportes e, a contar de 1942, envolveram os projetos de colonização e os de ordenação territorial, com destaque para os empreendimentos da CVRD e ALUMAR, que culminaram na apropriação de 189.089 km², o correspondente a 94,54% dos fundos territoriais e a 56,95% do espaço maranhense, o que exigiu melhoria da infra-estrutura através de estrada de ferro, ampliação da oferta de energia e a instalação de portos especializados. As políticas territorias também se expressam por trinta e uma unidades de conservação, dezessete terras indígenas e o Centro de Lançamento de Alcântara, que impuseram disciplina ao uso e à ocupação de 96.632,64 km², equivalentes a 29,10% da superfície maranhense e que ainda assim são submetidos a pressões de segmentos da sociedade, evidenciando conflitos. As políticas territoriais contemporâneas ampliaram a ocupação/ apropriação/ uso e exploração econômica através da sojicultura do PRODECER III que já se direcionou para o Baixo Parnaíba, área disponibilizada para projetos de assentamento, implantação de cinco territórios rurais, cento e trinta e seis comunidades quilombolas, políticas setoriais de transporte e energia, que continuam sendo as prioridades. / A thesis about the impact of territorial politics on the reorganization of geographic space, which empirical reality of state of the Maranhão, in the period from 1920 to 2007. For both, articulated up categories as state, territorial politics and territorial funds from dialogue with a range of authors which directly and/or indirect examined the relationship of this process. In this case, it was done a retrospective vision of the colonial formation and territorial politics in Brazil, to include Maranhão until territorial conformation from 1920. Territorial politics after 1920 priorited a system of transport and in 1942 involved the projects of colonization and the territorial ordering, with prominence to the business of CVRD and ALUMAR, which culminated in the appropriation of 189,089 km², equivalent to 94.54% of the territorial funds and 56.95% of space of the Maranhão, which demanded improvement of infra-structure through railroad, extending the supply of energy and installation of specialized ports. The territorial politics also are expressed by thirty-one units of conservation, seventeen indigenous lands and the Alcântara Casting Center, which impose discipline on the use and occupation of 96.632,64 km2, equivalent to 29.10% of the area that still of the Maranhão and which are submitics to pressure from segments of society, evidencing conflicts. The territorial politics contemporary amplifled the territorial occupation / appropriation/ use and economic exploitation through cultivation of soybeans of PRODECER III which already directioned to Baixo Parnaíba, area available for projects of settlement, five rural territories, one hundred and thirty-six quilombo communities, sectory political of transport and energy, which continued how priority.

In the recent history of the Brazilian Territorial Politics, we can observe the option for the elaboration and implementation of Politics for Territorial Arrangement, in a national level, which contemplates the contemporary management methodologies. This means, the decentralization and consequent social participation as also the articulation of actions between the different government instances, together with the idea of sustainable development. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the discussion regarding the national politics of Territorial Arrangement through the case of Brazil. The discussion is supported by observations, experiences and studies of the author, based on lectures and primary and secondary analysis, mainly on statistical and cartographical material from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), publications of the Brazilian National Integration Ministry (MIN), books and scientific magazine papers. / En la historia reciente de las políticas territoriales brasileñas se observa la opción por la elaboración e implantación de Políticas de Ordenamiento Territorial a nivel nacional, las cuales contemplan las metodologías de gestión contemporánea, o sea, la descentralización y consecuente participación social como también la articulación de acciones entre las diferentes instancias del gobierno. Asimismo se presenta la idea de sostenibilidad del desarrollo. El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir para la discusión respecto a las políticas nacionales de Ordenamiento Territorial trayendo el caso de Brasil. La discusión es fruto de observaciones, experiencias y estudios de la autora, con lecturas y análisis de fuentes primarias y secundarias, sobre todo material estadístico y cartográfico del Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadística (IBGE), publicaciones del Ministerio de Integración Nacional de Brasil (MIN), libros y artículos de revistas científicas.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-03-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:58:11Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_chp_me_prud.pdf: 2179547 bytes, checksum: 22028b09d217832bcf1685e3b1e267de (MD5) / O presente trabalho realiza um estudo sobre a formação territorial do Brasil e do Acre, como ponto de partida para se refletir sobre uma nova configuração das terras acreanas. O processo de emancipação de Vila Campinas, localizada no município de Plácido de Castro, Estado do Acre, é o recorte empírico utilizado para análise. O contexto de lutas pela criação de Estados, Territórios e Municípios é ressaltado para se fazer a conexão do local com o global. A Geografia Política dará o embasamento teórico para se analisarem os processos de construção e reconstrução de novos territórios. Na localidade estudada enfatizar-se-ão os seguintes aspectos para entender a sua formação: as migrações para o Estado nas décadas de 1970/19880, a implantação dos projetos de assentamentos como política de reforma agrária para a região amazônica e a articulação da Comissão Pró-Emancipação, que dará base para se aglutinar os olhares divergentes sobre a temática. / The present work realize a study about the territorial formation of Brasil and of Acre, as staring point for us to think about a new configuration of the lands from Acre. The process of emancipation of Vila Campinas, located Plácido de Castro - Acre, is the impiric cutting used for analysis. The context of fights for the creation of States, Territories and Municipal districts is stood out for us to make the connection of the place with the global. The Political geography will give the theoretical basement to analyze the construction processes and reconstruction of new territories. In the planned place we will emphasize the following aspects to understand its formation: the migration for the State in 70s/80s, the implantation of the projects of establishment s like land reform politics for the Amazonian area and Comissão Pró- Emancipação, thtat will give base to agglutinate the divergent watch on the theme.

Tese sobre as repercussões das políticas territoriais na reorganização do espaço geográfico, cuja realidade empírica atém-se ao atual estado do Maranhão, no período de 1920 a 2007. Para tanto, articularam-se categorias como Estado, políticas territoriais e fundos territoriais a partir do diálogo com uma gama de autores que de maneira direta e/ ou indireta analisaram as relações de tal processo. Neste caso, fezse uma visão retrospectiva da formação colonial e políticas territoriais no Brasil, incluindo-se o Maranhão até a conformação territorial de 1920. As políticas territoriais pós-1920 priorizaram o sistema de transportes e, a contar de 1942, envolveram os projetos de colonização e os de ordenação territorial, com destaque para os empreendimentos da CVRD e ALUMAR, que culminaram na apropriação de 189.089 km², o correspondente a 94,54% dos fundos territoriais e a 56,95% do espaço maranhense, o que exigiu melhoria da infra-estrutura através de estrada de ferro, ampliação da oferta de energia e a instalação de portos especializados. As políticas territorias também se expressam por trinta e uma unidades de conservação, dezessete terras indígenas e o Centro de Lançamento de Alcântara, que impuseram disciplina ao uso e à ocupação de 96.632,64 km², equivalentes a 29,10% da superfície maranhense e que ainda assim são submetidos a pressões de segmentos da sociedade, evidenciando conflitos. As políticas territoriais contemporâneas ampliaram a ocupação/ apropriação/ uso e exploração econômica através da sojicultura do PRODECER III que já se direcionou para o Baixo Parnaíba, área disponibilizada para projetos de assentamento, implantação de cinco territórios rurais, cento e trinta e seis comunidades quilombolas, políticas setoriais de transporte e energia, que continuam sendo as prioridades. / A thesis about the impact of territorial politics on the reorganization of geographic space, which empirical reality of state of the Maranhão, in the period from 1920 to 2007. For both, articulated up categories as state, territorial politics and territorial funds from dialogue with a range of authors which directly and/or indirect examined the relationship of this process. In this case, it was done a retrospective vision of the colonial formation and territorial politics in Brazil, to include Maranhão until territorial conformation from 1920. Territorial politics after 1920 priorited a system of transport and in 1942 involved the projects of colonization and the territorial ordering, with prominence to the business of CVRD and ALUMAR, which culminated in the appropriation of 189,089 km², equivalent to 94.54% of the territorial funds and 56.95% of space of the Maranhão, which demanded improvement of infra-structure through railroad, extending the supply of energy and installation of specialized ports. The territorial politics also are expressed by thirty-one units of conservation, seventeen indigenous lands and the Alcântara Casting Center, which impose discipline on the use and occupation of 96.632,64 km2, equivalent to 29.10% of the area that still of the Maranhão and which are submitics to pressure from segments of society, evidencing conflicts. The territorial politics contemporary amplifled the territorial occupation / appropriation/ use and economic exploitation through cultivation of soybeans of PRODECER III which already directioned to Baixo Parnaíba, area available for projects of settlement, five rural territories, one hundred and thirty-six quilombo communities, sectory political of transport and energy, which continued how priority.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T18:10:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao NEEMIAS RODRIGUES LACERDA.pdf: 2005526 bytes, checksum: cabac74bf48a5d9bca3ec84d1142daa2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / Analysis of the territorial politics brazilians on the territory of Maranhão, more specifically on the west of the state, where the municipality is located Buriticupu in the microregion Pindaré, whith the of objective understanding the consequences of the same conditions for current development of the municipality. For that we chose initially to do a literature review on the concepts related to the topic, such as: territory, territorial politics, development, local and then we analyze the characteristics of globalization, especially its impact on the territory and the strategies to address inequalities in the various spatial scales. Then we make a historical analysis of the territorial politics within Brazil and Maranhão. After this analysis we come to particularize the microregion Pindaré until we get the specificity of economic and social transformations produced by territorial politics for county, seeking to understand the impacts on local development. Always with a view to finding alternatives to stop the situation from low municipal development. / Análise das políticas territoriais brasileiras sobre o território maranhense, especificamente sobre a parte oeste do estado, onde se localiza o município Buriticupu, na microrregião do Pindaré, com o objetivo de compreender os reflexos das mesmas para as condições de desenvolvimento atuais do referido município. Para tanto optou-se inicialmente por fazer uma revisão bibliográfica sobre conceitos que perpassam esse tema, como: território, políticas territoriais, desenvolvimento e local e depois analisou-se as características da globalização, principalmente seus impactos sobre o território e as estratégias de enfrentamento das desigualdades nas várias escalas espaciais. Em seguida fazemos uma análise histórica sobre as políticas territoriais no âmbito do Brasil e Maranhão. Após análise histórica passou-se a particularizar a microrregião do Pindaré até chegarmos às especificidades das transformações econômicas e sociais produzidas políticas territoriais sobre o município de Buriticupu, buscando se compreender impactos sobre o desenvolvimento local. Sempre na perspectiva de encontrar alternativas para romper com a situação de baixo desenvolvimento municipal.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work looked for to investigate the subject of the budget participatory under the optics of the materialism dialectics, leaning for the notion of territorial politics as government's action, gone back to the exercise and the maintenance of the power, and of the civil society in the perspective of the autonomy. The used methodology was dialectics essentially, being been worth of the technique of analysis of discursive content and of information represented primary and secondary graph and cartographically. It was used for so much of interviews, questionnaires and participant observation in linked events to the dynamics of the budget participatory with the objective of lifting the history of the construction and implantation of this administration instrument, in Alagoinhas, Bahia (Brazil), as well as the methodology used to assure him/it as a participation instance that walked in the direction of the direct democracy and of the construction of the autonomy. The time and the space were considered while specific theoretical-methodological subjects of the geographically of the analysis. The developed research also allowed the perception of as the budget participatory it is seen by the executive power while government's politics that relates space and power starting from the notion of territorial politics. Besides, it was possible to identify as the population he/she also wraps up with the discussion of the budget participatory and which the possibilities of this administration instrument to change in an effective mechanism in the conquest of the solemnity-administration for the popular masses, inside, of course, of the marks of the capitalist sociability and face to the established objectives for the municipal executive coordinated by the PT - Party of the Workers. / Este trabalho buscou investigar a questão do orçamento participativo sob a ótica do materialismo dialético, apoiado pela noção de política territorial como ação de governo, voltada para o exercício e a manutenção do poder, e da sociedade civil na perspectiva da autonomia. A metodologia empregada foi essencialmente dialética, valendo-se da técnica de análise de conteúdo discursivo e de informações primárias e secundárias representadas gráfica e cartograficamente. Utilizou-se para tanto de entrevistas, questionários e observação participante em eventos ligados à dinâmica do orçamento participativo com o objetivo de levantar a história da construção e implantação deste instrumento de gestão, em Alagoinhas, Bahia (Brasil), bem como a metodologia empregada para assegurá-lo como uma instância de participação que caminhasse na direção da democracia direta e da construção da autonomia. O tempo e o espaço foram considerados enquanto questões teórico-metodológicas específicas da geograficidade da análise. A pesquisa desenvolvida permitiu também a percepção de como o orçamento participativo é visto pelo poder executivo enquanto política de governo que relaciona espaço e poder a partir da noção de política territorial. Além disso, foi possível também identificar como a população se envolve com a discussão do orçamento participativo e quais as possibilidades deste instrumento de gestão se transformar em um mecanismo efetivo na conquista da auto-gestão pelas massas populares, dentro, é claro, dos marcos da sociabilidade capitalista e face aos objetivos estabelecidos pelo executivo municipal coordenado pelo PT - Partido dos Trabalhadores.

L'espace régional en Algérie se caractérise aujourd'hui par une grande métropole développée concentrant potentialités humaines et activités diverses, et une arrière région marginalisée vivant dans l'ombre de celle-ci. Les changements politiques et économiques ont joué un rôle important dans son évolution, sa gestion et dans son organisation. La région Nord-Centre (abritant 10 wilayas), marquée par le poids écrasant de la capitale, est la plus touchée par les iniquités territoriales. Mesurer ces iniquités et identifier leurs progressions et leurs origines, nous ont amené à une analyse de la répartition de la population (1987-2008) et des conditions socio-économiques. Les résultats ont relevé un important déséquilibre démographique et des inégalités flagrantes entre les wilayas de la région. Le milieu naturel et les choix politiques ont été à l'origine du développement inégal et son renforcement. Les conditions sociales et sécuritaires ont été ainsi des éléments déterminants dans la concentration de population et plus récemment dans le ralentissement du flux migratoire. En s'intéressant à la planification dans le Nord-Centre et à travers l'analyse qualitative de son processus, nous avons mis en évidence une mise en oeuvre inexistante ainsi qu'un certain nombre de contraintes et d'obstacles dans la phase de programmation. Nous avons également constaté l'existence d'un décalage entre les pratiques de terrain et les stratégies retenues pour l'atténuation des inégalités / Regional space in Algeria today is characterised by a large, developed metropolis, concentrating human potential and various activities; and the rest, marginalized and living in the shade of the former. The political and economic changes played a significant role in its evolution, management and organization. The Northern-Central region (encompassing 10 wilayas), marked by the crushing weight of the capital, is the most touched by territorial iniquities. Measuring these iniquities and identifying their progressions and origins led us to analyse the population repartition (1987-2008) and the socio-economic conditions. The results showed an important demographic imbalance, and obvious inequalities between the wilayas of the region. The natural environment and the political choices were at the origin of the unequal development, and its reinforcement. Social conditions and security issues were thus determining factors in the concentration of the population, and more recently in the deceleration of the migration flow. Being interested in the planning of the North-Central region, and through the qualitative analysis of its process, we highlighted the non-existent implementation as well as a certain number of constraints and obstacles in the study phase. We also noted the existence of a shift between the practices on the ground and the strategies retained for the reduction of inequalities

This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.