Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-20T08:45:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Janaina Thais Daniel Varalli.pdf: 7930952 bytes, checksum: 7c6958c40e0d283c0387bd3fd6e54cf1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T08:45:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Janaina Thais Daniel Varalli.pdf: 7930952 bytes, checksum: 7c6958c40e0d283c0387bd3fd6e54cf1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The main objective of the work is to investigate the right to a dignified death as a true fundamental right of the individual. The premise is that if national and international legislation protects the right to a dignified life, as can be seen from the systematic and teleological reading of articles 5 and 225 of the Federal Constitution and international documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, one must recognize the right to the dignified life in all the phases of existence of the subject, even when it is in terminal phase. In order to develop the study, the principles of bioethics and biolaw, the concepts of euthanasia, orthothanasia, assisted suicide and dysthanasia, as well as palliative care were analyzed. The role of the State as guarantor of the right to life was also analyzed, but also as a guarantor of freedom and autonomy in the private matters. Emblematic cases have been investigated in order to observe the current stage of discussion and legislation in Brazil and in the world. The right to a dignified death, whether through voluntary euthanasia or assisted suicide, is an unfolding of the right to a dignified life and can be exercised by those who are aware, informed of their clinical conditions and options, privileging the autonomous decision of the subject to submission to certain medical treatments and procedures and regarding the duration of life, which can be foreseen in the instrument called advance directives. If life is a right it can not become a real burden / O principal objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar o direito à morte digna como verdadeiro direito fundamental do indivíduo. Parte-se da premissa de que se a legislação nacional e internacional protegem o direito à vida digna, como se depreende da leitura sistemática e teleológica dos artigos 5º e 225 da Constituição Federal e de documentos internacionais como a Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, deve-se reconhecer o direito à vida digna em todas as fases de existência do sujeito, mesmo quando ele está em fase terminal. Para desenvolver o estudo foram analisados os princípios da Bioética e do Biodireito, os conceitos de eutanásia, ortotanásia, suicídio assistido e distanásia, bem como dos cuidados paliativos. Analisou-se também o papel do Estado como garantidor do direito à vida, mas também como garantidor da liberdade e da autonomia na esfera privada. Foram investigados casos emblemáticos a respeito do assunto, para se observar o estágio atual da discussão e da legislação, no Brasil e no mundo. O direito à morte digna, seja por meio da eutanásia voluntária ou do suicídio assistido, é um desdobramento do direito à vida digna e pode ser exercido por aquele que tem consciência, está informado de suas condições clínicas e opções, privilegiando-se a decisão autônoma do sujeito a respeito da submissão a determinados tratamentos e procedimentos médicos e a respeito da duração da vida, o que pode ser previsto no instrumento denominado de diretrizes antecipadas. Se a vida é um direito, então, não pode se transformar em verdadeiro fardo

Abortų problema yra prieštaringai vertinama daugelyje pasaulio valstybių. Dažniausiai diskusijų sukelia tokios temos kaip vaisiaus ir motinos teisės, tačiau tėvo teisės sulaukia mažiau dėmesio, nors šis klausimas yra ne mažiau aktualus. Jei tėvas prisideda prie gyvybės sukūrimo, tai kodėl neturėtų dalyvauti sprendžiant ir jos nutraukimo klausimą? Vyro teisės priimant aborto sprendimą ne visada buvo vienodos ir keitėsi su laiku. Jeigu senovėje nutraukiant nėštumą lemiamą sprendimą priimdavo vyras, tai dabar ši teisė priklauso moteriai. Tačiau vyrai toliau kovoja už teisę turėti palikuonį, remdamiesi vaisiaus teisės į gyvybę teorija, moterų ir vyrų lygių teisių įstatymais, Konstitucija ir kitais teisės aktais. Atlikus tarptautinių dokumentų, Jungtinių Amerikos Valstijų, Jungtinės karalystės ir Lietuvos nacionalinių teisės aktų bei tarptautinių ir nacionalinių teismų praktikos analizę vyro teisės priimant aborto sprendimą klausimu, prieita prie išvados, kad tarp būsimųjų tėvų iškilus nesutarimui dėl nėštumo nutraukimo sprendimo priėmimo, lemiamas žodis atitenka motinai, o tėvui tenka susitaikyti su moters priimtu sprendimu, kadangi jis neturi jokių įstatymuose garantuotų teisių uždrausti moteriai darytis abortą, nesvarbu ar jis būtų moters sutuoktinis ar ne. Šiomis dienomis, kai visur yra pabrėžiamos vyrų ir moterų lygios teisės, kai moterys ir vyrai atrodo, kad visose srityse pasiekė lygybės, liko bent viena sritis, kurioje vyrai turi mažiau teisių negu moterys – tai priimant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Abortion is a very controversial issue in various countries. The discussion it arises is mainly concerned with mother’s and unborn fetus’s rights but father’s rights are rarely discussed. The aim of this thesis is to analyze father’s rights in abortion decision. The attitude towards father’s rights has been changing with time. The first law against abortion appeared in ancient times protecting the father's right to have an offspring and the woman’s opinion was not important. But nowadays the situation has changed – the abortion decision is left for the mother. In most countries men have no right to stop a woman from having an abortion with a small exception of some mostly Muslim countries. The thesis analyzes international documents and jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR); national laws, related to abortion decision and father’s rights and case law in the United States of America, the United Kingdom (UK) and Lithuania. The analysis of international and national laws and jurisprudence shows that when a woman becomes pregnant, the man who impregnated her has few legal rights with respect to that pregnancy. He can neither require the woman to remain pregnant if she chooses to have an abortion nor force her to have an abortion if she wants to give a birth. Furthermore, if the woman chooses to bear a child, the father is legally liable for child support. The question arises – if men have financial responsibilities for their children, should not they have... [to full text]

À la suite d'attaques terroristes massives est apparue une motivation féroce qui risque d'être manipulée pour justifier des excès de force. Voulant prévenir des attaques armées contre leurs intérêts, certains États ont adopté des politiques de « tuerie ciblée » pour éliminer de façon permanente des terroristes en sol étranger qui menacent leur sécurité. II est pourtant illégal de tuer des individus en l'absence de conflits armes sans égard au droit à la vie. La présente recherche tient à déterminer si, en vertu du droit international, des États peuvent neutraliser par force des individus dangereux ou bien venir au secours d' otages en sol etranger. En étudiant l'article 51 de la Charte des Nations Unies, un certain nombre de conclusions sont apparues, notamment que des opérations pour « arrêter ou neutraliser » ne peuvent avoir lieu que dans des États qui supportent des terroristes ou qui restent indifférents face à leur présence, et que I'expression « guerre contre Ie terrorisme » ne peut permettre des «tueries ciblées » sans avoir à considérer les droits à la vie et à la légitime défense. Puisque toute division entre les membres de la communauté internationale peut venir limiter la prévention d'attaques, le fait que la coopération entre les États ayant abolis la peine de mort et ceux ayant recours aux « tueries ciblées » puissent en souffiir fait l'objet de cet ouvrage. Ladite recherche conclue que l'utilisation de « tueries ciblées » en dehors du contexte de conflits armés ne peut être permis qu'en dernière mesure lorsque réellement nécessaire pour prévenir des attaques armées et protéger la vie. / From the ashes of devastating acts of terrorism has arIsen a resolve so powerful that measures of counterterrorism risk being manipulated by states to justify excess. In an attempt to prevent armed attacks against their interests, a number of states have adopted policies of targeted killing to permanently incapacitate terrorists on foreign soil. The intentional killing of suspected offenders, however, cannot be lawfully carried-out by states in the absence of armed conflict without regard for the right to life. The following research attempts to determine whether it is permissible for nations to use force on foreign soil to . incapacitate dangerous individuals or rescue hostages under international law. By studying article 51 selfdefense of the United Nations charter, a number of conclusions are asserted, namely that operations to "arrest or neutralise" can only be carried-out in states that support terrorists or are complacent to their presence, and that declaring "war on terrorism" cannot allow governments to kill suspected terrorists in countries where there is no war, except in a manner that is reconcilable with the rights to life and selfdefense. Since division among members of the international community may ultimately diminish their ability to collectively suppress international terrorism, the potential for hindered cooperation between abolitionist states and those that carry-out targeted killings is also addressed. The current research concludes that targeted killings can only be justified outside the context of armed conflict when they are truly necessary as a last resort to prevent armed attacks and save lives. / "Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (LL.M.)". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline.

The legitimating of euthanasia raise the conflict of private and social interests. While raising the autonomy and wealth of individual as an ideal order to every state in the society of the second half of twentieth century people felt, that they have a right to carry out their decisions related to their as well as to the other individual’s way of death. In 1996 in Lithuania the legislation which gave the right to the patient to reject the treatment was adopted which is why now in our country we can also raise the question whether the right to choose the treatment is not enough liberal to call it the right to choose death.

Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence) / The issue of abortion and the protection of the right to life have been discussed by many academics, yet remains an unresolved topic in many countries. The mere fact that abortion is the deliberate termination of a human pregnancy raises the question, whether or not such an act violates the right to life. Abortion has been legalised in South Africa and Germany. This study explores the area of abortion vis a viz the obligation of South Africa and German under the international and regional human rights instruments to protect the right to life. Notably, the right to life is protected under a plethora of international and regional human rights instruments. At international level, the right to life is protected under Article 3 of the Universal declaration of Human Rights and Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. At regional level of the right to life is protected by Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 4 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples� Rights. To give a broad understanding of the meaning, nature and content of the right to life, this mini-thesis shall critically analyse the words used under the above Articles which protect the right to life. Then the paper will endeavour on its main objective which is to determine whether or not the legalisation of Abortion in South Africa and Germany violates the right to life?

This dissertation examines the protection given by the Civil Code and the Constitution to the different stages of human life, considering since the embryos produced in vitro until the moment of birth. The problem is analyzed from a fundamental rights perspective, contrasting Bioethics and Biolaw with Constitutional Law, as well as the civil concepts of legal subjects and legal personality. This dissertation considers the embryo and the conceptus as a subject of law, without including them in the juridical concept of person. Thus, the human life still in development receives legal protection, but the law does not specify clearly the limits of this protection, especially if they would be under the legal protection of life. The new Biosafety Act relativized the legal protection of human life in embryonic stage, enabling research with embryos resulting from assisted reproduction. The Criminal Code also relativizes the juridical protection of life, allowing the abortion under certain circumstances. This definition is important so that biojuridical issues receive a just legal protection. Considering the absence of a statutory definition, this dissertation analyzes, from a constitutional hermeneutics perspective, the possibility to ponder the right to life with other fundamental rights, especially the right to health, the right to genetic heritage and reproductive rights. This dissertation suggests it is possible to limit the protection of life of these subjects in contrast with the protection of other human rights guaranteed to the person already born. The principle of the dignity of human life in relation to the principle of human dignity is used as an hermeneutical parameter. With this analysis, this dissertation examines the decisions of the Supreme Court until June 2011, in which the terms “embryo” and “conceptus” are analyzed to consider the attitude adopted by the Ministers facing these statutory omissions. / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho tem por objeto a análise da proteção civil-constitucional conferida ao ser humano quando ainda em formação gestacional, considerando desde o embrião laboratorial até o momento do nascimento. A problemática é analisada sob a perspectiva dos direitos fundamentais, na interface da Bioética e do Biodireito com o Direito Constitucional, além dos institutos do Direito Civil de sujeito de direito e da personalidade jurídica. Entende-se o embrião e o nascituro enquanto sujeito de direito, sem, contudo, serem considerados pessoas. Com isso, o ser humano ainda em formação recebe proteção jurídica, mas o Direito não especifica claramente qual o limite dessa proteção, principalmente se estariam resguardados pelo direito à vida. A nova Lei da Biossegurança relativizou a proteção à vida humana em formação, possibilitando as pesquisas que se utilizam do embrião humano laboratorial; o Código Penal, em certas circunstâncias, também relativiza a proteção à vida do nascituro, possibilitando o aborto. Essa definição é importante para que as questões biojurídicas recebam uma proteção jurídica adequada. Ante a ausência de uma norma definidora, o trabalho analisa, sob a ótica da hermenêutica constitucional, a possibilidade de ponderar o direito à vida em face de outros direitos fundamentais assegurados, principalmente o direito à saúde, o direito ao patrimônio genético e o direito sexual reprodutivo. Com isso, entende-se ser possível limitar a proteção à vida desses sujeitos em face da proteção de outros direitos assegurados à pessoa humana já nascida. Utiliza-se como parâmetro hermenêutico o princípio da dignidade da vida humana em relação ao princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana. Após essa análise doutrinária acerca do tema proposto, estudam-se os julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal até junho de 2011, cujos termos “embrião” e “nascituro” surgem como objeto de apreciação para se constatar a postura adotada pelos Ministros diante dessas omissões legais.

Equally discomforting is the PlayStation mentality that surrounds drone killings. Young military personnel raised on a diet of video games now kill real people remotely using joysticks. Far removed from the human consequences of their actions, how will this generation of fighters value the right to life? How will commanders and policy makers keep themselves immune from the deceptively antiseptic nature of drone killings? Will killing be a more attractive option than capture? Will the standards of intelligence gathering justify a killing slip? Will the number of acceptable collateral civilian deaths increase? / Prepared under the supervision of Mr Gus Waschefort at the International criminal court, The Hague, Netherlands / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Through the fetal heartbeat House-Bill-481, Georgia (U.S) has taken a Pro-life stance on the constitutionally enshrined women's reproductive self-determination rights versus the proposed fetus's right to life by banning abortion after six weeks of gestation. The purpose of this research was to analyze how rights are debated in the media, argued in the bill, and presented in the litigation against the bill using a thematic analysis approach guided by the concept of rights. The findings showed that Pro-choice sees the bill as an infringement of women's rights while Pro-life see it as recognizing the proposed fetus's right to life and personhood.

In 2022 Spain recorded its highest suicide rates in history. Spanish politicians acknowledge the need for solutions but fail to agree on adequate ones that could help decrease the current upward trend in suicides. The study aims to analyse practical argumentations advanced by politicians during the 2022 Parliamentary debate where the issue of suicide was addressed, to explore the place suicide has in the decision-making process, to investigate the reasons for and against concrete ways of acting regarding the issue, and to understand how these arguments align with current political ideologies. This will deepen the understanding of the political response to the suicide crisis. To achieve this aim, the research applies Isabela and Norman Fairclough’s Political Discourse Analysis framework. The findings show that suicide is not addressed as the public health crisis it constitutes, and it is overshadowed by political power dynamics where regional nationalistic ideologies play a big role.

Uppsatsen analyserar om huruvida kärnvapenavskräckning hotar eller skyddar rätten till liv. Genom insamlade pro- och contra-argument skapas en diskussion kring kärnvapenavskräckning där centrala argument identifieras. Argumenten analyseras sedan i en argumentationsanalys samt slutsats utifrån ett rättighetsperspektiv med fokus på rätten till liv. Rätten till liv definieras utifrån General Comment No. 36 (2018) som berör artikel 6 rätten till liv inom den internationella konventionen om de medborgliga och politiska rättigheterna. / The essay analyses whether nuclear deterrence threatens or protects the right to life. By collecting pro- and contra-arguments it has been possible to create a discussion around nuclear deterrence as well as to identify key arguments within the two groups. The central arguments are then analyzed in an argumentation analysis and conclusion from a human rights perspective with a focus on the right to life. The right to life is defined from the General Comment No. 36 (2018) on article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, on the right to life.