This thesis investigates the oft-overlooked influence of the classifier's input during the assignment of library classifications and draws upon cultural transfer theory to shed light on the underlying principles that guide the process. Classifiers' personal knowledge, experience, and beliefs, have a critical role in determining the 'aboutness' of a work and its subsequent classification. To explore this theory, this research employs a dual-methods approach, using qualitative analysis of past literature contrasted with a data set formed through a real-world reclassification project at The Swedish Institute in Rome (ISVRoma) using the Library of Congress Classification scheme (LCC), with classifications in the catalogue of the American Academy in Rome (AARome) used for comparison. The resultant data provides a basis for examining the classifier's cultural input and the manifestation of cultural transfer theory in library classification. The findings of this thesis reveal the dynamic nature of classification, which is not a mere static or administrative task, but rather an evolving process deeply embedded in the societal and cultural context. Classifiers are found to act as interpreters, translators, and shapers of knowledge, bringing a profoundly human element to knowledge organisation and retrieval. The classifiers' craft, therefore, extends beyond the implementation of a systemic and controlled vocabulary and involves an active contribution of their knowledge and experience. This contributes to the overall flexibility and adaptability of the classification system. The thesis also underscores the necessity of reassessing our understanding of library classification systems, especially in light of AI's increasing role in this field.

This topic, "Some Mission Societies Since Lausanne 1974" is an examination of the impact of Lausanne 1974 on the Global Church through ParaChurch organizations. There is a Focus on DAWN as a Movement. The topic was chosen due to the fact that mission organization scholars from agencies such as the International Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Convention, Dawn Ministries, YWAM, and A.D. 2000 consider Lausanne 1974 to be a watershed event in evangelical missions. Lausanne 1974 renewed evangelical vision of missions and gave new direction to mission organizations. This dissertation explores those claims. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th (Missiology) Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology

Text in German / The present work deals with the historical and theological foundations of radical evangelicalism and places it within the context of theologies which influenced it and are similar to it. Radical evangelicalism integrates insights from various theological roots into a evangelical basal concept. Radical theology succeeded, through its contextual outworking, in overcoming the narrow focus of European evangelical theology and yet it remains genuinely evangelical. It is in the position of breaking through the sterility of academic theology and the dualistic worldview which is peculiar to wide parts of the evangelical movement by a world view that is turned towards the world. Thus it is proving itself to be a highly relevant theology for the needs of a divided world. The work develops in three steps. First of all the historical development of radical evangelicalism will be traced, from its beginning at the Congress for world evangelism in Lausanne in 1974 to the present day. Thus it will become clear that in the 30 years since Lausanne radical theology has entered the mainstream of evangelicalism. There follows in a detailed section a setting out of the theology of radical evangelicalism by means of several chosen themes. It will deal with radical hermeneutics, eschatology, salvation, the meaning of mission and evangelism and the relationship between Gospel and culture. Finally the social action of radical evangelicalism will be set out and it will be demonstrated that its energetic theology is at its basic level in fact a driving sprituality. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Missiology)

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / As the ethnic militias increased in strength after the transition to democracy, voices were raised whether they could pose a threat to the consolidation of democracy. In order to understand the problems that ethnic militias pose for the consolidation of democracy we try to show how they were established and how they have influenced the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Further, we ask if the ethnic militias have outplayed their role in Nigerian society. The main results show that the ethnic militias arose because of necessity, in an environment where ethno-nationalism was prevalent because of a repressive state’s inability to take care of its own people. The violent activities of the ethnic militias was not good for democracy in the short run, but as a counterweight to the state the ethnic militias played an important role in what can be described as civil society taken up arms. This militarising of society seems to have forced the state to take the ethnic militias more seriously. Hence, it can be claimed that the ethnic militias served as a midwife to the current Nigerian transitional democracy. However, as the state recognised the ethnic militias as a part of the political realm, and not just violent groups, the legitimacy for the ethnic militias eroded. The Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), which was the most influential ethnic militias in Nigeria, has now changed its agenda, and has not gone back to being the socio-cultural organisation as they were formed as. There is an important role for the OPC and the Niger Delta ethnic militias as a counterweight to the state, but dialogue should be the main way of communication, as violence will only foster violence. It seems clear that the state needs to take the first step in order to make this happen. The conclusion is that ethnic militias have had, and still have an effect on the consolidation of democracy by holding the state responsible for its actions, and by punishing the state when it does not act according to its people’s wishes. It can be claimed that they forced out democracy by highlighting the flaws of the Nigerian state even if the way they operated, was not democratic. By highlighting corruption, lack of law enforcement and unnecessary use of force, they were able to bring down the authoritarian rule and make way for the transition to democracy. However, they do not seem to pose a threat to consolidation in the short term, rather they can have a positive effect, as they can act a counterweight to the ruling elite and other forces obstructing democracy. As we show, ethnic militias are and have been a part of civil society, and the focus of the future should be how to incorporate them into civil society, especially the Niger Delta ethnic militias as they are still active. Ethnic militias (except for some ones in the Niger Delta) were a brief phenomena in Nigerian history, and the focus should be on understanding the reason for them coming into being, in order to avoid it happening again. This thesis tries to give a holistic view of the Nigerian political situation. This thesis fills a gap in the literature concerning ethnic militias, by incorporating the most important factors into a framework. This makes it easier to make an accurate conclusion on how they have affected democracy, and questions the opinion that militias were only harmful to Nigerian development. It is the author’s opinion that this thesis will give scholars a more nuanced perspective of the ethnic militias, and lead to more accurate research in the future.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The period prior to the 1990's marked the ANC as a liberation movement, perceived by many as being in favour of nationalization and a state controlled economy. The advent of democracy and the ANC's assumption of political power have, however, seen a change in the ANC elites' policy rhetoric, practice and approach to policy formulation. This essay examines the extent to which elite views and attitudes have shifted from nationalization to privatization. It notes that while the ANC government has been persuing and implementing Gear and its privatization component, its elite seems to be less supportive and to some extent ambivalent on the question. In addition, continued implementation of Gear and its privatization elements, in spite of reservations by the majority of the elites supporting the ANC, reveals a technocratie nature in approach to policy-making on the part of the ANC-led government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1990 was die ANC oor die algemeen beskou as 'n bevrydingsorganisasie, ten gunste van nasionalisering en 'n staatsbeheerde ekonomie. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie en die ANC se aanname van politieke mag, het daar 'n verandering plaasgevind onder ANC elite ten opsigte van beleidsretoriek, praktyk en hulle benadering betreffende beleidsformulering. Hierdie studie ondersoek tot hoe 'n mate die elite se sieninge en houdings verskuif het vanaf nasionalisering na privatisering. Terwyl die ANC regering GEAR implementeer met sy privatiseringkomponent, is die ANC elite al minder ondersteunend t.o.v die privatiseringskwessie; om die waarheid te sê, hul standpunt hieroor is tot 'n mate dubbelsinnig. Verder toon die implementering van GEAR, en sy privatiseringselement, ten spyte van bedenkinge onder die meerderheid van die elite wat die ANC ondersteun, 'n toenemende tegnokratiese benadering tot beleidsmaking aan die kant van die ANC regering.

本研究旨在探討國家圖書館數位保存計畫之促成因素與相關問題，藉由比較研究之描述、解釋、併排與比較四步驟，研究美國與澳洲國家圖書館數位保存計畫之內涵，瞭解美國國會圖書館與澳洲國家圖書館在數位保存活動中扮演的角色、任務、法定寄存制度、數位保存計畫背景與促成因素等，歸納數位保存策略與典範，以提出我國發展數位保存計畫之建議與參考。 研究結果歸納促成美國與澳洲國家圖書館數位保存計畫發展的15項共同因素與3項不同因素。共同因素為：1.兩國皆因著作權法促成國家圖書館擔負法定寄存的責任；2.重視數位保存問題；3.重視數位資源法定寄存；4.數位資源採自願寄存協議；5.落實國家數位保存計畫；6.落實網站典藏保存計畫；7.採合作蒐集數位資源的策略；8.研訂所需描述性後設資料標準；9.採用多種Metadata架構；10.研訂保存性後設資料標準；11.數位保存技術策略；12.採用唯一的數位保存官方標準OAIS參考模式；13.採用HTTrack網站擷取工具；14.重視數位資源的永久取用；15.合宜的數位資源取用策略。不同因素為：1.國家數位保存計畫發展方式不同；2.網路資源典藏計畫不同；3.數位資源選擇決策不同。 本論文結論歸納發展國家數位保存應考量下列議題：1.國家圖書館數位保存的重要性；2.法定寄存制度與數位資源寄存問題；3.數位保存計畫推動；4.數位資源館藏政策與選擇指南；5.網路資源編目標準；6.Metadata標準；7.描述性後設資料；8.保存性後設資料；9.數位典藏庫；10.數位保存策略；11.數位保存取用與服務；12.數位保存成功因素與策略。 最後建議：1.加強原生數位資料研究；2.國家圖書館推動我國數位保存計畫；3. 建置我國網站典藏先導計畫；4.訂定數位館藏發展政策；5.訂定數位保存政策。 / The purpose of the study is to analyze the factors that helped to materialize the national library digital preservation projects. Through description, interpretation, juxtaposition, and comparison, this study research the concepts of the digital preservation projects from Library of Congress and National Library of Australia, which include the role, the mission, the legal deposit policy, the background, and the relevant factors of the digital preservation standards and strategy. Finally come up with the suggestion of the digital preservation projects of our own. The results of this study include 15 common factors and 3 different factors. The common factors are: 1.The national libraries are responsible for the legal deposit policy due to the copyright act；2.Emphasize on the digital preservation；3. Emphasize on the legal deposit policy；4.There is no common agreement on digital resources deposit policy；5.Carry out national digital preservation projects；6.Execute the web capture projects；7.Adopt the strategy of collecting digital resources together； 8.Construct the descriptive metadata standards；9.Adopt several metadata schemas； 10.Construct preservation metadata standards；11.Digital preservation strategy；12. Adopt official digital preservation standard OAIS；13.Adopt HTTrack web capture tool；14.Emphasize on the permanent access of the digital resources；15.Appropriate digital resources access strategy. The different factors are: 1.The development of the national digital preservation projects；2.The collection of the web-based resources projects；3.The selection decision of the digital resources. The conclusions of the study are: 1.The importance on digital preservation of a national library；2.The issues of legal deposit policy and the deposition of the digital resources；3.Successfully promote the development of a digital preservation project；4.Digital resources collection policy and selection guidelines；5.Web resources cataloging standards；6.Metadata standards；7.Descriptive metadata；8.Preservation metadata；9.Digital repository；10.Digital preservation strategy；11.Access and services of digital preservation；12.Succesful factors of promoting digital preservation projects. The study makes final suggestions as follows: 1.Emphasis on the research of born digital materials. 2. Promote national central library to develop our national digital preservation projects. 3. Construct the web-archiving pilot project. 4. Establish the digital collection development policy. 5. Establish the digital preservation policy.

This research project seeks to explore aspects of the post-reporting phase of the public inquiry process. Central to the public inquiry process is the concept of legitimacy and the idea that a public inquiry provides and opportunity to re-legitimate the credibility of failed public institutions. The current literature asserts that public inquiries re-legitimise through the production of authoritative narratives. As such, most of this scholarship has focused on the production of inquiry reports and, more recently, the reports themselves. However, in an era of accountability, and in the aftermath of such a poignant attack upon society, the production of a report may represent an apogee, but by no means an end, of the re-legitimation process. Appropriately, this thesis examines the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process. The 9/11 Commission provides a useful research vehicle due to the bounded, and relatively linear, implementation process of the Commission’s recommendations. In little more than four months a majority of the Commission’s recommendations were passed into law. Within this implementation phase the dominant discursive process took place in the United States Congress. It is the legislative reform debates in the House of Representatives and the Senate that is the focus of this research project. The central research question is: what rhetorical legitimation strategies were employed in the legislative reform debates of the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process? This study uses a grounded theory approach to the analysis of the legislative transcripts of the Congressional reform debates. This analysis revealed that proponents employed rhetorical strategies to legitimise a legislative ‘Call to Action’ narrative. Also, they employed rhetorical legitimation strategies that emphasised themes of bipartisanship, hard work and expertise in order to strengthen the standing of the legislation. Opponents of the legislation focused rhetorical de-legitimation strategies on the theme of ‘flawed process’. Finally, nearly all legislators, regardless of their view of the legislation, sought to appropriate the authoritative legitimacy of the Commission, by employing rhetorical strategies that presented their interests and motives as in line with the actions and wishes of the Commission.

Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.

The Senate Munitions Committee of 1934-1936, chaired by Gerald Nye of North Dakota, provided the first critical examination of America's modern military establishment. The committee approached its task guided by the optimism of the progressive Social Gospel and the idealism of earlier times, but in the middle of the munitions inquiry the nation turned to new values represented in Reinhold Niebuhr's realism and Franklin D. Roosevelt's Second New Deal. By 1936, the committee found its views out of place in a nation pursuing a new course and in a world threatening to break out in war. Realist historians writing in the cold war period (1945-1990) closely linked the munitions inquiry to isolationism and created a one-dimensional history in which the committee chased evil "merchants of death." The only book-length study of the munitions investigation, John Wiltz's In Search of Peace, published in 1963, provided a realist interpretation. The munitions inquiry went beyond the merchants of death in its analysis of the post-World War I American military establishment. A better understanding emerges when the investigation is considered not only within an isolationist framework, but also as part of the intellectual, cultural, and political history of the interwar years. In particular, Franklin Roosevelt's political use of the investigation becomes apparent. Sources used include the committee's hearings, exhibits, and reports, the Gerald Nye Papers, the Franklin Roosevelt Papers, the Cordell Hull Papers, the R. Walton Moore Papers, the Henry Stimson Papers, the Homer Cummings Diaries, and the State Department's decimal files.