Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper, as a result of a MSc research efforts at the Social Sciences Post-Graduation and Research Center of Sergipe's Federal University, studied the urban requalification process that the neighborhood known as "Santa Maria", at Aracaju-SE (Brazil), suffered during the 2000 decade. Due to the pejorative association of this neighborhood as a place of extreme poverty, violence and government disrepair, this place that has been historically known as outskirts underwent a set of urban politics, both from governments and private parties, which refer to a period considered as an example and a symbol of changes on the urban management activities. As a matter of fact, Aracaju, which has been built under the discursive image of progress and modernity, after about one and a half century, had the concept of "life quality" as the city's main imaginative concept. The argument presented in this paper understands that as the urban politics adopted in the above mentioned location (re) build it's image, turning the "Terra Dura" community into the "Santa Maria" neighborhood, (re) invents the pejorative image of it's people, causing a positive consequence on the city image. In such way, it can be inferred that the process of urban remodeling that the neighborhood went through helped on the consolidation of Aracaju image as the "city of life quality". To this end, this imaginative view of the political and real state uses, marked under the aegis of "make believe", was established from a tenuous and perverse relationship amongst stigmatization and de stigmatization of this place. / Este trabalho, resultante da pesquisa de mestrado desenvolvida no âmbito do Núcleo de Pós Graduação e Pesquisa em Ciências Sociais da Universidade Federal de Sergipe, investigou o processo de requalificação urbana pelo qual tem passado o bairro Santa Maria , na cidade de Aracaju-SE, Brasil, durante a década de 2000. A partir da associação pejorativa da localidade como lócus de miséria, violência e abandono do Poder Público, o bairro que historicamente foi reconhecido como periferia, passou a ser submetido a um conjunto de políticas urbanas, de ordem pública e de setores da iniciativa privada, que aludem a um período concebido como exemplar e símbolo de mudança nas práticas de gestão urbana. Com efeito, Aracaju, construída inicialmente sob a imagem discursiva do progresso e da modernidade, após aproximadamente um século e meio, teve a noção de qualidade de vida transformada na maior marca imagética da cidade. O argumento defendido aqui entende que na medida em que as políticas urbanas implementadas na referida localidade (re) constroem a imagem do lugar, transformando-o do povoado Terra Dura ao bairro de Santa Maria , (re) inventa-se a imagem pejorativa das comunidades constituintes do local, causando uma repercussão positiva na imagem da cidade. Neste sentido, conclui-se que o processo de remodelação urbana inscrito no bairro contribuiu na consolidação da imagem oficial de Aracaju como cidade da qualidade de vida . Para tanto, esta apreensão imagética de uso político, mas também imobiliário, assinalada sob a égide do fazer crer , estabeleceu-se a partir de uma perversa e tênue relação entre estigmatização e desestigmatização da localidade.

Orientador: Adriana Maria Bernardes da Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T16:44:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mestre_AnaPaula_M.pdf: 7387050 bytes, checksum: 282b9942305c6690580631ac38ff1291 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: No início dos anos 1990, os planos diretores tornam-se instrumentos de política urbana obrigatórios para as grandes cidades brasileiras. Questionamos nessa pesquisa o que há de novo na concepção destes planos para Campinas-SP. Debatemos o papel do Estado nos processos de fragmentação e periferização da cidade, a partir do nosso objeto de análise que é o Jardim Campo Belo; fruto da expansão dos loteamentos periféricos aprovados durante o pós-guerra. Os esforços coletivos que mobilizaram a expansão da mancha urbana para o sentido sul de Campinas estiveram intimamente ligados aos interesses especulativos e corporativos. Os planos de ordenamento sustentaram a gênese dessa cidade espraiada e mobilizaram constantes modernizações em seu território. O Jardim Campo Belo participa da fase mais recente de periferização da cidade, na qual emergem as ocupações de terras organizadas. Hoje, essa porção opaca é disputada pelos mais pobres, que lutam pela permanência e regularização de suas moradias e também pelas grandes empresas que anseiam acumular ganhos com expansão do Aeroporto Internacional de Viracopos. / Abstract: In the early 1990s, the master plans become urban politic instruments required for the major Brazilian cities. We in this search what's new in the design of these plans to Campinas-SP. We discussed the role of the State in the process of fragmentation and peripherical of the city, from our analysis object that is the Jardim Campo Belo; the result of expansion of lots peripherals approved during the post-war period. Collective efforts that mobilized urban area expansion for the south of Campinas had been closely on to the speculative and corporative interests. The management plans had supported genesis of this urban sprawl and had mobilized constants modernizations in its territory. The Jardim Campo Belo participates of the phase most recent of peripherical of the city, of which the organized land occupations emerge. Today, this cloudy portion is disputed by poorest, who are fighting for the permanence and regularization of its housings and for the large companies that desires to accumulate profits with expansion of the International Airport of Viracopos. / Mestrado / Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial / Mestre em Geografia

O processo de crescimento desordenado pelo qual passa a maioria das cidades brasileiras vem determinando perdas constantes nos elementos estruturais de seu funcionamento, notadamente naqueles mais relacionados com a qualidade de vida dos seus habitantes e usuários, sobretudo, dos segmentos mais carentes. O sistema capitalista produz espaços diferenciados, resultantes de múltiplos interesses econômicos. Assim, pedaços do território são escolhidos em detrimentos de outros, e essas escolhas estão atreladas ao potencial de mercado em termos de investimentos, concentrações de serviços, infra-estrutura, equipamentos urbanos e loteamentos de alto padrão em áreas centrais e proximidades, cenário gerador da segmentação socioespacial. Com a finalidade de minimizar os problemas causados pelo capitalismo, o poder público propõe algumas melhorias, como loteamentos populares, criação de conjuntos habitacionais, instalados em pontos periféricos da cidade, apresentando insuficiência de meios de consumo coletivo, forçando os moradores a se deslocarem diariamente, para ter acesso aos bens e serviços que supram suas necessidades. O espaço urbano fragmentado permite perceber o tecido urbano desconexo através do distanciamento, e da separação, estruturas essas que nos leva a compreender o processo de segregação socioespacial. Pois, a cidade passa a ser planejada, para os automóveis, os edifícios, o comércio, a indústria, a poluição visual, os congestionamentos, o aumento a produção e residuos sólidos em detrimento da população que fica a mercê das políticas públicas. É de essencial importância para que se possam compreender melhor as inter-relações entre o homem e o ambiente, suas expectativas, satisfações e insatisfações, julgamentos e condutas. Sob essa ótica, pretende-se realizar a pesquisa com a intenção de contribuir com o poder público local, a fim de conceber e implantar projetos que possam promover a sustentabilidade local, numa substancial melhoria do padrão e qualidade de vida dos moradores do Jardim Real, loteamento urbano no município de Jacareí, Sãoo Paulo. / The disoriented growth process through which most brazilian cities, ares undergoing, is causing a constant loss in the structural elements of their functioning, most of them related to the life quality of their dwellers and users, over all the devoid segments. The capitalist system generates different spaces according to its economical interests. And then, areas are chosen in accordance to the market potential regarding to investments, resulting in a scenery of socioespacial segregation. In order to diminish the problems generated by the capitalism, the government propose some improvements, like popular housing, the creation of dwelling installed in the outskirt points of the city, where there is insufficient services, impelling dwellers to move around in order to have access to the services that supply their need. The fragmented urban space reflects the disconnected urban textile trough the distance and the separation, structures that take us to understand the sociospacial segregation. The city starts to be planned to the automobile, buildings, commerce, industry, visual pollution, the cars excess, and the increase, in this context, of solid wastes production in detriment of population that stays in the grace of the government. And then, the environmental perception study have a essential importance in order to understand better the relationship between the man and the environment, the expectations, satisfactions, judgments and behaviours. Under this view, intends to contribute with the local government, in the conception and the projects implantation that can to promote the local sustentability, in a substantial improvement of the standards and quality of the Jardim Real dwellers an urban allotment in Jacareí City, São Paulo.

A questão central desta tese é verificar o papel das Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social (ZEIS) na ampliação da oferta de moradias populares e na regularização fundiária de áreas com ocupação ilegal na cidade de São Paulo, avaliando sua relevância como instrumento de Política Urbana no contesto do Plano Diretor. O método de pesquisa consistiu na análise do instrumento urbanístico ZEIS a partir de sua origem e formatação no universo da gestão pública do país e, mais especificamente, sua implantação no município de São Paulo. Nesse sentido, foram examinados empreendimentos combinados, de empresas privadas, constituindo-se em cinco estudos de caso. Paralelamente, são considerados outros instrumentos jurídicos praticados nos processos de regularização fundiária a partir da promulgação do Estatuto da Cidade em 2001 e da MP 2.220/01. A referência é o Plano Diretor Estratégico de 2002, do município de São Paulo, que introduz o conceito de Zonas Especiais e entre elas as Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social, com o objetivo de atender ao Estatuto da Cidade, reconhecendo desta forma os espaços urbanos com origem ilegal no município (favelas e loteamentos irregulares ou clandestinos) e áreas urbanas subutilizadas. A pesquisa apóia-se em dados relativos à implantação e aplicação do referido instrumento, verificando as perspectivas de regularização jurídica de assentamentos informais e a promoção de habitação social. Considerando-se que a implementação das ZEIS é prática recente na gestão pública, a tese aponta as dificuldades da tarefa mencionada, pontuando avanços e entraves relativos à regularização jurídica dos assentamentos informais. Para os moradores destes, e especialmente para as comunidades em áreas de mananciais, a demarcação da área ocupada como ZEIS tornou-se um atributo essencial de garantia do direito à moradia e das ações municipais. Com relação à provisão de novas unidades de habitação de interesse social (HIS) concluí-se que as ações e medidas de estímulo em ZEIS são ainda insuficientes para incrementar a oferta habitacional regular aos estratos sociais de baixa renda. Os resultados aferidos da produção de HIS, pelo setor público e privado, indicam que 45.702 domicílios foram licenciados. Desse montante, 13.444 u.h. (29%) encontram-se em ZEIS e 32.258 u.h.(71%) em zoneamento distinto a ela. O trabalho aponta para os prováveis fatores que contribuem e justiçam a baixa atratividade da ZEIS. / The central question of this thesis is to verify the role of the Special Zones of Social Interest (ZEIS) in the expanding the popular housing supply, and the land regularization of illegal áreas occupation, in the City of São Paulo, evaluating its relevance as Urban Politics instrument, in |Plano Diretor context. The research metod consisted in the ZEIS instrument analisys from its origin and idealization in the whole public management of Brazil and, more specifically, its implantion in the city of Sao Paulo. In this purpose, we examined combined undertaking of private enterprises, generating five case studies. At the same time, are considered other juridical instruments used in land regularization, beginning from Sao Paulo city Estatuto da Cidade promulgation in 2001, and MP 2.220/01. the reference is the Sao Paulo City 2002 Strategic Planning Director, that introduces the concept of Special Zones and, among them the Interest Social Special Zones (ZIS), whose aim is to attend to City Statute, recognizing by this way the urban spaces with illegal origin in the City (slum, irregular division of land into parcels or clandestine) and subutilizated urban areas. The research is based on dates relatives to Implantation and application referred to instrument, verifying the perspective of juridical regularization of informal occupations. For residents on the local and specialy for communities that live in fountainhead areas, the demarcation of the occupied local as ZEIS has become a way to warranty the right of living and municipal actions. Regarding the provision of new units of housing of social interest (HIS) concludes that the actions and measures to stimulate in ZEIS are still insufficient to increase the housing supply to adjust to low-income social strata. The results measured the production of HIS by public and private sectors, indicate that 45,702 homes were licensed. Of this amount, 13.444 u.h. (29%) is in ZEIS and 32.258 u.h. (71%) in separate zoning it. The work points to the likely factors that contribute and justify the low attractiveness of ZEIS.

Partnerships between government and community-based actors and organizations are considered the hallmark of contemporary governance arrangements for the revitalization and gentrification of economically distressed, inner city areas. This dissertation uses historical, narrative analysis and ethnographic methods to examine the formation, evolution and operation of community-based governance partnerships in the production of gentrifable urban space in the Wynwood neighborhood of Miami, FL between 1970 and 2010. This research is based on more than four years of participant observation, 60 in-depth interviews with respondents recruited through a purposive snowball sample, review of secondary and archival sources, and descriptive, statistical and GIS analysis. This study examines how different organizations formed in the neighborhood since the 1970s have facilitated the recent gentrification of Wynwood. It reveals specifically how partnerships between neighborhood-based government agencies, nonprofit organizations and real estate developers were constructed to be exclusionary and lead to inequitable economic development outcomes for Wynwood residents. The key factors conditioning these inequalities include both the rationalities of action of the organizations involved and the historical contexts in which their leaders’ thinking and actions were shaped. The historical contexts included the ethnic politics of organizational funding in the 1970s and the “entrepreneurial” turn of community-based economic development and Miami urban politics since the 1980s. Over time neighborhood organizations adopted highly pragmatic rationalities and repertoires of action. By the 2000s when Wynwood experienced unprecedented investment and redevelopment, the pragmatism of community-based organizations led them to become junior partners in governance arrangements and neighborhood activists were unable to directly challenge the inequitable processes and outcomes of gentrification.

O conjunto de serviços que compõem o setor de políticas de limpeza urbana, tal como ele existe hoje, é produto de uma série de decisões, disputas e interesses entre diferentes atores. O trabalho trata da construção dessas políticas no município de São Paulo, com especial interesse pelo arcabouço institucional formado do século XIX ao XXI, bem como pela estruturação do mercado e da economia política que se ancorou para a provisão de serviços de interesse público via empresas privadas no município. O principal fato analisado é o de que, no contexto de um sistema que envolve uma multiplicidade de atores e interesses, o Estado abriu mão do papel de executor dos serviços, gradativamente cedendo-o a empresas privadas cada vez maiores e mais dominantes no âmbito da entrega dos serviços; ao mesmo tempo, ele veio procurando fortalecer suas capacidades regulatórias, desde o final do século XX, mas, sobretudo, no início do século XXI, com a criação de um modelo de concessão em que as empresas concessionárias assumam os riscos financeiros e os investimentos em equipamentos que serão revertidos em benefício do município. O capítulo 1 caracteriza empiricamente o setor de políticas de limpeza urbana de São Paulo tal como é configurado atualmente, oferecendo as definições necessárias à compreensão do universo empírico. O capítulo 2 explora a construção de capacidades estatais para a provisão, a regulação e a fiscalização do sistema de limpeza urbana, e dialoga diretamente com a tese do capitalismo regulatório, para a qual a divisão de trabalho entre Estado e mercado não necessariamente representa o enfraquecimento do Estado, mas também não necessariamente significa seu fortalecimento. Identificam-se quatro fases de construção do arcabouço institucional: (i) origens e primeiros serviços (até 1913), (ii) modernização e execução direta (1914 a 1966), (ii) execução indireta (1967 a 2002) e (iv) concessão dos serviços (pós-2002). O capítulo 3 discute a organização do mercado da limpeza urbana, examinando a organização dos nichos de mercado e a existência de entidades associativas para reunir empresas e setor público. Identificam-se três fases de constituição do mercado: (i) estabelecimento das primeiras empresas no setor e processos fechados de contratação (1966-1987), (ii) crescimento do mercado, regulação sobre compras mais robusta, entrada de capital estrangeiro e surgimento de instabilidades (1987-2004) e (iii) formação de consórcios, saída do capital estrangeiro, aumento da regulação federal sobre o setor e inclusão de novos atores. Todos os elementos expressam relações e processos de coordenação e intermediação entre agentes públicos e privados, de forma que o Estado governa, mas não governa tudo, e nem sozinho, de forma comparável com outros casos de concessões públicas. Ainda que a Prefeitura seja a principal responsável pela regulação sobre o sistema, o setor privado responde por boa parte dos insumos tecnológicos, da experiência no planejamento dos serviços e pela gestão cotidiana dos equipamentos, bem como é o principal investidor no modelo de concessão. Todavia, essa divisão de tarefas nem sempre é clara ou bem definida. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir da análise de documentos oficiais e documentos produzidos pelas entidades associativas do setor, além de entrevistas com agentes públicos e privados. / The set of services that make up the solid waste management policies, as it exists today, is the product of a series of decisions, disputes and interests among different actors. The work deals with the construction of these policies in São Paulo, with special interest in the institutional framework formed from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, as well as the structure of the market and the political economy that anchored the provision of public services via private companies in the municipality. The central fact of analysis is that, in the context of a system that involves a multiplicity of actors and interests, the State gave up the role of executor of services, gradually granting it to private companies which grew bigger and more dominant in the delivery level; meanwhile, the State have been attempting to strengthen its regulatory capacity, since the late twentieth century, but especially in the early twenty-first century with the creation of a concession model in which the concessionaires assume the financial risks and investments in equipment which will be reversed in favor of the municipality. Chapter 1 empirically characterizes the solid waste management sector of São Paulo as it is currently configured, providing concepts for the understanding of the empirical universe. Chapter 2 addresses the construction of state capacities for the provision, regulation and supervision of the waste management system, and interacts directly with the thesis of regulatory capitalism according to which the division of labor between State and market does not necessarily weaken the State, but also does not necessarily mean its strengthening. The chapter identifies four phases of construction of the institutional framework: (i) origins and first services (until 1913), (ii) modernization and direct execution by State (1914-1966), (ii) indirect execution (1967-2002) and (iv) concession of services (post-2002). Chapter 3 discusses the organization of the waste management market, examining the organization of niche markets and the existence of associative entities to bring together companies and public sector. The chapter identify three phases: (i) establishment of the first companies (1966-1987), (ii) market growth, more robust regulation, foreign capital inflows and the emergence of instabilities (1987-2004) and (iii) formation of consortiums, foreign capital outflow, increased federal regulation of the sector and inclusion of new actors. All elements express relationships, coordination and intermediation processes between public and private actors, so that the State governs but does not govern everything, nor alone, in a comparable manner to other cases of public concessions. Although City Hall is mainly responsible for the regulation of the system, the private sector accounts for much of the technological inputs, experience in planning and daily management of equipment and services, and is the main investor in the concession model. However, this division is not always clear or well defined. The research employed analysis of official documents and documents produced by the associative entities of the market, as well as interviews with public and private actors.

No description available.

This thesis is about the making of a power plant. It sheds light on how neoliberal ideas shape large public investments in sustainable energy infrastructure. It tells the story of how the City of Copenhagen decided to build what was claimed to be the greenest waste-fired power plant in the world: Copenhill. The plant was to have a ski slope at the rooftop and a chimney puffing smoke-rings. However, conflicting urban visions and rationalities led to a year-long crisis in the project’s planning phase. In the end, Copenhill was built over capacity, which today makes it difficult to match budget and costs. I combined information from internal municipal documents, interviews with decision makers and informal corridor talk to identify the driving forces behind the outcome of the crisis, and the contradictions and complexities of the case. I found that the crisis had roots in the way the public energy company ARC began to act like a private firm, with an entrepreneurial vision. ARC adopted an expansionist growth plan to build a large power plant with iconic architecture. The Copenhill project attracted local politicians wishing to brand Copenhagen as a green world city. However, the city’s Technical and Environmental Administration (TEA) was guided by a managerial vision with a strong sustainability focus. TEA’s analysis showed that there would not be enough garbage in the city to power the over-sized plant. Consequences for economy and environment were seen as potentially disastrous. Supported by city council and government, TEA tried to stop Copenhill. The clash between the two different urban visions led to the formation of two opposing coalitions with each their own rationality. The contradictions between growth rationality and green rationality caused the Copenhill Crisis. The direct intervention of the power élite in support of a growth solution short-circuited the norms of transparent public decision-making. Bowing to political pressure, TEA produced new documents saying that Copenhill would be great for economy and climate. Dark planning practices led to an outcome that was falsely presented as a compromise between green and growth strategies. It was in fact a growth solution, wrapped in green arguments that were not rational. The case study supports a key proposition in theory on the dark side of planning: that rationality is context-dependent and that the context of rationality is power. The case study adds insights to theory by showing the ways neoliberal thought merges with existing socio-economic conditions in space and time, specifically within a Nordic welfare-state context. It shows how public energy companies can face challenges, not only from neoliberal-driven privatization attempts, but also from ideas of iconicity and city marketing. The case study reaffirms the strength of a Flyvbjergian approach to understand the effects of hidden power mechanisms on planning of public energy infrastructure.

Master of Regional and Community Planning / Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning / Huston John Gibson / Informed and robust stakeholder participation in the transit-planning process gives residents and communities a remarkable opportunity to take ownership of the shaping of their city’s future form and function, and allows planners to design transit networks that serve the full range of citizen needs. Therefore, the degree to which citizens are permitted to participate in the formation of a city’s transit plan has a significant influence on both its final design and its subsequent adoption by civic and political leaders. Concurrent with the influence of citizen input is the role of political strategy, since many urban transit plans must meet voter approval and a poorly-run political campaign can sink even the most substantial of transit plans. In seeking to analyze both the role of public participation and the role of campaign strategy, this study employs descriptive historical research and stakeholder surveys to assess the impact and perceived importance of inclusive design practices, as well as the political impact of a transit campaign’s general strategy, on the voter approval of transit-related ballot initiatives in Kansas City, Missouri. There are two central implications of this project. One is that the failure of transportation planners and civic activists in Kansas City to accommodate the wishes and input of diverse groups of residents and community leaders in the planning process has led to repeated defeats whenever said plans are presented to Kansas City voters for approval. The other is that urban politics and campaign strategies play a larger role in selling transit proposals than many leading figures in Kansas City have realized, and that the city’s unique political and geographic structure requires a more nuanced and technologically-diverse approach to voter persuasion than has been applied thus far. It can be theorized that reversing both of these trends will increase the likelihood of future voter approval of transportation initiatives. In addition to a political and historical analysis of transit in Kansas City, this study seeks to examine whether deliberate public participation in the transportation planning process has a direct impact on citizen support for transportation-related ballot initiatives in Kansas City.

Esta dissertação trata dos conflitos entre distintos agentes sociais pelo espaço urbano na metrópole paulistana. Para tanto, descreve e analisa dois eventos ocorridos na região sudoeste: a compra de setenta barracos por parte de uma construtora na favela Jardim Panorama e uma reintegração de posse na favela Real Parque. Depreendem-se da descrição e da análise de ambos os eventos basicamente três fenômenos: o aprofundamento do processo de privatização da gestão urbana já observado em outros estudos, sobretudo na região sudoeste da metrópole; a reconfiguração do campo de conflito expresso na relativa diminuição da presença dos movimentos sociais urbanos e do poder público como agente mediador dos eventos em questão, que foram protagonizados por empresas, ONGs, advogados e movimento hip-hop; por fim, apresentam-se mecanismos de deslegitimação da população pobre como interlocutora. Para esta dissertação, esses conflitos constituem processos de segregação sócioespacial. / This dissertation deals with the conflicts between distinct social agents for the urban space in the São Paulo metropolis. In such a way it describes and analyzes two events occurred in the southwestern region: the purchase of seventy barracos (precarious dwelling) by a constructor in the slum quarter Jardim Panorama and a reintegration of ownership in the Real Parque slum quarter. From the description and the analysis of both events, we basically infer three phenomena: the deepening of the process of privatization of the observed urban management, already observed in other studies, specially in the southwestern region of the metropolis; the reconfiguration of the field of express conflict in the relative reduction of the presence of the urban social movements and the public power as mediating agent of the events in question, that had been carried out by private companies, NGOs, lawyers and hip-hop movement; and finally, mechanisms of disqualification of the poor population as interlocutor are presented. For this dissertation, these conflicts constitute processes of social-spatial segregation.