金元之際的中原知識階層所處的是一個大動盪的時代，一方面漫天戰火奪去了無數生 靈性命，破壞了政治、社會秩序；一方面蒙古接替女真，成為中原新的統治者。由於 起初蒙古人並未大幅施行漢法，因此這已不是單純的朝代更替，而是整個政治、經濟 、社會制度的轉變。處於此一時間的中原知識階層他們如何自處、有那些一般性質、 如何協助蒙古可汗治理中原並保存漢文化，這些問題便是本論文探討的核心所在。 本論文研究的時間範圍是從衛紹王即位的大安元年（一二０九）至元世祖建國號為元 的至元八年（一二七一），共計六十二年。凡在大安元年以後去世，並在垤元八年以 前已有所成的中原士人（亦即成長在原金朝統治區域內的土人），恂是本論文研究的 對象。 法國年鑑學派史學家布勞岱將歷史分為三個層次﹕最表層是短期「事件」；中層是持 續較長的「時間」；最底層是綿延可達數世紀的「長時期」。就社會的結構而言，「 事件」只是在社會表面的人文現象；「時期」是數十年就可能改變的社會中層結；「 長時期」則是灴易改變的社會深層結構。就本論文的研究主題而言，金元之際中原知 識階層的言論、作為、以及當時個別的政、經、社結構屬於「時間」的層次；秦、漢 以後古代中國的政、經〉社模式則屬於「長時間」的層次。本論文的研究係從「事件 」層次著手，而逐漸突顯出屬於「時間」的中層社會結構，至於「長時間」層次的探 討，僅略有所及。 金元之際蒙古、西域、中原三大文化和他們的承傳者，彼此間相互的激盪，而中原文 化並未佔盡優勢，但對於元初政體的建構亦有其不可忽視的貢獻。

本論文之研究立旨，在探詩謝靈運山水詩與鮑照山水詩之異同關係，並試為南朝山水 詩之發展重新整理出一個途徑來，就討論謝靈運與鮑照二家山水詩之特色。 本論文共分為六章、十七節，約十萬字，大致內容如下： 第一章：謝靈運與鮑照之生平。 讀其詩，知其人。于章探討謝靈運與鮑照二家先先世及家境懸殊，仕宦生涯不同。 第二章：謝靈運與絇照詩之淵源。 本章考察謝靈運所受曹植與張協的影響，以及鮑照所受張協與張華的影響。 第三章：以六朝「形似」觀點來看謝、鮑山水詩。 本章分為共四節：（一）「形似」觀之演變及文學背景，（二）「形似」之意義與語 言特質，（三）「形似」與山水詩之關係，（四）「形式」觀在謝、鮑山水詩中表現 。 第四章：謝、鮑山水詩之修辭技巧比較。 本章分謝、鮑山水詩欠修辭技巧為五項比較之：（一）數彩設色，（二）鍊字儷句， （三）疊字摹神，（四善用雙聲韻，（五）蟬聯緊湊。 第五章：謝靈運與鮑照山水詩之特色比較。 本章首先探討魏晉時代的莊園經濟與山水詩的興起，攘著比較謝、鮑山水詩之特色。 第六章：結論

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of History

[pt] A intenção do presente estudo é avaliar o desempenho do mercado acionário brasileiro, no período pós-estabilização econômica, através da utilização dos modelos financeiros APT e CAPM a fim de verificar qual deles é melhor capaz de retratar o desempenho das ações. O modelo CAPM foi comparado a dois modelos APT distintos: o Modelo de Três Fatores de Fama e French, e o Modelo APT Unificado ao CAPM proposto por John Wei, onde foram utilizados fatores macroeconômicos além do fator de mercado. Em todos os modelos o prêmio de risco se mostrou relevante. O Modelo de Três Fatores apresentou melhor capacidade explicativa em relação ao CAPM. Todavia, este modelo apresentou uma anomalia do mercado brasileiro, tendo as empresas de pequeno porte apresentado retornos menores que as empresas grandes. A utilização deste modelo implicaria na crença que esta anomalia irá perdurar no futuro. No modelo APT Unificado ao CAPM não foi possível rejeitar a hipótese da inexistêcia de prêmio de risco de todos fatores simultaneamente. Além disso, o ganho de poder explicativo do modelo quando comparado ao CAPM foi insignificante. / [en] This study analyses the Brazilian stock market after the stabilization of the local economy using the APT and CAPM models to evaluate which of them better reflect stock performance. The CAPM was compared to two different APT models: Fama and French Three Factor Model, and An Asset Pricing Theory Unifying the CAPM and APT as proposed by John Wei based on macroeconomic factors and the market premium. For all models the market premium was a relevant variable. The Fama and French Three Factor Model was superior in explaining stock returns than the CAPM, although the size factor for the Brazilian market had an anomaly behavior: large companies outperformed small companies. The use of this model implies that this anomaly will continue in the future which is against the risk-return theory. For model Unifying the CAPM and APT it was not possible to reject the hypothesis that all variables are statically different than zero simultaneously. The increase in explaining power of the model was marginal compared to the CAPM.

本文旨在闡釋十九世紀中葉的儒者如何理解基督宗教。筆者以兩位中層官員（姚瑩與魏源）作為主要例子，說明儒者思想和信仰構成的世界觀對世俗世界和超越世界都有一套完整的理解，亦引伸出儒者「經世」的信念。本文認為儒者對基督宗教的理解與他們的世界觀有密不可分的關係，但由於理解的目的在於「經世」，他們亦會在一些情況下基於現實考慮或新資訊的出現而暫時放棄自身的觀感，並進而修正他們的世界觀。藉著相類案例的比較，本文嘗試說明十九世紀中葉的儒者並非單純以自身的信仰批判基督宗教，亦非純粹以帝國官員的立場以純粹的管治和外交原則應對異國的宗教。對他們而言，理解基督宗教的過程就是世界觀、新資訊與現實考慮三者互動的結果。 / This thesis attempts to explain Confucian understanding of Christianity in the mid-nineteeth century through the views of two government officials, Yau Yin and Wai Yuin, who based their beliefs on both the immanent and transcendent aspects of "Jinshi" or the philosophy of statecraft. This work asserts that the Confucian understanding of Christianity was very much tied to the officials’ perception of secular society. Further, with the increase in knowledge and information, their view of Christianity began to change. Chinese officials’ criticism of Christianity was based on a complex set of factors which included the influx of new ideas, information, government edicts, diplomatic considerations as well as their status in the imperial government. In other words, understanding of Chrisitanity in China developed and evolved with new understanding of historical realities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 孔德維. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-341). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Kong Dewei.

by Cheung Chui-yung, Susanna. / Bibliography: leaves 125-132 / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1986

汪兆銘（精衛）為近代中國上一極受爭議的歷史人物，他的一生經歷，幾乎涵蓋了半部的民國史，從早期同盟會革命運動開始，汪便是國民黨內的重要人物，許多中國現代的歷史事件都與汪氏有關。受到其後來與日本合作成立偽政權事影響，導致後人對其歷史評價不一，至今仍缺乏對其之專題研究以供定論之參考。在汪氏畢生的政治生涯中，曾參與六個「國民政府」，都曾扮演極重要的角色。而且多與蔣介石在國民黨內之間權力的爭衡和政見異同息息相關。是以兩人分裂抗衡之時期之外，亦有妥協合作的時期。兩人之間的合作有兩次，第一次是民國14年廣州國民政府時期，後因「中山艦事變」而分離；第二次是民國21年以後南京國民政府時期，至24年國民黨四屆六中全會時汪氏被刺後出現分歧。這段時期，正是國難嚴重，致力救亡圖存時期。兩人合作，共同應付國難。至於完全分裂是在27年底汪氏在投敵而至另組「國民政府」之後。本研究之主旨在探討汪、蔣二次合作的緣起與過程，及汪氏參與南京國民政府時期的表現。當時中國主要問題是在於「對日」。故本文循「對日」問題為主線，以民國20年(1931)至民國25年(1936)為斷限，作為研究的範圍。除第一章為前言及第六章為結論外，第二章〈汪兆銘參與南京國民政府之經過〉，敘述汪兆銘參與南京國民政府的過程，以便說明汪、蔣何以二次合作。第三章〈一面抵抗一面交涉〉，敘述汪兆銘的「一面抵抗、一面交涉」對日政策的由來，及其實行的經過與挫折。第四章〈汪兆銘與國民政府的安內攘外〉，敘述汪、蔣合作下的「安內攘外」政策，說明汪氏「救亡圖存」之主張與分析對日妥協綏靖的外交。第五章〈汪蔣合作走向分歧〉，敘述汪、蔣合作關係的後期演變及分歧的因果。

自先秦《詩經》成了四言體裁集大成作品之後，討論者眾，繁華過盡，後世以四言體裁為研究對象者遂寡，使得四言體裁成為詩歌學術討論相對較缺乏關愛之一環，甚為可惜。晉代摯虞與梁代劉勰不約而同界定四言體裁詩歌為「正體」，正體與四言詩的關係，在先秦《詩‧大序》僅約略可見「正」與「變」的對舉，在漢代以前則呈現正變不明的情況，四言體詩歌可以說是到了摯虞才正式被稱為「正體」。究竟四言體詩歌有何特殊風格與地位？詩論家何以將之標舉為「正體」？而此一「正體」說法，對於魏晉時期的四言詩又有什麼影響？本文透過南朝以前的詩歌論述與詩歌流變，進行詳細且深入的探討。 四言詩歌在魏晉時期與五言詩歌同時並存，其間的消長遂成為當時詩歌流變的脈絡。本文參酌以五言詩為對象進行之討論與其建立的魏晉時期五言詩歌譜系，透過對魏晉時期四言詩脈絡進行詳細歸納整理，並且藉由對四言詩歌作品完整且細密的分類，以嚴謹架構出當時四言詩歌的內在質素。此外，從類型由來與區分的探究中，進一步剖析四言詩之所以被形塑為「正體」依據的緣由，以深入探勘魏晉時期所闕漏的四言詩歌討論，希冀確立四言詩在詩歌史之定位。本研究並在四言詩歌類型的篩選與討論上，透過量化分析方式，藉由創作類型比例的高低作為另一客觀的討論基礎，同時依憑數據化的討論，揭示、呈現四言詩歌在魏晉時期完整且確然的狀態。 / In Jin and Liang Dynasties, Zhi Yu (摯虞) and Liu Xie (劉勰) both defined four-word poetry as " Zheng Ti" (Classical Form). Actually, the form of four-word poetry was called "Zheng Ti" until Zhi Yu. Why those critics called the four-word poetry with classical form? What could we figure out the special type and cultural level of "Zheng Ti"? And the thought of classical form compared what kind of imagination in the four-word poetry during Wei and Jin Dynasties? In this paper, the reasons why four-word poetry associated with "Zheng Ti" were discovered through the Southern Dynasties poetry discussion with variation in prosody. The four-word and five-word poetry both coexist in the Wei and Jin Dynasties. The growth and decline between the two forms composed of the poetry changed at that time. In this paper, the four-word poetry classifications system was established and the qualities were found through the researches about five-word poetry classifications and the system of five-word poetry in Wei and Jin Dynasties. Besides, the research through screening and discussion of four-word poetry, based on quantitative analysis, the proportion of every type in the classifications system from high to low could be an objective basis for discussion. Relied upon a discussion of the data, this paper will render the complete and mature condition of four-word poetry, and fill up the lake of discussion in four-word poetry history of positioning in Wei and Jin Dynasties.

Through the triple changes which include the variation in society, time and space, the intelligentsia in Wei and Jin Dynasties came to a realization that life is capricious. They combined the thought of Tze-Shi (carefree and footloose) and Gui-wuo (emphasize the unique value of oneself) together with the tolerance of physical desire and worship of nature to develop two theories: Zhong-shen (consider body as the foundation of all) and Le Sheng (carpe diem/seize the day), which remain the keynote of the viewpoint towards body in Wei and Jin Dynasties. Wei and Jin Dynasties followed the theory of Chi-transformation in Han Dynasty, as well as the idea that form and spirit are one, and develop a complete viewpoint towards body which interprets body and mind as one unity. The Chi flows in the body and becomes the medium of body and mind, then goes outward to the relation between body and nature; human body itself forms a complete micro system, which, through the flow of emotion and Chi, echoes or responds with the macro system of nature. The intelligentsia in Wei and Jin Dynasties considered etiquette and music as the embodiment of nature and human body as the territory where culture and nature are embodied. Kuo-Shian interpreted the relation between body, etiquette and music with the theory of Shi-Jai-Ti-Chung (ease and comfort within the body). Etiquette and music was made in a situation in which ¡§ease and comfort¡¨ are in harmony with body and also communicate with the heaven, earth and man in a way that ¡§ease and comfort¡¨ harmonize with the nature, and brings heaven, earth and man in concordance. When etiquette fails to bring ¡§ease and comfort¡¨ to the body, the intelligentsia used body as a tool to fight against the rigid etiquette, in order to arouse introspection over Li-Yuan-Zen-Ching (etiquette should be made with human beings as the first consideration, and eschews rigidity or affectation), and at the meantime brings reformation and feedback to the society. The intelligentsia¡¦s rising consciousness of selfhood and body makes the relation between body and society an active instead of a passive one. The intelligentsia, while perceiving the change of society and understanding the fact that human nature is unalterable, were contented to remain the status as Chung-Zen (mediocrity, people who are between genius and fools), and pursuit the fulfillment of their dreams as well as the feeling of carefree. Those intelligentsia emphasized the value of themselves and preferred to be themselves while understanding completely the truth and limitation of life, and they responded changes of the society and time with the idea of Shi-Shin-An-Min (follow and accept your own nature, be contented).

The present study focuses on developing a relationship between process variables, mechanical properties and post weld microstructure in Friction Stir Welded HSLA 65 steel. Fully consolidated welds can be produced in HSLA 65 steel by PCBN Convex-Scrolled-Shoulder-Step-Spiral (CS4) tool over a wide range of parameters. Microstructures in the nugget center (NC) are dominated by lath bainite and a few polygonal/allotriomorphic grain boundary ferrites. FSW dependent variables are related to FSW independent variables by non-linear relationship. Heat input is identified to be the best parameter index to correlate with microstructures. With increasing heat input, the volume of bainite is reduced, the shape of bainite is more curved and grain/lath size become coarser. A linear relationship was established between heat input and semi-quantitative post-weld microstructures based on the optical microstructures. Further analysis has been applied on the NC to obtain more fundamental understanding of FSW. The new approach via Orientation Imaging Microscopy (OIM) was developed to acquire quantitative microstructural data including bainite lath/packet and prior austenite grain size (PAG). A linear relationship between heat input and quantitative microstructural features in the NC have been established. Mechanical properties exhibits linear relationship with heat input. These correlations can be utilized to determine FSW weld parameter to get desired mechanical properties welds.