Les pays émergents d’Europe PEE déclenchèrent simultanément, il y a déjà 25 ans, une transformation de leurs économies la plus grande dans l’histoire économique contemporaine. Bien que l’idée de l’économie du marché l’ait emporté sur celle de l’économie planifiée en formant des expectations élevées de la convergence rapide, les PEE toujours peinent à aller de pair avec l’environnement global plain de bouleversements économiques. Cette étude vise à éliminer partiellement une lacune théorique en matière des politiques économiques en révisant des conclusions théoriques existantes dans le cadre de l’économie de la transition. Le but de telle révision était simple : il était nécessaire de comprendre toutes les contraintes inhérentes aux ces pays qui peuvent perturber les effets des politiques économiques bien que celles-ci se soient montrées très efficaces dans les pays développés. La crise financière de 2007/08 révéla l’existence des défauts importants des PEE en mettant en défi la sagesse populaire de l’implémentation universelle des politiques favorables au marché dans différents pays. C’est la raison pour laquelle cette œuvre est désignée de mettre en relief toutes les obstacles qui empêchent des politiques macroéconomiques – politique budgétaire et politique monétaire - d’être mises en œuvre. En outre, il est montré que les politiques structurelles favorables au marché ne sont pas suffisantes de compenser ses contraintes. Cette thèse, en s’appuyant sur la théorie de la croissance économique et la théorie de la transition économique, encourage l’idée de l’inclusion des politiques industrielles en tant que le factor qui a manqué dans la stratégie de réforme dans les PEE. / Emerging Europe Countries (EEC) triggered the greatest simultaneous economic transformation in the economic history 25 years ago. Although, the idea of market economy prevailed over planned economy building expectation about the speed of convergence process, EEC are still struggling to keep pace with the turbulent global economic environment. This study aims to partially fulfil the gap in economic theory in terms of economic policies reviewing existing theoretical conclusions within economics of transition. The purpose of this overview is simple: we needed to understand every possible limitation inherent in these economies that can distort the effects of economic policies even they showed high effectiveness in developed countries. The 2007/08 financial crises shed light on the existence of important weaknesses that these economises suffer from and challenged the conventional wisdom about unified implementation of market friendly policies over diversified countries. This analysis emphasises all constraints of macroeconomic policies – fiscal and monetary – to be fully deployed in EEC as well as insufficiency of market friendly structural policies to compensate these limitations. Relaying on the theory of economic growth and the theory of economic transition this study is encouraging the idea of the consideration of industrial policies as the missing element of reform strategy of EEC.

Ao conjunto de medidas administrativas, judiciais, legais, à aplicação de atividades compensatórias, de ações educativas e de políticas de memória assumidas ao acerto de contas com a violência perpetrada por sociedades emergentes de períodos em que foram cometidas graves violações dos direitos humanos, dá-se o nome de justiça de transição. No Brasil, tais medidas apresentadas às atrocidades cometidas pelos agentes do Estado durante a ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) levam em conta ações compensatórias, educativas e políticas de memória e verdade agenciadas por meio dos trabalhos da Comissão Especial sobre Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos, da Comissão de Anistia e da Comissão Nacional da Verdade. Estas medidas, procurando desenvolver os fundamentos da legitimação democrática e solidificar os mecanismos de resistência ao autoritarismo, fornecem os termos ao reconhecimento das experiências de violência e condicionam a sua reparação, esclarecimento e responsabilização. Deste modo, questiona-se aqui a possibilidade das representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça de transição implementadas pelas comissões de reparação e de verdade assumirem um sentido terapêutico, condicionando a perlaboração dos traumas decorrentes das atrocidades perpetradas pelos agentes da repressão. Para isso, submete-se as narrativas produzidas pelas comissões de reparação e da verdade a uma análise que leva em conta o processo de perlaboração do trauma destas experiências no contexto no qual o Estado brasileiro implementa medidas ao reconhecimento, à reparação, à reconciliação, ao esclarecimento e à responsabilização dos crimes da repressão. Tais medidas a depender das reivindicações discursivas críticas e da apreensão coletiva de suas representações, da associação que dá possibilidade de integração e de sentido à experiência marcam o processo do trauma em sua dimensão sociocultural e canalizam à revisão e à objetivação da identidade coletiva e da memória como parte de um registro coletivo. Assente-se, contudo, que as debilidades do processo transicional brasileiro inibem o debate e o engajamento social, dificultam o reconhecimento da violência, colocam obstáculos à simbolização e à apreensão coletiva de suas representações e conduzem os seus termos ao esquecimento ou à revisão. Logo, as representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça transicional não condicionam a perlaboração social dos legados traumáticos da violência cometida pelos agentes da repressão durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil. Tais condições seguem dificultando que um trabalho de memória da violência da ditadura se configure em um trabalho de perlaboração dos legados de seus traumas. / Transitional justice is the set of administrative, judicial and legal measures, and the application of compensatory activities, educative actions and politics of memory adopted in order to come to terms with the violence perpetrated by societies emerging from periods in which gross human rights violations were committed. In Brazil, such measures, taken to overcome the atrocities committed by the State agents during the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985), encompass compensating and educational actions, as well as politics of memory and truth carried out through the efforts of the Special Commission for the Dead and Missed Opponents, the Amnesty Commission and the National Truth Commission. Attempting to develop the foundations of the democratic legitimation and to strengthen the mechanisms of resistance to the authoritarianism, these measures contribute to the recognition of experiences of violence and lay the groundwork for reparation, clarification and acknowledgment of such experiences. Thus, what is questioned here is if the measures of transitional justice implemented by the commissions of reparation and truth may assume a therapeutic meaning, promoting the process of working through the trauma resultant from the atrocities perpetrated by the agents of repression. The narratives produced by the commissions are submitted to an inquiry that takes into account the working through process of such traumatic experiences in the context in which the Brazilian State puts in place measures for the recognition, reparation, reconciliation, clarification and acknowledgement of the crimes of repression. Such measures depending on the critical discursive claim and on the collective apprehension of their representations, on the association that allows integration and meaning to the experience characterize the process of trauma in its social-cultural extent and convey to the critical analyses and to the conceiving of the collective identity and memory as part of a collective testimony. However, it is agreed that the deficiencies identified in the Brazilian transitional process inhibit the debate and social commitment, hinder the recognition of violence, hold back the symbolization and the collective apprehension of its representations and take their terms to oblivion or revision. Therefore, the representations produced by the measures of transitional justice do not promote the social process of working through the traumatic 11 legacies of the violence committed by the agents of repression during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. These conditions keep hindering that the work of memory of such violence emerges as the process of working through the legacies of its trauma.

O presente estudo buscou compreender como o problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa está colocado na Justiça de Transição: quais atos são entendidos como cumplicidade? Quais instituições civis foram cúmplices? De fato, em tempos de poderes ilimitados, houve “cumplicidade civil”? Com base no conceito de “Doutrina de Segurança Nacional” para interpretar o autoritarismo pós Segunda Guerra Mundial na América Latina, são comparados os casos brasileiro e argentino a partir da hipótese que a diferença de modelo de justiça de transição dos dois países também seria verificada na aplicação dos mecanismos ao problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa. Para tanto, a pesquisa qualitativa examinou como a imprensa é abordada no Relatório final da Comissão Nacional de Desaparecimento de Pessoas da Argentina (CONADEP, 1985), no Relatório final da Comissão de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos do Brasil (CMDP, 2007) e nas obras referências sobre o problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa “Cães de guarda: jornalistas e censores, do AI- 5 à Constituição de 1988, de Beatriz Kushnir (2004) e "Decíamos ayer: La prensa argentina bajo el Proceso, de Eduardo Blaustein e Martín Zubieta (1998)". Valendo-se de uma abordagem crítica da teoria da justiça de transição, ao realçar conceitos da teoria da cultura política para expandir o espectro das instituições e estruturas sociais alvos de uma restruturação que garanta a não-repetição, o estudo se propõe a mitigar o relativo silêncio e esquecimento do comportamento dos civis, em geral, e da imprensa, em maior grau, no enfrentamento dos legados do autoritarismo. A partir do estudo comparado, pode-se concluir que a diferença de modelo de transição entre os países não repercute em significativas diferenças no tratamento dado ao tema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa pela justiça de transição. Embora esteja presente uma colaboração difusa das grandes instituições de imprensa com o autoritarismo, os poderes de veto e de agenda dessas instituições na democracia impede a busca pela verdade e memória no campo. Por fim, ao final do estudo é proposto uma tipologia de seis práticas de cumplicidade civil da imprensa e uma agenda para a justiça de transição que avance no desafio de delimitar a fronteira entre a censura política à imprensa, própria do autoritarismo, e a adesão voluntária às práticas repressivas do autoritarismo. Assim, direcionar efetivamente os esforços justransicionais para os setores civis, em especial a imprensa, representaria uma verdadeira investida na principal base da ditadura: a cultura autoritária das instituições e dos indivíduos. / This study aims to comprehend how the problem of civil complicity of press lies within Transitional Justice: what acts are understood as complicity? What civil institutions were complicit? In fact, in times of unlimited power, was there "civil complicity"? Based on the concept of the "National Security Doctrine" to interpret the post World War II authoritarianism in Latin America, the Brazilian and Argentine cases are compared assuming that the Transitional Justice different models of this two countries would also be verified in the application of mechanisms to the press civil complicity issue. Therefore, qualitative research examined how the press is addressed in the Final Report of the National Commission for Disappeared People of Argentina (CONADEP, 1985), in the Final Report of the Commission of the Political Dead and Disappeared of Brazil (CMDP, 2007) and in the paradigm works on the problem of civil complicity of the press "Cães de guarda: jornalistas e censores, do AI-5 à Constituição de 1988”, from Beatriz Kushnir (2004) and “Decíamos ayer: La prensa argentina bajo el Proceso”, from Eduardo Blaustein and Martín Zubieta (1998). Drawing on a critical approach to Transitional Justice theory, enhancing political culture theory concepts to expand the spectrum of institutions and social structures targets of restructuring to ensure the non- repetition, this study aims to mitigate the relative silence and oblivion of the behavior of civilians, in general, and of the press, to a greater degree, in dealing with authoritarian legacies. From the comparative study, we can conclude that the transition model of different countries do not reflected in significant differences in the treatment given to the subject of civil complicity of the press by Transitional Justice. Although there is the presence of a diffuse collaboration of major media institutions with authoritarianism, the veto and agenda powers of these institutions in democracy hinders the search for truth and memory in the field. Finally, at the end of the study, a six press civil complicity practices typology is proposed, as well as an agenda for Transitional Justice that goes on the challenge of defining the boundary between political censorship of the press, typical from authoritarianism, and the voluntary adherence to repressive authoritarianism practices. Thus, effectively directing justransicionals efforts to the civilian sectors, especially the press, represents a real assault on the main base of the dictatorship: the authoritarian culture of both institutions and individuals.

Ao conjunto de medidas administrativas, judiciais, legais, à aplicação de atividades compensatórias, de ações educativas e de políticas de memória assumidas ao acerto de contas com a violência perpetrada por sociedades emergentes de períodos em que foram cometidas graves violações dos direitos humanos, dá-se o nome de justiça de transição. No Brasil, tais medidas apresentadas às atrocidades cometidas pelos agentes do Estado durante a ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) levam em conta ações compensatórias, educativas e políticas de memória e verdade agenciadas por meio dos trabalhos da Comissão Especial sobre Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos, da Comissão de Anistia e da Comissão Nacional da Verdade. Estas medidas, procurando desenvolver os fundamentos da legitimação democrática e solidificar os mecanismos de resistência ao autoritarismo, fornecem os termos ao reconhecimento das experiências de violência e condicionam a sua reparação, esclarecimento e responsabilização. Deste modo, questiona-se aqui a possibilidade das representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça de transição implementadas pelas comissões de reparação e de verdade assumirem um sentido terapêutico, condicionando a perlaboração dos traumas decorrentes das atrocidades perpetradas pelos agentes da repressão. Para isso, submete-se as narrativas produzidas pelas comissões de reparação e da verdade a uma análise que leva em conta o processo de perlaboração do trauma destas experiências no contexto no qual o Estado brasileiro implementa medidas ao reconhecimento, à reparação, à reconciliação, ao esclarecimento e à responsabilização dos crimes da repressão. Tais medidas a depender das reivindicações discursivas críticas e da apreensão coletiva de suas representações, da associação que dá possibilidade de integração e de sentido à experiência marcam o processo do trauma em sua dimensão sociocultural e canalizam à revisão e à objetivação da identidade coletiva e da memória como parte de um registro coletivo. Assente-se, contudo, que as debilidades do processo transicional brasileiro inibem o debate e o engajamento social, dificultam o reconhecimento da violência, colocam obstáculos à simbolização e à apreensão coletiva de suas representações e conduzem os seus termos ao esquecimento ou à revisão. Logo, as representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça transicional não condicionam a perlaboração social dos legados traumáticos da violência cometida pelos agentes da repressão durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil. Tais condições seguem dificultando que um trabalho de memória da violência da ditadura se configure em um trabalho de perlaboração dos legados de seus traumas. / Transitional justice is the set of administrative, judicial and legal measures, and the application of compensatory activities, educative actions and politics of memory adopted in order to come to terms with the violence perpetrated by societies emerging from periods in which gross human rights violations were committed. In Brazil, such measures, taken to overcome the atrocities committed by the State agents during the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985), encompass compensating and educational actions, as well as politics of memory and truth carried out through the efforts of the Special Commission for the Dead and Missed Opponents, the Amnesty Commission and the National Truth Commission. Attempting to develop the foundations of the democratic legitimation and to strengthen the mechanisms of resistance to the authoritarianism, these measures contribute to the recognition of experiences of violence and lay the groundwork for reparation, clarification and acknowledgment of such experiences. Thus, what is questioned here is if the measures of transitional justice implemented by the commissions of reparation and truth may assume a therapeutic meaning, promoting the process of working through the trauma resultant from the atrocities perpetrated by the agents of repression. The narratives produced by the commissions are submitted to an inquiry that takes into account the working through process of such traumatic experiences in the context in which the Brazilian State puts in place measures for the recognition, reparation, reconciliation, clarification and acknowledgement of the crimes of repression. Such measures depending on the critical discursive claim and on the collective apprehension of their representations, on the association that allows integration and meaning to the experience characterize the process of trauma in its social-cultural extent and convey to the critical analyses and to the conceiving of the collective identity and memory as part of a collective testimony. However, it is agreed that the deficiencies identified in the Brazilian transitional process inhibit the debate and social commitment, hinder the recognition of violence, hold back the symbolization and the collective apprehension of its representations and take their terms to oblivion or revision. Therefore, the representations produced by the measures of transitional justice do not promote the social process of working through the traumatic 11 legacies of the violence committed by the agents of repression during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. These conditions keep hindering that the work of memory of such violence emerges as the process of working through the legacies of its trauma.

A presente pesquisa visa refletir sobre o lugar e o papel da psicologia no contexto do judiciário, propondo-se a realizar uma aproximação entre as áreas da psicologia e do direito, por meio do campo da ética. Objetiva, de forma mais específica, discutir o enquadre de entrevista com crianças que sofreram experiências de violência, dispondo-se a fazê-lo a partir de uma perspectiva assentada no ethos humano. Metodologicamente o trabalho constitui-se como pesquisa qualitativa, fundamentada no método clínico. Configura-se ao redor de situações de atendimento referentes a crianças que sofreram experiências de violência, tiveram os pais destituídos do poder familiar e encontravam-se sob a responsabilidade legal do poder judiciário. Como procedimento são utilizadas narrativas transferenciais de entrevistas, as quais foram estruturadas por meio de desenhos e histórias. A análise tem como principais referências as concepções de autores como Winnicott e Safra. Prioriza aspectos associados a transicionalidade e ao que se entende como necessidades éticas da condição humana - dentre elas, a necessidade de ser reconhecido e compreendido em sua singularidade, encontrar um lugar na subjetividade do outro e uma morada no mundo dos homens. Dentro dessa perspectiva, o termo ethos é tomado prioritariamente na pesquisa como lugar, campo relacional e posicionamento diante do outro. Considera-se, em contrapartida, violência, toda ação que reduz o ser humano à condição de coisa/objeto ou repercute no sentido do esfacelamento ou fratura do seu ethos. Entende-se, por sua vez, como intervenção ética o posicionamento diante do outro que preserva a sua condição de pessoa e favorece o vir a ser de si mesmo. A partir desse posicionamento epistemológico/ético e político, a pesquisa busca pensar um modelo de enquadre que considere a criança não só em sua condição biográfica e ôntica, mas em sua dimensão ontológica. Procura estruturar uma proposta de entrevista que possa, por um lado, atender à demanda e exigência institucionais, fornecendo subsídios para tomada de decisão judicial sobre o caso, mas por outro, constitua-se como uma intervenção ética, sob a forma de um olhar que não objetifique/coisifique a criança e se faça testemunho frente a fraturas éticas. Um olhar que reconheça a criança em singularidade, favoreça uma comunicação mais espontânea e profunda, 12 dialogue a partir do seu idioma pessoal e sustente o seu vir a ser. Em última instância, a pesquisa visa pensar em um enquadre de entrevista no contexto jurídico, que seja mais justo à condição humana / This research has the general objective of approximating the areas of psychology and law through the ethical field. It aims, more specifically, to discuss the framing interviews with children who have suffered violence, proposing to do so from a perspective based on the human ethos. Methodologically speaking, the task is configured as qualitative research, with fundaments based on the clinical method. It centers around reports of situations related by children in attendance, who have suffered violence, had their parents destituted of family authority and are under legal custody of the judiciary. Procedures used were transference narratives of the interviews, structured by means of drawings and stories. The main references for the analysis are drawn from the concepts of authors such as Winnicott and Safra. Aspects associated to transitionality are prioritized and those understood to be ethical necessities of the human condition - amongst which: the need to be singularly recognized and understood, to find a place in the subjectivity of the other and a dwelling in the world of men. Within this perspective, the term ethos in this research is taken to mean primarily the place, relational field or positioning vis-a-vis the other. Conversely, violence is considered as all action which reduces the human being to the condition of a thing/object or has repercussions in the sense of destroying or fracturing his ethos. The positioning in front of the other that preserves the persons condition and encourages her to become herself, is in turn understood to be an ethical intervention. From this political, epistemological/ethical stand, the research strives to think a framework (setting) model which considers the child not only in her biographical and ontical condition, but also in her ontological dimension. The study seeks to structure a proposal for interviewing which can on the one side attend institutional demands, furnishing subsidies for judicial decision-making, but on the other constitutes an ethical intervention, from an optic which neither objectifies the child nor turns her into a thing. Such an optic is a testimony with regard to ethical fractures, which recognizes the child in her singularity, favoring a deeper and more spontaneous communication, dialoguing in her personal language and sustaining her future development. In the last instance, the research seeks to contemplate the setting interview into the juridical framework in a manner most fitting for the human condition

The rising cost of health care and changes in healthcare delivery have prompted a need to improve continuity from the hospital to home. This scholarly project was initiated to assess the impact on patient outcomes related to initiation of a nurse practitioner-led transitional care program (TCP). Using the Diffusion of Innovations and Health Belief Models, the purpose of this study was to identify the impact of a TCP on improving the health of patients with congestive heart failure (CHF), diabetes mellitus Type II (DM II), and chronic obstructive pulmonary disorder (COPD). The impact of the TCP was evaluated by a review of patient satisfaction results, reduction in patient readmission rate, and emergency room consults. Two years of data from a community-based health care program were collated from a sample of 819 individuals with chronic disease between 65- and 85-years-old who had a 30-day hospital readmission after a nurse practitioner home visit and a 30- day readmission for an exacerbation of their CHF, DM II, or COPD. The secondary data were analyzed, using SPSS, to determine changes in rates of readmission. Descriptive statistics were used to represent and compare changes in rates. After implementation of the nurse practitioner home visit program, the 30-day readmission demonstrated an 81.07% reduction and the 30-day readmission for exacerbation of COPD, CHF, and DM II was reduced by 36.77%. The project findings contribute to social change by identifying how a reduction in the frequency of hospitalizations could contribute to decreased health care expenses and improved health outcomes. Home care and chronic health care organizations, as well as advanced-practice nurses working in home care settings, may use the results of the study to establish effective community interventions that reduce health care costs.

Most hospitals orient new graduate nurses and experienced nurses in the same generalized orientation programs. To address the cost of orientation to specialty units, a pediatric hospital developed a tailored transitional residency orientation program for experienced nurses. The purpose of this project was to describe, compare, and evaluate the existing generalized orientation program and the transitional orientation program to determine how the orientations differed in structure, process, and outcomes. Donabedian's model assessing quality of care services and Benner's novice-to-expert theoretical framework served as guides in evaluating the orientation outcomes. Qualitative data about residency classroom time, preceptor selection and time, mentor selection and time, debriefing, and total length of orientation were collected for the generalized and transitional programs. The findings were that interview process and time, classroom time, mentor time, debriefing time, and length of orientation were decreased in the new transitional orientation program. Orientation costs were less for the transitional program than the generalized program ($20,000 to $30,000 versus $50,000 per nurse, respectively) and nursing staff retention was better for the transitional program than the generalized program (90% versus 68%). The generalized orientation and separate transitional orientation have resulted in a social change by delivering cost-effective orientation to both novice and experienced nurses. Outcomes will be of interest to hospital human resource departments and nurses who conduct orientation programs.

This study examines whether participation in Extended Foster Care (EFC) or the Aftercare Program increase perceptions of independence in former and current foster dependents ages eighteen and older. Foster youth have historically experienced worse outcomes than the general population after reaching age 18. This study surveyed 72 young adults, 36 were in Extended Foster Care (EFC) and 36 were in the Aftercare Program in San Bernardino County. The areas examined were demographics, health care, employment, transportation, education, housing, mental health, pregnancy/parenting status, social support, services received in Independent Living Program (ILP), EFC, and/or the Aftercare Program and the young adults’ perception of the helpfulness of the programs, from whom they received information about these services, duration of participation in services, as well as, their confidence in their independence skills. The study found that overall young adults felt prepared for independence and they agreed that EFC or the Aftercare Program contributed to their feelings. The study also found that their outcomes in the aforementioned areas were more positive than previous research indicates. These findings were evaluated through quantitative data analysis of a questionnaire. The significance of this study is that it will determine the programs’ abilities to fit the needs of foster youth in overcoming their obstacles to independence. The implications for social work practice, policy and research are discussed.

The United States has a serious epidemic of mass incarceration and high recidivism rates. The U. S. must act on these high recidivism rates by implementing social services programs that help the formerly incarcerated stop committing crimes. The formerly incarcerated are being oppressed by a historic process that has continued to incarcerate and control them, even after they had served their time for their crimes. This project attempts to assist in reducing the high recidivism rates by creating an education-based transitional housing facility with a plethora of supportive services that will be open to formerly incarcerated individuals. This project sheds light on some of the problems that continue to plague this demographic group of people, while providing a possible solution to help reduce recidivism. The outcome of this project is a business plan that explains a procedure to help create a non-profit transitional housing facility that will be located in Palm Springs, CA. The steps of building this non-profit business are detailed in an implementation plan following this manuscript.

Without interventions to address homelessness among youth, the risk of homelessness for future generations is great. As a result, the federal government has invested in funding Transitional Living Programs (TLPs), though it is not clear whether these programs have achieved the intended outcomes of helping youth transition from homelessness to being able to sustain employment and avoid poverty through access to educational and workforce programs. Using the broad conceptualization of democratic governance as the foundation, the purpose of this case study was to assess whether access to educational programs through TLPs benefitted homeless youth in terms of program success. Data for this study were collected through interviews with 9 administrators of TLP service providers and publicly available documents for the years 2008-2014. Interview data were inductively coded and subjected to thematic analysis, and data from public sources were evaluated using descriptive statistics. Qualitative analysis revealed that long term, post-TLP outcomes were difficult to track as individual TLPs tended to lose contact with youth, though self-advocacy for participants, coupled with the ability to sustain long term independence, were keys to success for program participants. Participants also noted their perception that education through TLPs provide opportunity for stable social and economic connections. Positive social change resulting from this study may be attained if TLP long-term outcomes are evaluated using metrics that are realistic for the target population, and organizational goals are refocused on improving opportunities for youth to make meaningful contributions to their communities, and thereby build the social equity necessary for long-term success.