Gaius Julius Caesar is not only the most well-known figure in Roman history, but he is also one of the most difficult to understand. Since his assassination, Caesar has played an important role in discussions of political power, imperial government, tyranny, and tyrannicide. While there have been literary treatments of Caesar from William Shakespeare to the present, little has been done to trace the image of Caesar through the Middle Ages and into the Renaissance. The present work attempts to fill that hole by examining portrayals of Caesar in medieval and early Renaissance texts. An examination of specific authors such as Geoffrey of Monmouth, John of Salisbury, Thomas Aquinas, Dante, Petrarch, Salutati, and Bruni, clearly demonstrates that Caesar was consistently portrayed as the first emperor and used to represent the Roman Empire. As the first emperor, representations of Caesar figured significantly in debates about the power of the Church and the Empire, the benefits and downfalls of imperial government, and tyrannicide. Authors were influenced in their portrayals of Caesar by the classical portrayals found in the works of Vergil, Lucan, and Suetonius. Each author's interpretation of Caesar was also impacted by the political and intellectual milieu in which he flourished. Analysis of Caesar's image over this time period serves not only as a part of Caesar historiography, but also provides insight into the ways that scholars write history to understand the world around them.

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Cette thèse analyse la réception en Europe des évènements survenus au Japon pendant la période de mission, à l’époque moderne. Le discours diffusé dans le monde occidental avait commencé par un certain triomphalisme, incarné par les chrétiens japonais arrivés à Rome en 1585. Or, quand les autorités locales ont proscrit et poursuivi la nouvelle religion, il a évolué vers une rhétorique centrée sur la notion de « martyr ». Par la suite, cette idée a été activement utilisée pour présenter l’expérience chrétienne japonaise dans l’Europe moderne, et son emploi était intimement lié à la pensée politique et religieuse de l’époque. Les martyrs du Japon ont en outre donné lieu, en 1627, à la première béatification de saints issus des « Indes ». Cet évènement, tant pour l’Église, que pour les empires coloniaux ibériques, n’a été rendu possible qu’à travers l’intégration du Japon dans une vision du monde où ses dirigeants persécuteurs sont considérés comme des tyrans, et non pas comme de simples sauvages. La transmission de ces conceptions dans le Vieux Continent a également pris des formes concrètes, avec les tableaux, sculptures et gravures, ou encore la littérature et le théâtre. Dans les pièces jésuites, l’Archipel devient en effet un thème d’un genre destiné à l’édification publique. Tout cela a contribué à créer un Japon imaginaire, qui s’est par la suite largement imposé dans les esprits. Cette thèse montre que les martyrs japonais ne peuvent être circonscrits à l’histoire de l’Église ou des ordres missionnaires, mais qu’ils ont contribué à la construction de la culture européenne, en particulier dans sa perception de sa place dans le monde. / This thesis analyzes the reception of the Japanese mission in Europe, from the 16th to the 18th century. The discourse diffused in Europe started with a certain triumphalism, embodied by the Japanese Christians sent to Rome in 1585. However, when the local authorities began to prosecute and ban the new religion, it evolved to an imagery centered on the concept of “martyr". After that, this notion has been actively used to relate the Japanese Christian experience in modern Europe, and it was intimately linked to the religious and political thought of the time. The martyrs of Japan also gave, in 1627, the first beatification of saints from the “Indies”. This exceptional event, for both the Catholic church and the Iberian colonial empires, was only made possible by the integration of Japan in a determined word-view, where its leaders were regarded as tyrants, and not as uncivilized savages. The concrete transmission of such conceptions in the Old Continent was conducted by various means, such as paintings, sculptures and engravings, or literature, and theater. In the Jesuit plays, the Japanese martyrs became a topic in a literary genre essentially designed for public edification. All of this gave birth to an imaginary Japan that subsequently established itself in the minds of the time. Overall, this thesis shows that Japanese martyrs cannot simply be confined to the history of the Church or missionary orders. They have contributed significantly to the construction of European culture, particularly in its perception of its place in the world.

L?????tude de l???iconoclasme byzantin, cette crise th??ologique ayant pour cause l???essor du culte associ?? aux images religieuses, a ??t?? un exercice ardu pour les historiens. En effet, les maigres sources disponibles pour cette p??riode sont toutes favorables au culte des images. Bien qu?????crite par un iconodoule convaincu et hostile aux empereurs iconoclastes, la Chronographie de Th??ophane le Confesseur ne m??rite pourtant pas ses ??tiquettes contemporaines de pro-iconophile et d???anti-iconoclaste. Le pr??sent m??moire propose donc de revoir et de nuancer les ??crits de Th??ophane en ce qui a trait au pouvoir imp??rial. Il s???agira de d??montrer que la place des empereurs sur l?????chiquier th??ologique n???a aucune influence sur la repr??sentation du pouvoir, voire et de ceux qui l???exercent, dans la Chronographie. En effet, une analyse rigoureuse des empereurs de la p??riode iconoclaste (717-780) et de la p??riode iconodoule (780-815) prouvera que pour Th??ophane, rien n???est absolu : les iconoclastes ne sont pas d??pourvus de vertu et les iconodoules peuvent agir de fa??on tyrannique. La Chronographie propose ainsi une image complexe du pouvoir imp??rial, qui oblige ?? reconsid??rer les fronti??res entre l??gitimit?? imp??riale et tyrannie. -- The study of Byzantine iconoclasm, a theological crisis caused by the emergence of religious practices centered on divine images, has proven to be a difficult endeavor for historians. Indeed, the few available sources which discuss this period are clearly favorable to this cult of images. Despite having been written by a convinced iconodule who was also hostile to iconoclastic emperors, the Chronicle by Theophanes the Confessor should not be labelled as purely pro-iconophile and anti-iconoclastic. As such, the present thesis will seek to review and relativize the writings of Theophanes with regards to imperial power. This will attempt to demonstrate that in the Chronicle, the place of emperors on the theological playing field has no impact on the representations of power or those who exert it. In fact, a rigorous analysis of emperors from the iconoclastic period (717-780) as well as the iconodule period (780-815) will show that inTheophanes??? mind nothing is absolute: iconoclasts are not devoid of virtue and iconodules can be tyrannical. Hence, the Chronicle presents a complex image of imperial power, one which demands a reconsideration of the boundaries between imperial legitimacy and tyranny.

This article pretends to provide a reading of the Seventh Letter focused on the role that medical terminology plays in it. Leaving aside the unsolvable enigma of Plato’s authorship, the letter shows evident connections with fundamental topics from the last” Plato, particularly in its political aspects. In many passages of the Seventh Letter, the figure of the philosopher as an educator appears covered with medical aspects, and the political situation is defined as a pathology that we must treat according to a therapeutic methodology. / En este artículo se pretende aportar una lectura de la Carta VII desde la función que desempeña en ella el léxico médico. Dejando al margen la irresoluble cuestión sobre la autoría platónica, la carta muestra conexiones evidentes con temas fundamentales en el llamado último” Platón, principalmente en sus aspectos políticos. En varios pasajes de la Carta VII, la figura del filósofo en tanto educador aparece revestida de aspectos médicos, y la propia situación política es definida como una patología sobre la que hay que actuar de acuerdo con una metodología terapéutica.

Ce travail porte sur les enjeux du transfert sur la culture et le monde social que rend possible la problématique des processus de symbolisation. Il s’inscrit ainsi dans la continuité de recherches menées par le CRPPC sur le cadre, l’agir et le jeu, dans leurs rapport à la clinique des processus de symbolisation. Au-delà de l’idée que la subjectivité se constitue et s’organise aussi à partir de son transfert sur des objets culturels et sociaux. Il interroge sous cet aspect les enjeux de situations cliniques d’isolement et de marginalisation dans lesquelles le monde commun est devenu inhabitable. L’idée d’un transfert sur les objets culturels et sociaux conduit à mettre en avant le travail d’élaboration et de secondarisation propre aux processus de pensée. Cette perspective permet d’aborder le monde de la culture non plus du point de vue normatif de l’ordre ou du symbolique, mais dynamiquement, du point de vue de l’usage qui est fait des règles ou des normes culturelles et sociales. Ou encore la problématique psychosociale de l’identité à la lumière de l’économie des investissements narcissiques imposés par la vie en commun. La recherche ainsi engagée se présente sous la forme d’une enquête pluridisciplinaire, et à plus d’un titre. Elle repose en particulier sur une clinique largement emprunté à l’histoire des idées et à la philosophie qui permet d’apporter un éclairage sur l’activité de pensée et le travail d’élaboration et de symbolisation du point de vue de l’usage du matériel culturel, en s’appuyant sur des auteurs comme Descartes, Cervantès ou Montaigne. Elle interroge encore, sur la base de textes de la tradition morale et politique, les enjeux psychiques du travail de socialisation. / This work focuses on the issues of transfer on culture and the social world. It begins with the initial idea that subjectivity is formed and also organised from its transfer onto social and cultural objects. In this way, the work considers the issues in cases of clinical isolation and marginalisation. The notion of such a transfer brings to the forefront the activity of thinking. This perspective enables the study of the world of culture, not from a normative point of view on order or symbolism, but actively, focussing on the use of cultural and social objects and rules. The research here presented takes the form of a multidisciplinary investigation. In particular, this investigation is based on a clinic significantly borrowed from the history of ideas and philosophy which enables light to be shed on the process of thinking and the work of secondary elaboration from a memory usage and cultural material point of view, using authors such as Descartes, Cervantès and Montaigne. The research also questions, using La Boétie's texts on political and moral traditions, the psychological challenges of the process of socialisation and in particular the obstacles this work repeatedly faces.

Dans la littérature grecque archaïque et classique, l'exil apparait et évolue dans des contextes politiques déterminants. Du VIIe au IVe siècle avant J.-C., à travers les régimes tyranniques et oligarchiques, mais aussi durant la démocratie, c'est une mesure à la fois punitive et préventive qui sert à maintenir un pouvoir en place, tendant à évoluer vers une modération des expulsions, à travers notamment l'ostracisme, tout en étant de plus en plus encadrée par la législation. L'exil peut également être une démarche volontaire pour fuir les malheurs de l'existence, échapper à un procès ou encore s’éloigner d'une cité corrompue. Au-delà de cet ancrage politique, les représentations de l'exil et des exilés participent à un imaginaire riche qui est exploité dans tous les genres littéraires de cette période. Ces représentations font naitre une réflexion sur l'histoire et l’état de la démocratie, ainsi que sur la dimension métaphorique de l'exil. De plus, les malheurs de l'exil, les plaintes ou la souillure qui lui sont associées côtoient des représentations moins attendues, telles que celle d'une communauté active et vindicative d’exilés ou encore celle d’archétypes du bon ou du mauvais exilé. L'exil prend souvent fin lorsque l'on a intégré une terre d'accueil ou que l'on est rappelé dans son pays d'origine, mais peut tout aussi bien être à perpétuité et parfois perdurer au-delà de la mort. Enfin, l'abondance de ces représentations, autant que de son vocabulaire, fait de l'exil une image propre à illustrer des concepts politiques et philosophiques de premier plan dans la pensée grecque. / In archaic and classical Greek literature, exile is shown to evolve within determining political contexts. From the VIIth to the IVth century B.C., through tyrannical and oligarchical regimes, but also during a period of democracy, it is both a punitive and preventive measure which is used to maintain an authority in power, tending to evolve towards a moderation of expulsions, notably through ostracism, while being more and more regulated by legislation. Exile may also be a deliberate move to flee away from life's woes, escape from a trial or even get away from a corrupt city. Beyond this political anchoring, the representations of exile and of exiled people take part in a rich imagined world which is exploited in all the literary genres at that time. These representations give life to reflection on history and the status of democracy, as well as on the metaphoric dimension of exile. Furthermore, the woes of exile, the grievance or the pollution which are associated with it go along with less expected representations, such as one of an active and vindictive society of exiled people or even one of archetypes of the good or the bad exiled person. Exile often comes to an end when one integrates a host haven or when one is called back to one's country of origin, but may as well be for the rest of one's life and sometimes continue after death. Eventually, the abundance of these representations, as well as the vocabulary associated with it, makes exile become an image suitable for the illustration of the leading political and philosophical concepts in Greek thought.

Due to the social, political, and religious upheavals occurring across Europe in the Early Modern period, many writers were exploring the proper relationship between citizens and political and religious leaders. While some writers encouraged citizens to give unconditional loyalty to local and national leaders, Shakespeare has a pattern of endorsing citizen rebellion as a moral means to overthrow tyrannical rulers. By exploring Richard III, Measure for Measure, and Julius Caesar, I argue that Shakespeare is developing a taxonomy of citizen responses to a tyrannical leader and teaches citizens that a moral rebellion can be launched against a tyrant when a citizen embraces personal responsibility, accepts the power of rhetoric over violence, and overcomes the filtering effects of nostalgia. To demonstrate that Shakespeare is deliberately entering the conversation about a citizen's reaction to a tyrant, I provide information about how a tyrant is defined in the Early Modern period. I synthesize the scholarship on relevant texts in the period and explain how all three leaders in the aforementioned plays support that definition of tyranny. Then I focus on each play's surrounding characters to discuss the motivations and reactions of rebellious and obedient citizens. Finally, I conclude each section with an analysis of the repercussions of the citizen's actions and evaluate the lessons that Shakespeare is consistently promoting about moral rebellion.

Some assert that social media has contributed in one way or another to organizing the work of revolutionaries and those seeking freedom and democracy on its platforms and has provided them with a space to express their opinion against authoritarian regimes. However, the information policies of the companies behind social media can discourage activists and enable authoritarian regimes. This case study examines the views of experts and media professionals on the changes in the roles of social media companies over the past 11 years in the context of social liberation movements. Through interviews with four media professionals and a survey of Syrian social media users, the study identifies the perceived restrictions imposed on the freedom of activists and media professionals to use social media, and at the same time identifies the perceived beneficiaries of these restrictions. The results show that social media companies are now playing a dangerous role in imposing an unethical system on new media that is far from impartiality and objectivity. It also empowers people and groups belonging to certain political parties and gives them freedom of expression at the expense of other people and groups. / Vissa hävdar att sociala medier, på ett eller annat sätt, har bidragit till att organisera revolutionärer och de som söker sig till frihet och demokrati på dess plattformar. Att det har skapat ett utrymme att uttrycka sina åsikter på, mot auktoritära regimer. Däremot kan informationspolicy för företagen, bakom sociala medier och dess plattformar, avskräcka aktivister och möjliggöra för auktoritära regimer. Denna fallstudie undersöker synpunkter utifrån experter och media-kunniga, kring förändringar i rollerna hos sociala medie företag under de senaste 11 åren, i samband med den sociala befrielserörelsen. Genom intervjuer med fyra media-kunniga och en undersökning av Syriska sociala medie användare, identifierar studien de upplevda restriktioner som ålagts på aktivister och media-kunniga. Samtidigt identifieras även förmånstagarna av dessa restriktoner. Resultatet visar att sociala medieföretag spelar en farlig roll när det gäller att påtvinga nya medier/plattformar ett oetiskt system som är långt ifrån opartiskt och objektivt. Det ger individer, och vissa politiska grupper, makten att nyttja yttrandefriheten på bekostnad av andra individer och grupper.

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