<p>Abstract</p><p>The ban against torture is part of customary international law and is prohibited under all circumstances. Nevertheless, torture is conducted by nearly 150 countries all over the world,according to Amnesty International. Torture often serves as a means for governments to</p><p>protect themselves from internal and external threats to the security of the state apparatus.</p><p>The research problem seeks to investigate whether torture is ever justifiable when a nation finds itself in an emergency situation. This dilemma is examined through two moral theories, deontology and consequentialism, which are the two most debated theories in this</p><p>context. This research investigates three case countries; USA, Israel and Argentina, all of which have resorted to violent interrogation/ torture of detainees under national security situations.</p><p>In the analysis chapter, an examination of the two moral theories´ interpretations in each case country’s policy of violent interrogation / torture is carried out. The study was conducted using qualitative methods, idea analysis and the case study method.</p><p>In conclusion, the deontologist perspective takes an absolutist approach, in which torture is never justifiable, whereas the consequentialist perspective deems torture to be justifiable in</p><p>cases such as the “ticking bomb,” where many innocent lives may be saved. A further debate regarding the issue of torture and justifiability is needed, unless debated and questions are</p><p>raised regarding the use of torture, we merely drive torture underground.</p>

Despite the fact that the United States spends more per capita than any other nation on healthcare for its citizens, the quality of American health outcomes lags well behind every other developed country in the world. This paper proposes that it is no coincidence that the United States is also the only developed nation that does not guarantee the right comprehensive coverage of medical services for its citizens. Instead, we rely on a fee-for-service system which functionally denies quality health care to those without the means to pay for it. In this paper I document the experiences of various clients and staff of the Center, a torture survivor treatment and support agency, the majority of whose clients are or were refugees or political asylees, with the healthcare systems in the United States and elsewhere. I also analyze documented differences in the efficiency, efficacy, and levels of satisfaction with these foreign health care systems to that of the United States. The barriers to good quality health care experienced by the participants in this research are systemic, rather than individualistic, in nature. I therefore argue that the American ideology of health as a commodity to be bought and sold directly contributes to the inferior health outcomes of the United States health care delivery system, as compared to other nations whose ideology of health holds it to be a universal human right.

This thesis examines the testimonies of victims related to the use of torture during the Pinochet dictatorship. It contends that the existence of a broad testimonial archive on torture, significantly produced by the victims themselves, points to a collective 'speech' by which victims have attempted to splinter the silence of the dictatorial state and, in the aftermath of the repression, to contest the 'official history' of the transitional state. The testimonies of torture victims, it will be argued, signify a specific mode of action, a 'doing' of memory, whereby the experience of torture is re-membered in an effort to bring accountability for the crimes committed and this, from the first days of the dictatorship up to today. This speech of victims moreover is seen to constitute the unifying link between the testimonies of torture victims that have emerged during the dictatorship itself and those that continue to emerge today.

In this dissertation, I undertake an empirical analysis of Iranian punitive practices over the last century. In thiscontext, I set out to investigate three issues. First, I critically examine the claim that modernity is characterizedby a diminution of corporal punishments, considering both the older humanist-progressivist verions of this claim and therevisionist-Nietzschean versions that have been advanced by several scholars including Michel Foucault, David Rothman,Michael Ignatieff, John Langbein, Gerhard Oestreich and Marc Raeff. In particular, I examine the relationship betweenmodern torture and might be called the "disciplinary process" that is said to characterize modernization. Second, I evaluate Chomsky and Herman's hypothesis that developing societies are characterized by a specific economy of violence that might be described as "state terrorism." Third, I test the utility of Foucault's theoretical approach to the study of power. / Dans cette these, j'entreprends une analyse empirique des coutumes punitives iraniennes depuis un siecle. A cette fin, j'examine trois aspects. Premierement, j'examine d'une maniere critique le point de vue suivant lequel, la modernite se caracterise par une diminution des punitions physiques, tout en considerant l'interprétation traditionnelle humanistico-progressive de ce point de vue et les interpretations Nietzscheo-revisionnistes qui ont ete suggerees par plusieurs penseurs, tels que Michel Foucault, David Rothman, Michael Ignatieff, John Langbein, Gerhard Oestreich, et Marc Raeff. Plus precisement j'examine la relation entre la torture au XXieme siecle et ce que l'on pourrait appeler le "processus disciplinaire" qui, soi-disant, caracterise la modernisation. Deuxiemement, j'évalue les hypothèses de Noam Chomsky et d'Edward Herman suivant lesquelles les sociétés en voie de développement sont caractérisées par la violence d'une manière bien précise, et qui pourrait etre decrite comme "une économie de terrorisme d'état." Troisièmement, j'examine l'utilité de l'approche théorique de Michel Foucault pour l'etude du pouvoir. fr

Thèse (M.A.) -- Université Laval, 2006. / Bibliogr.: f. [104]-111. Publié aussi en version électronique dans la Collection Mémoires et thèses électroniques.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aims to examine the relationship between the State and railroad workers of Santa Maria during the first period of the Civil-Military Dictatorship in Brazil between 1964 and 1968. Given this, we seek to establish the main line of work as the idea that in this period due to the violent repression that followed mainly against the most active class-leaders, the pragmatism that characterized the political praxis of the railways during the so-called populist state (1945 -1964) came to an end. Likewise, the role of representative organizations scattered in associations, unions, etc. lost his sense of being due to policy interventions suffered at the summit which led to a depoliticization of workers and take a role especially bureaucratic in relation to conflicts at work. Thus, the railways have been jettisoned not only their influence on the other professional categories in the city, as well as the various spheres of power which had representatives. The issue of torture against political prisoners in Santa Maria was another important issue that has examined and direct connection with the practice intervention and demobilization class carried out by the authoritarian regime that was imposed in the country from 1964. / O presente estudo visa examinar as relações entre o Estado e os trabalhadores ferroviários de Santa Maria durante o primeiro período da Ditadura Civil-Militar brasileira, entre 1964 e 1968. Diante disto, procuramos estabelecer como linha principal do trabalho a ideia de que neste período devido à violenta repressão que se seguiu principalmente contra os líderes classistas mais atuantes, o pragmatismo que caracterizou a práxis política dos ferroviários durante o período do assim chamado Estado populista (1945-1964) chegou ao fim. Da mesma forma, a atuação dos organismos representativos dispersos em associações, uniões, etc., perdeu seu sentido de ser devido às intervenções sofridas na cúpula diretiva o que levou a uma despolitização do meio classista e a assumirem uma feição notadamente burocrática em relação aos conflitos do trabalho. Sendo assim, os ferroviários foram alijados não apenas de sua influência sobre as demais categorias profissionais da cidade, como também das várias esferas de poder onde possuíam representantes. A questão da tortura contra os presos políticos em Santa Maria foi outra questão importante examinada e que possui ligação direta com a prática de intervenção e desmobilização classista levada a efeito pelo regime autoritário que se impôs no país a partir de 1964.

This article is about a pair of factors that cause the distress that can be observed within the mexican society: the overflowed criminality and the impunity, by virtue of which the State is not fullfiling its essential historical duty: to provide an aceptable level of public security. This has two sources that complement each other. One is the sensation we get when we face an unpredictable threat. It is caused by crime. The other is defencelessness or knowing that we can only rely in our own strength because there is no one willing to protect or assist us. / El artículo versa sobre el par de factores que provocan el malestar que se advierte en la sociedad mexicana: la criminalidad desbordada y la impunidad, en virtud de las cuales el Estado no está cumpliendo con su deber histórico fundamental: brindar un nivel aceptable de seguridad pública. Ésta tiene dos fuentes que se complementan entre sí. Una es la sensación que nace al enfrentarnos a un peligro imprevisible. Es suscitada por el crimen. La otra es la indefensión, o sea, el saber que sólo se cuenta con las propias fuerzas porque no hay nadie más dispuesto a protegernos o auxiliarnos.

Esta dissertação procurou identificar ações concretas que podem ser desenvolvidas para evitar torturas e violações de direitos humanos perpetrados por agentes da polícia no ato de investigação de crimes na província de Tete, em Moçambique. Através de entrevistas e questionários dirigidos aos agentes que compõem o sistema de administração da justiça – juízes, procuradores, membros da Liga Moçambicana dos Direitos Humanos, advogados do Instituto de Patrocínio e Assistência Jurídica e membros da Polícia de Moçambique – foi possível perceber as causas que levam os polícias a pautar pela tortura no ato da investigação criminal e identificar ações para evitá-la. A pesquisa revelou variadas causas que contribuem para que a polícia na Cidade de Tete cometa o crime de tortura durante a investigação de crimes: parte-se, pois, da má formação dos agentes policiais em matéria dos direitos humanos até a falta de uma lei própria que defina e criminalize a tortura em Moçambique, além da ausência de um advogado por parte do suspeito no momento do primeiro interrogatório policial e da fiscalização deficitária das celas da polícia e das penitenciárias por parte dos órgãos competentes (procuradores) para evitar casos de maus-tratos e/ou tratamentos desumanos nesses locais de detenção. Como recomendação, propõe-se a criação de uma lei própria e exclusiva que defina e incrimine a tortura; a presença obrigatória de um advogado durante o primeiro interrogatório policial – em caso de o indiciado não ter condições de contratar um advogado particular, que lhe seja garantido um defensor oficioso por parte do governo; a inspeção médica imediatamente após a detenção para apurar se o suspeito possui lesões corporais e, em caso afirmativo, a apuração das causas das lesões; revisões periódicas e formações sistemáticas de regras de interrogatórios, instruções, métodos e práticas aos agentes aplicadores das leis por parte do Estado; e a realização de visitas e inspeções regulares aos locais de detenção por um órgão independente que tenha poderes para ouvir queixas dos detidos de modo a obter informações sobre o tratamento policial. / This research aims to identify concrete actions that can be developed to prevent the violation of human rights and actions of torture performed by police officers on criminal investigation in the province of Tete, Mozambique. Interviews and questionnaires delivered to the agents responsible for the justice system, such as, judges, prosecutors, members of the Mozambican League of Human Rights, lawyers from the Institute for Legal Assistance and Representation, and police officers, have revealed why do police officers torture suspects under investigation, making it possible to identify actions that best prevent the violation of human rights in such cases. Among the causes that contribute for the police of the province of Tete, Mozambique, to commit the crime of torture during criminal investigation are: the poor instruction of police officers as far as Human Rights are concerned; the absence of a specific law to define and criminalize the practice of torture in the country; the absence of the attorney at the moment of the first police interrogation; and the lack of inspection in police cells and penitentiaries by relevant bodies (prosecutors) to prevent cases of abuse and ill-treatment in places of detention. As a recommendation, it is proposed: the creation of a separate and unique law to define, incriminate and apply an abstract criminal frame for the crime of torture; the mandatory presence of the attorney by the time of the first police interrogation (if the suspect is unable to get a private attorney on his own, then the government must ensure him a public defender); a physical exam right after the arrest so as to ascertain whether the suspect is injured (if so, the causes of the injury must be determined); regular systematic reviews and lectures on interrogation rules, instructions, methods and practices for laws agents; and regular visits and inspections in places of detention by an independent body that is empowered to hear complaints from prisoners in order to learn about police treatment.

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo compreender os entrecruzamentos entre as masculinidades militares e policiais e o processo de tortura na ditadura civil-militar brasileira, através da análise dos depoimentos prestados à Comissão Nacional da Verdade. Para tanto foi necessário passar em revista a lógica do butim de guerra, os discursos militares sobre o regime ditatorial e a tortura e a violência sexual contra mulheres e homens. Utilizando-me dos conceitos de masculinidade personalista e burocrática, sistematização proposta por Huggins, Fatouros e Zimbardo no livro Operários da Violência, busquei visualizar mais nitidamente o papel das masculinidades dos agentes estatais na construção do sistema repressivo. Agindo como um exército de ocupação de um território estrangeiro, os policiais e militares levaram a cabo a tarefa de reprimir – legal e ilegalmente - os opositores e opositoras do governo. Ao controle social, exercido pelas forças de segurança, se somou a vigilância da ordem de gêneros. Assim como a guerra contra as esquerdas, o trabalho de restabelecimento dos lugares sociais de gênero conhecia poucos limites. / The present dissertation has the objective understand the criss-cross between militaire and police masculinities and the torture process in the civil-militaire brasilian dictatorship, through the Comissão Nacional da Verdade depositions analysis. For the task was necessarie to go through the war booty logic, the militaire discourse on the dictatorial regime and the torture and the sexual violence against women and men. Using the concepts of personalistic and burocratic masculinities, systematization proposed by Huggins, Fatouros and Zimbardo in the book Violence Workers, I seeked to visualize more clearly the state agents’s role in the repressive system’s building. Acting like a occupation army in a foreign country, the policemen and militaires bring off the task of repress – legally and illegally – the government opponents. To the social control, exercised by the security forces, the gender order’s vigilance was added. As the war against the lefts, the social gender places restoration work knowed few limits.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O trabalho busca analisar o papel de dois setores representativos brasileiros (imprensa e poder legislativo), de 1945 a 1948, na investigação e divulgação de práticas repressivas do Estado brasileiro de 1935 a 1945 descambando para o tema da tortura no período. Para tal, tem-se como objeto empírico parte das publicações do conglomerado editorial Diários Associados e a formação da Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito dos Atos Delituosos da Ditadura. Tomados no bojo da redemocratização a partir de 1945, as reportagens e a Comissão possuíram uma profunda interrelação nas denúncias às torturas ocorridas antes mesmo da instauração do Estado Novo. Ao se estudar o tema, observa-se que essas acusações, embora comuns, não encontraram eco e se perderam tanto na possibilidade de ações judiciais (no caso da Comissão Parlamentar) como à memória. O objetivo deste trabalho é, então, demarcar o caminho das denúncias e apontar as causas que culminaram no seu esquecimento público. / This dissertation intends to analyze the role of two brazilian representative sectors (press and legislative power), from 1945 to 1948, in the investigation and discovering of repressive practices of the Brazilian State from 1935 to 1945 touching on the theme of torture during this period. For this purpose, I have as an empirical object some of the publications of the editorial conglomerate Diários Associados and the formation of the Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito dos Atos Delituosos da Ditadura (Parliamentary commission of delituous acts survey). Under the redemocratization starting in 1945, those reports and the commission had a profound blending with the accusations of torture that took place even before the instauration of the Estado Novo. By studying the subject, we observe that those accusations, although common, didnt find support and were by consequence deprived of the possibility of becoming a judicial complaint (in the case of the Parliamentary Comission) and of being part of the historical heritage. The goal of this dissertation is, then, to outline the path of the accusations and point out the reasons why they were left behind.