This thesis is in the field of Industrial Relations. It concerns a micro-level investigation of the dynamics of public sector industrial relations in post-apartheid South Africa. It focuses on the Tripartite Alliance between the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and explores what the Alliance relationship has meant for the traditional roles of employees and their representatives on the one hand, and employers and their representatives on the other. The thesis examines the political, organisational and societal contradictions and implications for COSATU public sector union affiliates and their members in their relationship to the ANC as an ally (via the Alliance) and the context in which ANC members form part of management (in government). The South African Municipal Workers’ Union (SAMWU) was used as an archetype of a COSATU public sector union affiliate that engages with the State as employer at the municipal level. It is a case study of Makana Local Municipality (Eastern Cape Province, South Africa) using qualitative research techniques and content analysis to derive the relevant information. The author conducted a series of in-depth interviews of key informants and observations at Makana Local Municipality were done. Based on the empirical data obtained from the investigation, the thesis argues that the traditional roles in the employment relationship at the workplace have been affected by the political alliance. Industrial relations roles have become increasingly vague especially since many within local government share ANC/SACP memberships with members of the trade union. The study also highlights that within an increasingly globalising post-apartheid environment, the Alliance provides mixture of benefits and challenges for workplace negotiations and employment relations in ways that macro-level analyses of employer-employee relationships do not always capture.

This thesis aims to make sense of Left politics in South Africa within the Tri-partite Alliance between the ANC, SACP and COSATU. The thesis focuses on developments in the Eastern Cape, between 2000 and 2008. The thesis describes the prevalent forms of Left politics in the Eastern Cape and the tendencies in the Alliance that organise this Left. The thesis also examines the historical, social and political conditions and that shape the form and content of Left politics in the province. Based on a survey of literature on what is considered the core manifestations of Left politics globally in the 20th Century Left politics is defined as the elements of the political spectrum that are concerned with the progressive resolution of involuntary disadvantage and with a goal of abolishing class society and capitalism. Although the Alliance as a whole should be seen to be on the Left on an international political spectrum, this thesis argues that the Left/Right dichotomy is useful for understanding the politics of the Alliance, as long as the second part of this definition is taken into consideration. The Alliance Left is understood as those leaders and activists within the Alliance that have the SACP and Cosatu as their operating base. It will be argued that this Left is, in its practice, largely concerned with what insiders refer to as politics of „influence‟, rather than with politics of „structural transformation‟. It is the ANC that is the leader of the Alliance and the party in government and thus it is on the terrain of ANC strategy, policy and positions that contestation in the Alliance plays itself out. Thus, for the Left, there is strength in the idea of the Alliance. However, there are significant theoretical and political weaknesses in the Left that undermine the possibility of making good use of various corporatist platforms to pursue the agenda of the Left in the Eastern Cape. There is also increased contestation within the Alliance Left itself about the continued usefulness of this strategy.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T12:25:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rubiatti_BrunodeCastro_D.pdf: 2941898 bytes, checksum: f95f2943474bb54dd39ff542a491c4d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Grande parte dos estudos sobre o Legislativo se concentra na análise do funcionamento e no comportamento das Câmaras Baixas. Entretanto, um grande número de países adota o sistema bicameral na organização do seu processo legislativo. Inclusive esse tipo de organização do legislativo está presente em nove países da América Latina. Esse projeto visa analisar os sistemas bicamerais dos três países latino-americanos que adotam essa organização dos trabalhos legislativos conjuntamente a um sistema federativo, a dizer: Argentina, Brasil e México. Buscamos analisar esses bicameralismos tendo em vista o papel de ponto de veto dos Senados no processo legislativo. Procuramos compreender como os elementos dos regimes institucionais, entendido como os diversos traços institucionais que sistematicamente influenciam o comportamento dos atores políticos, de cada um desses países contribuem para o fortalecimento ou enfraquecimento desse papel das suas respectivas Câmaras Altas, uma vez que os elementos que compõem os regimes institucionais dos países são essenciais na definição do perfil e das capacidades dessas Câmaras de agirem como pontos de veto. Em outras palavras, analisaremos o impacto que os elementos que constituem os regimes institucionais - os poderes de presidente, o grau de descentralização territorial da política, a composição partidária e a organização do processo legislativo - têm sobre as Câmaras Altas, privilegiando a questão do impacto da centralização desses elementos no processo decisório, tendo em mente que esse fenômeno está associado a uma diminuição do papel dos Senados nesse processo / Abstract: Most part of the studies of the Legislative concentrates on how lower chamber behaviors work. However, a large number of countries adopts the bicameral legislature on theirs legislative organization. This type of legislative organization is present in nine Latin American countries. This study aims to analyze bicameral systems in three Latin Americans countries, which system joins legislative and federal process. They are: Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. We will analyze bicameralisms on the behalf of Senate veto points in legislatives process. We try to comprehend how the institutional regimes elements, understood as various institutional traces that systematically influence the political actors behaviors, in each of the three countries, contributes for the fortification or impairment paper on each of respective Upper Chamber, once the elements that compose the institutional country regimes are essential for the definition of the profile and capabilities of these Chambers to work with veto points. In other words, we will analyze the elements impacts on the composition of the Institutional regimes constitution - the powers of the President, the degree of the decentralization territorial politics, the partisan composition and the legislative process organization - have on Upper Chambers, privileging the impact of the elements of centralization decision, having in mind that this phenomenon is associate to the decrease of the Senate paper in this process / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

The proposed building is part of a complex of three buildings. The task was to create the dominants of the new territory, which would include functions corresponding to the concept of a smart neighborhood. The building has 19 floors above ground and two underground. The simple shape is complemented by the corrugated roof of the congress center and the curved atrium. The main entrance is towards the new city street, the main facade of the congress center faces the square. The dynamics of the shape of the high-rise building is supported by an irregular grid of windows, the combination of full masonry and leaky lighten the facade of the lower part.

This paper will explore further the process of selection of majority party leaders in the United States House of Representatives. It will seek to show that there were certain common denominators that existed among those who were selected for leadership positions between 1962 and 1976, and that these common denominators were not present in those individuals who challenged the leaders and lost. Additionally, it will be argued that those certain qualities were particularly important to the style of leadership during that period, and that their importance to that style allowed the development of an institutionalization of the selection process during that period.

El presente volumen es el resultado de una selección de las ponencias presentadas en el coloquio internacional "Jorge Luis Borges: Translación e Historia" realizado con el auspicio de la Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft en el Centro de Investigación Iberoamericana del 4 al 9 de diciembre de 2007 y pone en el centro de su reflexión a Borges como fenómeno de "translación", entendiendo por el concepto de "translación" un complejo proceso cultural, medial, social y pragmasemiótico que abarca tanto los campos de la literatura como los de la antropología, la etnología, la filosofía, la historia, los medios de comunicación y también los de la gestualidad, el cuerpo y diversos sistemas discursivos. La estrategia translatológica pone de manifiesto la "recodificación", "transformación", "reinvención" e "invención" de la enunciación que transporta sistemas culturales (lengua, códigos como religión, costumbres, saber, organización social, naturaleza, etc.) de donde nace un nuevo sistema cultural que se concretiza en un proceso semiótico de codificación, decodificación y recodificación, de producción y de escenificación con nuevas "funciones". Y aquí es donde yacen los criterios más importantes del acto de translación. El proceso de translación —como proceso híbrido en sí— incluye por cierto la transmedialidad y no tan sólo el acto de producción y recepción, sino también el de la inscripción de una mediación o trasfiguración en el acto de translación con una finalidad determinada. Además, el acto de translación es en su totalidad un proceso de escenificación basado en sus constituyentes tales como la representación, la imagen, la escritura o el gesto.

Le volume est le fruit du colloque international Translatio : Transmédialité et Transculturalité qui a eu lieu au Centre de Recherches Ibéro-Américaines et Francophones de l’Université de Leipzig du 29 juin au 3 juillet 2011, avec l’objectif de promouvoir le dialogue transdisciplinaire et transculturel concernant le nouveau domaine de recherches sur la traduction culturelle, la translatio, et sur les stratégies médiales, comme celles de la "transmédialité", et de soumettre en même temps des théories et des champs de recherche actuels et centraux à un examen scientifique critique. La "transdisciplinarité", la "transmédialité" et la "transculturalité", représentent toute sorte de processus de translation et ont pris une place importante dans le colloque, avec l’intention d’apporter une contribution à la formation de la théorie, ou plutôt de la métathéorie, afin de s’opposer à certaines tendances arbitraires et ludiques de l’interprète dans ce domaine.

Die Studie widmet sich dem heutigen Musikleben in Ägypten und legt den Schwerpunkt auf die Stadt Alexandria. Obwohl alle großen Einzelereignisse, die im 20. Jahrhundert zur Entwicklung der ägyptischen Musik beigetragen haben, in Kairo stattfanden, besteht auch in Alexandria ein breitgefächertes Musikleben, das alle musikalischen Entwicklungen dieses Jahrhunderts aufgesogen und trotzdem eine individuelle Prägung entfaltet hat. Auf einen historischen Abriss zur Geschichte der ägyptischen Musik im 20. Jahrhundert folgt eine Bestandsaufnahme der Musikszenen in Alexandria, wie die Verfasserin sie ihm Jahre 2013 selbst erlebt hat. / The study deals with music in Egypt today with particular emphasis on the city of Alexandria. Even if the major events that contributed to the development of Egyptian music in the 20th century took place in Cairo, there is a wide range of musical life in Alexandria that has absorbed all the musical developments of the last century while retaining its individual character. A historical overview of Egyptian music in the 20th century is followed by a survey of the music scene in Alexandria as experienced by the author in 2013.

Vom 23. bis 25. Juni trafen sich Musikwissenschaftlerinnen und Musikwissenschaftler aus ganz Deutschland, Italien, Polen, Tschechien, der Schweiz, den USA und Australien zum Kolloquium „Das Instrumentalrepertoire der Dresdner Hofkapelle“ in der SLUB Dresden.