Den här studien är en totalundersökning av hur svenska tryckta medier skrivit om europeiska kvinnor som anslutit sig till Islamiska staten (IS), under perioden 1 januari 2015 till 11 april 2016. Studien bygger på två metoder, kvantitativ innehållsanalys av 96 artiklar och kritisk diskursanalys på sex uppslag. Vi har valt en eklektisk ansats i vårt teoretiska ramverk och haft utgångspunkt i fyra teorier, gestaltningsteori, genusteori, kriminologisk teori om det idealiska offret samt postkolonial teori om skapandet av ”den andra”. Frågorna som besvaras berör hur kvinnor som ansluter sig och deras handlingar framställs och hur man kan förstå varför kvinnorna framställs på det sättet. Studien visar att i 65 % av artiklarna ger medierna tydliga förklaringar till varför subjekten anslutit sig, men endast i 9 % av artiklarna vi har gått igenom framställs subjekten som att de fattat ett eget medvetet beslut. I övrigt fann vi fyra typiska inramningar kring kvinnors anslutande till IS. Dessa är att hon har blivit lurad dit, att hon gör det för en partner, att hon åker för att hon har en tom tillvaro hemma och att hon har lockats via internet. I undersökningen kommer vi också fram till att subjekten sällan själva får komma till tals. Kvinnorna som har anslutit sig eller som varit på väg att ansluta sig framställs nästan genomgående som att de fallit offer för IS propaganda. Med vårt teoretiska ramverk förstår vi att kvinnorna inte skrivs om som gärningsmän för att de framställs med stereotypt kvinnliga egenskaper. Kvinnorna framställs som antingen ofullständiga eller som att vara i motsats till det som männen är. I en dikotom relation till mannen tillskrivs kvinnorna egenskaper såsom passiv, underordnad, svag och irrationell.

This paper aimed at analysing what was South Africa's response to its international obligations regarding the 9/11 events and how does such response comply with the country's constitutional framework. This study gave a brief outline of the most significant legislative changes in a number of countries and then concentrate on the South African anti-terrorism legislation. It identified the provisions of the Act that have been discussed most controversial throughout the drafting process and analysed whether they comply with constitutional standards. Particular emphasis was laid on the possible differences between the South African Act and comparative legislation that derive directly from the apartheid history of the country.

Terrorism is a historical problem; however, it becomes one of the biggest problems in 21st century. September 11 and the following Madrid, Istanbul and London attacks showed that it is the most significant problem threatening world peace and security. Governments have started to deal with terrorism by improving security measurements and making new investments to stop terrorism. Most of the governments' and scholars' focus is on immediate threats and causes of terrorism, instead of looking at long-term solutions such as root causes and underlying reasons of terrorism, and the recruitment style of terrorist organizations If terrorist recruitment does not stop, then it is safe to say terrorist activities cannot be stopped. This study focused on the recruitment process by observing two different terrorist organizations, DHKP/C and Turkish Hezbollah. The researcher brings 13 years of field experience and first-person data gathered from inside the terrorist organizations. The research questions of this study were: (i) How can an individual be prevented from joining or carrying out terrorist activities?; (ii) What factors are correlated with joining a terrorist organization?; (iii) What are the recruitment processes of the DHKP/C, PKK, and Turkish Hezbollah?; (iv) Is there any common process of being a member of these three terrorist organizations?; and (v) What are the similarities and differences these terrorist organizations? As a result of this analysis, a terrorist recruitment process map was created. With the help of this map, social organizations such as family and schools may be able to identify ways to prevent individuals from joining terrorist organizations. Also, this map will also be helpful for government organizations such as counterterrorism and intelligence to achieve the same goal.

This thesis examines whether the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks caused a significant, lasting change in the American public's social construction of reality. A framework of everyday reality was created which focused on beliefs, behaviors, and cultural institutions in the United States. Data regarding specific beliefs and behaviors was collected from numerous survey sources, and content analysis was performed on media literature from September 11, 2001 to September 11, 2003. Findings from this study show that beliefs examined did change, while behaviors on similar topics did not. These finding represents an interesting paradox to be evaluated in future studies. Cultural institutions, as related to the public's knowledge of and relationship with each, also appeared little changed. Therefore, while some aspects displayed adjustment, this study cannot conclusively state that American public's social construction of reality experienced a "new reality" paradigm shift as proclaimed by the media immediately following the attacks.

L’évolution sémantique de la notion de terrorisme, et la naissance doctrinale de la notion d’« acte terroriste » jusqu'à sa résurgence juridique nationale et internationale, montre que l’infraction terroriste est fondée sur la présence d’un double dol spécial tantôt selon une approche alternative et tantôt selon une approche cumulative. Ce double dol spécial se manifeste par l’intention de terroriser la population pour aboutir au but final qui est celui du changement politique. Malgré la dépolitisation adoptée en droit international pour sortir le crime terroriste de la sphère politique, cette dépolitisation reste fictive. L’approche internationale prend en compte ces deux intentions spécifiques de l’auteur selon une approche téléologique alternative, ce qui signifie que l’une des deux suffit pour qualifier l’acte criminel de terroriste. C’est exact mais incomplet. L’approche qu’il convient d’adopter est celle de l’approche téléologique cumulative. En d’autres termes l’infraction terroriste est identifiable selon un double dol spécial de l’auteur. Il faut donc la combinaison des deux dols spéciaux pour pouvoir qualifier un acte de terroriste. / The semantic evolution of the notion of terrorism and the doctrinal birth of the notion of « terrorist act » until its national and international juridical resurgence show that terrorist infringement is based on the presence of a special double intention, sometimes according to an alternative approach, sometimes according to a cumulative approach. This special double intention reveals itself by the objective to terrorize people in order to result to its final aim, that one being a political change. In spite of the depoliticization adopted by international law to take terrorist crime out of the political sphere, this depolicization remains ficticious.The international approach takes into account those two specific intentions of the perpetrator according to an alternative teleological approach, wich means that one of them is enough to call the criminal act a terrorist one. That is right but incomplete. The suitable approach is the cumulative teleological approach. In other words, the terrorist offence is identifiable according to a special double intention of the perpetrator. So, the combination of those two special intentions is needed so that an act can be qualified of "terrorist act".

This study examines the patterns of involvement in terrorist activities for the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) and Turkish Hezbollah members. The study is based on the assumption that terrorists differ in terms of their involvement in terrorist activities. In this sense, there are full-time and part-time terrorists. Full-time terrorists act professionally and do the assignments given by their commanders. Part-time terrorists, on the other hand, act on a non-professional basis and have their own motivations to participate in terrorist activities. For part-timers, there are various factors that may have an effect on their degree of involvement in terrorist activities. Their decisions regarding whether to participate in a specific terrorist act can be influenced by individual factors as well as the instructions and assignments given to them. In this study, these factors are categorized under four different headings; demographic, relative deprivation, frustration, and social learning. Data regarding the involvement in terrorist activities (as measured by arrest records) and demographics (age, gender, marital status, social class), relative deprivation (education, work status), frustration (school dropout, loss of a loved one in a counter-terrorism operation, family arrest), and social learning (family association to a terrorist group and recruitment method) was collected from terrorists’ autobiographies. Research hypotheses were tested using bivariate and multivariate statistical analyses. The findings indicated that relative deprivation, frustration, and social learning models can explain the differences in the degree of involvement in terrorism for DHKP/C members, but not for Turkish Hezbollah members (controlling for demographic variables). The results showed that these three models may account for some of the differences in involvement in terrorist activities.

A suicide attack is an extreme modus operandi of terrorism. This research examines the application of two similar sociological theories to terrorism and specifically, to suicide terrorism. Three models are built to test if Merton‘s strain theory can explain the propensities of provinces to produce terrorists and suicide bombers in the first phase. Next, in Phase 2 one model is built on a combination of altruistic and fatalistic type variables to test if Durkheim‘s anomie theory can explain the probability of a terrorist to become suicide bomber or not. The analyses of models 1, 2, and 3 are performed in Phase 1 using aggregate secondary data and the analysis of model 4 is performed in Phase 2 using individual level secondary data. While models 1 and 2 are employing multiple regression, models 3 and 4 use logistic regression analyses. Model 1 tests the propensity of a province to produce terrorists relative to six strain variables, while model 2 develops an optimum model, testing the same associations by using only three significant independent variables. Model 3 tests the probability of a province to produce a suicide bomber(s) using the same six indicators. Model 4 tests the probability of a terrorist to become a suicide bomber relative to anomie theory driven by seven indicators. The results reflect support for the overall model 1, while only the indicators of unemployment rate and political representation in the legislative assembly significantly contribute in explaining the propensity score of a province to produce a terrorist. However, the optimum model (2) includes three statistically significant indicators of unemployment rate, political representation in the legislative assembly, and quality of life. Although model 3 also emerged significant in its overall effect, only educational opportunity significantly contributes to explaining the probability of a province to produce a suicide bomber. Model 4 is also supported. The individual effects reveal that the indicators of age group, income level, and hierarchical position in the organization statistically contribute to explaining the probability of a terrorist to become a suicide bomber. In general, the research provides partial support for the application of strain and anomie theories to terrorism and suicide attacks.

Money laundering can be defined as a process of converting the proceeds of illegal activities to legitimate money or other assets, or as a process whose aim is to conceal the origin and ownership of proceeds that come from illegal activities. Its main phases are placement, layering and integration. The main sources of dirty money are drug trafficking, procuring, arms trafficking, extortion, robbery and property crimes. The aim of this thesis is the analysis of the fight against money laundering in terms of financial law and from institutional point of view, evaluation of its success and the formulation of my own opinions on the possible improvement of the system components. The first part of thesis deals with the term of money laundering, its phases and characteristics and history. The second part analyses the legislation at international, EU and national level. Attention is paid to the AML Directives and to the AML Act. Main obligations prescribed by Directives and AML Act to obliged persons are identification obligation, due diligence, preservation of information, reporting of suspicious transactions, postponement of client's order, creation of internal policies and staff training. Then follows characterization of individual authorities and institutions involved in combating money laundering....

With the rise of global transnational terrorist networks (GTTNs), there has been an increase in scholarly output on the subject. While many scholars have focused on the ways in which these networks enable terrorist organizations to achieve their goals, few have studied the transformative impact that GTTNs have on group cohesion. In order to fill this gap, I seek to answer the question how, if at all, GTTNs affect the likelihood of armed groups experiencing fragmentation. In doing so, I propose three ways in which GTTNs can influence cohesion among their members and explore these in the cases of al-Shabaab and Boko Haram, while using the Taliban as a counterfactual. Although I find that both GTTN members and non-members experience fragmentation, the ways in which fragmentation manifests itself differs. Whereas the Taliban experienced fragmentation following key events, al-Shabaab and Boko Haram experienced splits as a result of long-term processes. Thus, GTTN membership ostensibly reinforces internal processes that may cause factions to split from the organization, thereby increasing the risk of fragmentation. However, more research is required on the different ways through which GTTNs exert influence over their members and the effect this has on the risk of fragmentation.

Esta dissertação analisa a Vila Dona Mendes Leonor de Barros, uma vila ferroviária em Osasco, próxima à estação de trem Osasco, localizada em uma área onde há a presença da Operação Urbana Consorciada (OUC) Tietê II que possui entre seus objetivos modificar o uso da Vila, que desde 1954, quando foi fundada, é residencial. A OUC Tietê II, na lei, visa transformar a Vila Dona Leonor em um complexo cultural; todavia na prática do processo a Vila tende a desaparecer, ter suas casas demolidas para a construção de um viaduto. Desse modo, busca-se compreender a lógica da OUC e a maneira como seus planejadores pensam esse espaço e se, possível, confrontar tal representação a partir da perspectiva dos antigos e atuais moradores que vivem na Vila Dona Leonor. Isso permite analisar as condições impostas pela empresa com decorrer do tempo, que afetam diretamente o morar e o viver dos ferroviários. Nesta perspectiva, a pesquisa almeja compreender o processo de produção do espaço em Osasco que determinou sua industrialização e sua urbanização, tendo como foco a Vila Leonor. Além de, a partir de entrevistas com antigos moradores da Vila Dona Leonor, compreender como era o cotidiano da vila e as opressões que ali ocorriam, revelando, o que Henri Lefebvre denominou de maneira geral, uma sociedade terrorista. / This dissertation analyzes the Vila Dona Mendes Leonor de Barros Village, a railway village in Osasco, near the Osasco train station that is located in an area where there is the presence of the Consortium Urban Operation (OUC) Tietê II that has among its objectives to modify the use Of Vila, which since 1954, when it was founded, is residential. OUC Tietê II, in the law, aims to transform Vila Dona Leonor into a cultural complex; However in the practice of the process the village tends to disappear, have their houses demolished for the construction of a viaduct. In this way, it is sought to understand the logic of the OUC and the way its planners think this space and if possible, to confront such representation from the perspective of the old and current residents living in the Dona Leonor Village. This allows analyzing the conditions imposed by the company over time, which directly affect the living and living of the railroad. In this perspective, the research aims to understand the process of production of space in Osasco that determined its industrialization and its urbanization, focusing on Vila Leonor. In addition, from interviews with former residents of Vila Dona Leonor, build a rescue of urban memory, perhaps the only record still possible that one day there was a village railway. In addition, from interviews with former residents of Vila Dona Leonor, understand how was the daily life of the village and the oppressions that occurred there, revealing, what Henri Lefebvre termed in general, a terrorist society.