En septembre 1969, un coup d’État mené par Kadhafi et ses compagnons donnera lieu à un modèle de gouvernement fondé sur la notion de la Jamahiriya qui trouve ses références théoriques dans le contenu du Livre Vert de Kadhafi. L’avènement de la Jamahiriya, qualifié de « Révolution », prétend mettre en œuvre l’exercice du pouvoir directement par le peuple (jamahir), à travers des congrès et des comités populaires. De fait, la première question qui se pose à nous est de cerner le type d’État en vigueur en Libye. Soulever ce point, c’est aussi s’interroger sur la place occupée par les droits de l’homme dans l’architecture institutionnelle libyenne. Et sous cet angle, l’idée qui s’impose est que l’organisation les droits et libertés relèvent de documents successifs : Déclaration de 1969 ; Charte verte des droits de 1988, loi de consolidation des libertés de 1991. Aussitôt surgit la question de la valeur juridique de ces textes dans la hiérarchie des normes, étant entendu qu’il n’existe pas en Libye une constitution proprement dite. C’est là une problématique essentielle, puisque de cette qualification dépend le degré de garantie des droits et libertés. On mesure alors l’importance d’une étude des principaux traits de la législation libyenne. Reste à ajouter que la reconnaissance des droits théoriquement affirmés, est tributaire de l’ordre « révolutionnaire » qui impose l’obligation de respecter et de protéger la Jamahiriya. Aborder ce point, c’est montrer les entraves que peut constituer le régime politique quant à la protection des Droits ; c’est également s’interroger sur le rôle du juge en tant que gardien des libertés. L’analyse de cet aspect implique une approche de l’étendue et des limites du contrôle des actes de l’État, qu’il soit un contrôle administratif ou un contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois, sachant que la combinaison de ces deux techniques sert en principe à offrir aux citoyens une garantie et l’assurance d’exercer pleinement leurs droits et libertés. Or, là encore, les moyens juridictionnels conçus pour assurer la protection des droits fondamentaux risquent de se heurter à la nature du régime qui met en avant la protection de la « révolution » au dépend de toute autre liberté. C’est autrement soutenir que le système institutionnel dans son entier constitue une restriction à la protection des Droits. Évoquer cette réalité, c’est éclairer les entraves relevant de la pratique même du pouvoir. En définitive, la nature du régime et l’idéologie de la Jamahiriya conditionnent la forme d’expression des droits fondamentaux. C’est là tout l’enjeu du rapport entre pouvoir et libertés publiques que nous proposons d’étudier dans le cadre de ce travail. / In September 1969, a coup led by Gaddafi and his companions will result in a model of government based on the concept of the Republic which finds it’s theoretical references in the content of the Green Book of Gaddafi. The advent of the Republic, also called "Revolution", claimed to implement the exercise of power by the people (Jamahir) through congresses and people's committees. In fact, the first question that faces us is to identify the type of state force in Libya. Raising this point is also questioning the place of human rights in Libya's institutional architecture. And in this light, the idea must be that the organizations of human rights and freedoms are relieving from successive documents: Declaration of 1969; Green Charter of Human Rights of 1988, Freedoms Consolidation Act 1991. Soon after arose the question of the legal status of these texts in the hierarchy of norms, provided there is no constitution in Libya itself. This is a key issue, since from this qualification depend the degree of guarantee of rights and freedoms. The importance of a study of the main features of Libyan legislation is measured. It remains to add that the recognition of the rights affirmed in theory, depends on the order "revolutionary" which imposes the obligation to respect and protect the Republic. Address this point is to show the obstacles that may be the political regime on the protection of rights; it is also questioning the judge's role as a guardian of freedom. The analysis of this aspect involves an approach to the scope and limitations of the control of state action, whether administrative supervision or control of the constitutionality of laws, knowing that the combination of these two techniques are used in principle to provide citizens with a warranty and insurance to fully exercise their rights and freedoms. Yet again, the judicial remedies designed to ensure the protection of human rights are likely to face the kind of diet that emphasizes the protection of the "revolution" at the expense of all other freedoms. It is in another way to support that the institutional system as a whole constitutes a restriction on the Protection of the Rights. Discussing this reality is exposing the barriers within the same practice of power. Ultimately, the nature of the regime and the ideology of the Libyan determine the form of expression of fundamental rights. That's the whole point of the relationship between public power and freedoms that we propose to study in the context of this work.

Ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d’étudier l’évolution de l’« Europe des régions » au sein du Conseil de l’Europe de 1957 à 2010. L’histoire du fait régional au sein de l’Organisation de Strasbourg est caractérisée par trois périodes clés. La première période débute en janvier 1957, avec la première réunion de la Conférence européenne des pouvoirs locaux (CPL) et dure jusqu’en 1975, quand elle devient un organe permanent du Conseil de l’Europe et reconnaît officiellement lesrégions en son sein. Une deuxième période se dessine ensuite de 1975 jusqu’en 1994, date de la création du Congrès des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux d’Europe (CPLRE). Le Congrès a un nouveau rôle politique et une place bien déterminés dans l’architecture institutionnelle du Conseil, et il dispose de deux Chambres, à savoir une Chambre des régions et une Chambre des pouvoirs locaux. Une dernière période s’étale enfin de 1994 à 2010. Il s’agit pour les régions et le Congrès de contribuer à la stabilité démocratique du continent européen par les activités de suivi de la démocratie locale etrégionale, des élections et de la réalisation de plusieurs programmes de coopération. / This research studies the evolution of the “Europe of the regions” in the Council of Europe from 1957 to 2010. The history of regions in the Council of Europe can be divided in three key periods. The first one starts in January 1957, with the first meeting of the European Conference of Local Authorities (ECLA) and ends in 1975, when it becomes a permanent organ of the Council of Europe and recognizes officially the regions. The second period starts in 1975 and ends in 1994, when theCongress of Local and Regional Authorities is created. The Congress has a new political role and status within the institutional architecture of the Council of Europe. Two Chambers are created within the Congress, one for regional authorities and another one for local authorities. The last period spreads from 1994 until 2010. From 1994, the regions and the Congress work to achieve the new statutory role, which is contributing to the democratic stability of the European continent by monitoring local and regional democracy, observing local and regional elections and implementing new cooperation programs.

The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-07-11T12:46:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Norcia Scarfoni.pdf: 2041208 bytes, checksum: f127bcd024fbb90b9082e6581a8e3884 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-11T12:46:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Norcia Scarfoni.pdf: 2041208 bytes, checksum: f127bcd024fbb90b9082e6581a8e3884 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-03 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research aims to analyze the proposals made by the leaders of private teaching establishments, from the annals of the National Congress of Private Educational Establishments (CONEPEs), in the period of the civil-military dictatorship brazilian (1964-1985), showing their positions, tactics and counter strategies on educational issues. Those guys treated often as a uniform and cohesive group in reality was diverse, consisting of, since members of Churches (Catholics and Protestants) to entrepreneurs without religious ties. Despite the concept of distinct society built consensus from CONEPEs with the intention to enforce their interests in national education. Internal tensions, agreements and breaks are evidenced in the historical process of the congresses, central objective of this work / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as propostas apresentadas pelos dirigentes de estabelecimentos particulares de ensino, a partir dos anais dos Congressos Nacionais dos Estabelecimentos Particulares de Ensino (CONEPEs), no período da ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985), evidenciando suas posições, táticas e estratégias de enfretamento sobre as questões educacionais. Esses sujeitos tratados muitas vezes como um grupo uniforme e coeso na realidade era diverso, composto por, desde membros de igrejas (católicos e protestantes) até empresários sem vínculos religiosos. Apesar da concepção de sociedade distinta construíram consensos a partir dos CONEPEs com a intenção de fazer prevalecer seus interesses na educação nacional. As tensões internas, acordos e rupturas são evidenciados no processo histórico dos congressos, objetivo central deste trabalho

“The post-apartheid Left is a group of people whose values and visions go way beyond apartheid, in fact, go right back to the 19th century Europe, in the final analysis, and perhaps even earlier, to people like Marx and Engels and so on, to a vision of an industrial and even post-industrial world, in which human beings would live in harmony without exploitation, without oppression, and not merely without racial exploitation, in other words also without class exploitation, without gender oppression and so on.” - Dr Neville Alexander, May 1997.

Esta tese procura compreender o processo que culminou com a conquista do voto feminino no Brasil em 24 de fevereiro de 1932. O objetivo é desvelar, analisar e compreender as articulações e os principais personagens que fizeram parte dessa conquista, tendo como limites temporais os anos de 1850 e 1932. A narrativa se centra em dois grupos principais. O primeiro grupo é representado pelos parlamentares brasileiros e as tentativas de inserção da mulher no pleito eleitoral, via legais, durante todo o período da Primeira República. O segundo grupo é representado pelas figuras de Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro à frente do Partido Republicano Feminino e de Bertha Lutz, líder da Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, ambas responsáveis pela articulação do movimento organizado feminino e sufragista no Brasil. A vertente a que esse trabalho se vincula é a dos estudos de gênero e da história política, no sentido que trata da luta em prol do sufrágio feminino procurando dar ênfase tanto aos atores convencionais do jogo político como para as mulheres que se organizaram para reivindicar seus direitos. Através da análise de um conjunto heterogêneo de fontes, tais como: Anais do Congresso Nacional, correspondências, matérias de jornais e revistas, materiais bibliográficos diversos e pesquisas acadêmicas, procura-se também acentuar que mais do que uma concessão do governo de Getúlio Vargas, o sufrágio feminino foi o resultado de uma longa luta empreendida por homens e mulheres em prol da igualdade eleitoral. / This thesis seeks to understand the process leading to the conquest of women’s suffrage in Brazil on February 24th, 1932. The objective is to uncover, analyze and comprehend the articulations and main characters that were part of these achievements, setting the years 1850 to 1932 as the timeframe for this investigation. The narrative is centered on two main groups. The first group is represented by Brazilian congressmen and the successive attempts to legally insert women in the electoral process during the entire period of the First Republic. The second group is represented by the figures of Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro, heading the Women’s Republican Party and Bertha Luz, leader of the Brazilian Federation for Women’s Progress, both responsible for the articulation of the organized feminist and suffragist movement in Brazil. This work is best understood as a piece on gender studies and political history, as it deals with the struggle for women’s suffrage, aiming to focus on the conventional actors in the political game as well as the women who organized to claim their rights. Through an analysis of a heterogeneous set of sources, such as the Annals of the Parliament, correspondence exchange, newspaper and magazine articles, and academic research this work seeks to stress that women’s suffrage in Brazil was the result of a long struggle by women and men for electoral equality, rather than a concession of Getulio Vargas’ government.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:22:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Marcondes Rocha1.pdf: 8501462 bytes, checksum: ed5ba05f6c5d0d1512b79237c9a8d232 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-22 / The theme of the present master s dissertation stems from the interest in the character and in the work of the German architect Walter Gropius (1883-1969) and it focuses on his coming to Brazil in January of 1954, when he participated in the Exposição Internacional de Arquitetura (event which was part of the II Bienal Internacional de Artes de São Paulo which coincided with the celebrations of the IV Centennial of the city s foundation), he got São Paulo s architecture award, in his first and unique edition he delivered an inaugural speech in the IV Congresso Brasileiro de Arquitetos and visited Rio de Janeiro and Petrópolis. In order to do so, archives of Fundação Bienal and publications and period periodicals were consulted, besides the relevant bibliography. Additional and fundamental information about the IV Congresso Brasileiro de Arquitetos were also recovered directly from the archives kept by the Paulista section of Instituto de Arquitetos do Brasil (IAB-SP). Hence, some valuable information were also recovered about the presence of Gropius in Brazil, aiming at complementing the barely spread content about this constant happening in the existing historiography, discussing frictions and proximities within the period in which Walter Gropius was in Brazil. / O tema desta dissertação de mestrado nasce do interesse pela obra e pela figura do arquiteto alemão Walter Gropius (1883-1969) e enfoca sua passagem pelo Brasil em janeiro de 1954, quando participou como destaque da Exposição Internacional de Arquitetura (evento integrante da II Bienal Internacional de Artes de São Paulo, que por sua vez coincidia com as comemorações do IV Centenário da fundação da cidade), recebeu o Prêmio São Paulo de Arquitetura, em sua primeira e única edição, proferiu a conferência inaugural do IV Congresso Brasileiro de Arquitetos, e ainda visitou o Rio de Janeiro e Petrópolis. Para tanto, consultamos os arquivos da Fundação Bienal e publicações e periódicos de época, além da bibliografia relevante. Informações adicionais e fundamentais sobre o IV Congresso Brasileiro de Arquitetos também foram recuperadas diretamente dos arquivos mantidos pela seção paulista do Instituto de Arquitetos do Brasil (IAB-SP). Assim foram recuperadas informações valiosas sobre a presença de Gropius no Brasil, com a finalidade de complementar o escasso conteúdo sobre este episódio constante da historiografia existente, discutindo atritos e aproximações gerados no período em que Walter Gropius esteve no Brasil.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:28:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ADRIANA_RAMOS.pdf: 2307727 bytes, checksum: 425a64c60e9491e4ca27b7127e24fd0b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Inserted into the research line Society, Knowledge and Education, of the Program of Master in Education from UNIOESTE Campus Francisco Beltrão, in Brazil; this research is included in the debate on labor, education and the teaching of engineering. Through this investigation, we sought to uncover the relationship between epistemology and the conception of teaching-learning from authors of scientific papers published in the annals of COBENGE 2012; in detail those which address teaching and learning of engineering. Through the research, we specifically aimed to: a) understand the teaching of engineering in the context of productive restructuring of the capitalism; b) investigate and analyze the relationship between epistemology and the conception of teaching and learning present in papers published in the annals of COBENGE 2012; c) contribute with discussions concerning the teaching of engineering from the epistemology of the dialectical-historical materialism. We started from the hypothesis that, in an attempt to overcome the traditional pedagogy, teaching in undergraduate courses of engineering would be wavering between the positivist technical rationality and the postmodern practical rationality. Thus, the teachings, by professors, of scientific, abstract concepts from formal logic, have been giving its way to constructive activities of the learners, from empirical situations that favor the development of cognitive, flexible and adaptive competences of individuals to the reality. From such assumption, it is understood that the teaching of engineering would not go through the dialectic-historical logic, which is based on the teaching of concrete. Bibliographic methodology with analysis of contents was applied in this research; in compliance with the explanations of Gil (2002) and Bardin (1977). The theoretical and methodological basis of the research is in accordance with the dialectical and historical materialism, since such method provides theoretical elements that make it possible to understand the contradictions between work, education and the teaching of engineering, and contributes to the discussion and the understanding of new possibilities regarding the formation of engineers. The present work is organized into three parts: the first part presents a discussion over the teaching of engineering in the context of productive restructuring of the capitalism, focusing on the implications of such context over the shift of professional profiles at the postmodernity; it also debates the emergence of the ideology of the end of work society and the upcoming of the knowledge society and with it the emergence of the practical rationality paradigm; the resumption of the motto "learning to learn" and the theory of Jean Piaget in postmodern educational ideas; and also the influence of these theories on official education documents such as the National Curriculum Guidelines for undergraduate degree in engineering. The second part presents an analysis of the annals of COBENGE 2012, over the relationship between epistemology and conceptions of teaching and learning of authors of scientific articles published in that edition of the congress. The third part presents the epistemology of dialectical historical materialism as a way to elicit reflections on the teaching of engineering based on that epistemological paradigm. / Inserida na linha de pesquisa Sociedade, Conhecimento e Educação, do Mestrado em Educação da UNIOESTE - Francisco Beltrão, esta pesquisa inclui-se no debate sobre trabalho, educação e ensino de engenharia. Por meio desta investigação, buscou-se desvelar a relação entre epistemologia e concepção de ensino-aprendizagem dos autores dos artigos científicos publicados nos anais do COBENGE 2012, que abordam o tema ensino-aprendizagem de engenharia. Objetivou-se, especificamente, por meio da pesquisa: a) compreender o ensino de engenharia no contexto de reestruturação produtiva do capitalismo; b) investigar e analisar a relação entre epistemologia e concepção de ensino-aprendizagem no conteúdo dos artigos científicos publicados nos anais do COBENGE 2012; c) contribuir com a discussão sobre o ensino de engenharia a partir da epistemologia do materialismo histórico-dialético. Partiu-se da hipótese de que, na tentativa de superação da pedagogia tradicional, o ensino nos cursos de graduação em engenharia estaria oscilando da racionalidade técnica positivista à racionalidade prática pós-moderna. Dessa forma, o ensino por parte do professor, de conceitos científicos, abstratos, da lógica formal, tem dado lugar às atividades construtivas dos alunos, a partir de situações empíricas que privilegiem o desenvolvimento de competências cognitivas, flexíveis e adaptativas dos indivíduos à realidade. A partir desse pressuposto, entende-se que o ensino de engenharia não passaria pela lógica dialética histórica, que tem por base o ensino do concreto. A metodologia de pesquisa aplicada nesta investigação é bibliográfica com análise de conteúdo e está em conformidade com as explicações de Gil (2002) e Bardin (1977). O fundamento teórico-metodológico da pesquisa está de acordo com o materialismo histórico-dialético, por entender que este método fornece elementos teóricos que possibilitam compreender as contradições existentes entre o trabalho, a educação e o ensino de engenharia, além de contribuir para a discussão e compreensão de novas possibilidades para a formação de engenheiros. Esta pesquisa está organizada em três partes: na primeira parte, é apresentada uma discussão sobre o ensino de engenharia no contexto de reestruturação produtiva do capitalismo, destacando-se as implicações desse contexto na mudança dos perfis profissionais na pós-modernidade; o surgimento da ideologia do fim da sociedade do trabalho e ascensão da sociedade do conhecimento e com ela o surgimento do Paradigma da racionalidade prática; a retomada do lema aprender a aprender e da teoria de Jean Piaget no ideário educacional pós-moderno; e, ainda, as influências dessas teorias em documentos oficiais da educação como as Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais do curso de graduação em engenharia. Na segunda parte, apresenta-se uma análise realizada dos anais do COBENGE 2012, sobre a relação entre epistemologia e as concepções de ensino-aprendizagem dos autores dos artigos científicos publicados na supracitada edição do congresso. Na terceira parte, apresenta-se a epistemologia do materialismo histórico-dialético como forma de suscitar reflexões acerca do ensino de engenharia com base nesse paradigma epistemológico.

A pesquisa lança uma reflexão sobre a construção do conceito de Unidade de Vizinhança por Clarence Perry (1872 - 1944), em estreita relação com a noção de comunidade desenvolvida pela Escola de Chicago de sociologia. Explora também a circulação deste conceito através das redes profissionais e publicações do período analisando as apropriação da Unidade de Vizinhança nos discursos e nas práticas de arquitetos atuantes na América Latina no segundo pós-guerra através de suas trajetórias, produção intelectual e planos urbanos. O foco recai nos movimentos de circulação, recepção deste conceito e suas apropriações nos planos urbanos e projetos concebidos por Josep Lluís Sert (1902-1983) na Colômbia, Carlos Raúl Villanueva (1900-1975) na Venezuela e Affonso Eduardo Reidy (1909-1964) no Brasil entre os anos 1945 e 1958. Momento em que a América Latina passa a ser alvo de olhares de arquitetos e críticos de arquitetura e urbanismo modernos, vistos ora como desvios dos preceitos modernistas, ora como singularidades inovadoras. Contudo, é o momento em que a América Latina é sobretudo um espaço de circulação de profissionais estrangeiros, sejam como consultores, migrantes que se estabelecem, viajantes etc, que intensificam os contatos e trocas culturais. O trabalho localiza o debate teórico e conceitual que embasa as proposições urbanísticas acerca do conceito de Unidade de Vizinhança, seu deslocamento do campo sociológico para o urbanístico e sua formalização diante da relevância que o tema assume no debate urbanístico no segundo pós-guerra. / This research aims to reflect on the concept of Neighborhood Unit, constructed by Clarence Perry (1872 - 1944) in relation to Sociological School of Chicago\'s notion of community, and investigates how this concept has been circulated, adapted and appropriated in Latin American cities after the Second World War, through the discourses and practices of architects. Our focus is the reception of the concept in the context of urbanistic debates, as it becomes an instrument in urban plans conceived by Josep Lluís Sert (1902-1983) in Colombia, Carlos Raúl Villanueva (1900-1975) in Venezuela and Affonso Eduardo Reidy (1909-1964) in Brazil between 1945 and 1958. At that time, Latin America attracted the interest of architects and critics of architecture and modern urbanism, as the region presented both \"deviations\" of modernist principles and innovative singularities, becoming a space of circulation, intensified contacts and cultural exchanges for foreign professionals. This project intends to locate the theoretical and conceptual debate underlying the urban propositions around the concept of Neighborhood Unit, its formalization and displacement from the sociological research field to urban, considering the importance, it is given in the urban debate in the post-World War II years.

Abstract not available