Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cecilia Ketelhute Franco de Carvalho Ferreira.pdf: 12977056 bytes, checksum: 66d2dfb76bd75ede9d73b680f6ec7604 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / This study examines the management of Social Welfare Policy at the regional and municipal levels, and has as base the normative axis of Social Welfare Policy. To understand this dynamic, it was considered a regional training, analyzing the historical, political and economic contexts of the region. One sees common characteristics among municipalities, as well as the particularities of each of the possible paths to discuss the factors that influence the institutionalization of social assistance as a public policy rights. The spatial dimension of this work is limited to the municipalities that make up the administrative region of the Regional Directorate of Social Development (Drads) Araçatuba, comprising forty-three municipalities in the State of São Paulo. The work brings together elements for analysis of the process of managing the social assistance policy, based on nationally agreed normative, and then it analyzes how is the manifestation of the sphere circumscribed municipalities in the region delimited in this study. Reports the historical, economic and political history of the municipalities, and then builds an inventory of available data on the Internet, specifically the websites of the forty-three municipalities of the region. Decoding these connections allows to know and assert whether municipalities have used virtual resources to present Social Assistance Policy as required by PNAS. Later contextualizes the politics of Social Welfare in the State of São Paulo, under the action of the Regional Social Development Division (Drads), and how it gives the dynamics in this sphere and its relationship with municipalities. In the last chapter first is presented the fieldwork carried out in a group of municipalities in the region of Araçatuba, and by the results of this first access to information, the study is delimited to the analysis of social assistance, after the implementation of the Suas (Single Social Assistance System), a group of small municipalities "1", considered 81% of all municipalities in this region. The final considerations present reflections on the difficulties and advances seen in the efforts of the Social Assistance Policy, the regional and municipal level, in order to contribute to building a more totalizing approaches the Single Social Assistance System / Este estudo analisa a gestão da Política de Assistência Social em escalas regional e municipal, e tem como eixo balizador os normativos da Política de Assistência Social. Para compreender esta dinâmica considerou-se a formação regional, analisando os contextos históricos, político e econômico da região. Verificaram-se as características comuns entre os municípios, e também as particularidades de cada um, os caminhos possíveis para problematizar os fatores que influenciam a institucionalização da Assistência Social como política pública de direitos. A dimensão espacial desse trabalho está circunscrita aos municípios que compõem a região administrativa da Diretoria Regional de Desenvolvimento Social (Drads) de Araçatuba, composta por quarenta e três municípios do Estado de São Paulo. O trabalho congrega elementos para análise do processo de gestão da política de Assistência Social, embasado nas normativas pactuadas nacionalmente, e, posteriormente, analisa como se dá a manifestação na esfera dos municípios circunscritos na região delimitada neste estudo. Relata a trajetoria histórica, econômica e política dos municípios, e posteriormente constrói um levantamento de dados disponíveis na internet, especificamente nos websites das quarenta e três prefeituras municipais da região. A decodificação desses acessos permite conhecer e afirmar se os municípios têm utilizado os recursos virtuais para apresentar a Política de Assistência Social conforme preconiza a PNAS. Posteriormente, contextualiza a política de Assistencia Social no Estado de São Paulo, sob a atuação da Divisão regional de Desenvolvimento Social (Drads), e de que modo se dá a dinâmica nesta esfera e a relação com os municípios. O último capítulo apresenta inicialmente a pesquisa de campo realizada em um grupo de municípios da região de Araçatuba, e mediante os resultados deste primeiro acesso às informações, delimita-se o estudo à análise da assistencia social, após a implantação do Suas, um grupo de municípios de pequeno porte 1 , considerado 81% do total de municípios desta região. As considerações finais apresentam reflexões sobre as dificuldades e os avanços vistos nas gestões da Política de Assistência Social, no âmbito regional e municipal, no intuito de contribuir com a edificação de abordagens mais totalizadoras do Sistema Único de Assistência Social

<p>In the largest known investigation to date of the prevalence of resilience following experiences of child maltreatment, a statewide, longitudinal sample of maltreated children was used to measure the prevalence of resilience, defined in this study as consistent competence over time and across multiple domains of functioning within the academic setting. In response to the relative paucity of resilience research using large samples, multiple domains of functioning, and longitudinal data, the current study measured resilience in a sample of over 150,000 children who were reported to child protective services agencies for suspected maltreatment. Functioning was measured within three distinct domains (academic performance, special education, and behavioral functioning) across a time period of up to 7 years. A sample of over 450,000 children with no known maltreatment history was used to compare relative rates of consistent competence over time and examine any differential effects on competence across groups. Approximately 18% of maltreated children exhibited consistently competent functioning in all domains across all available years of data, whereas approximately 35% of nonmaltreated children demonstrated consistent competence. County-level introduction of differential response policies investigating children's reported maltreatment was found to promote higher rates of competent functioning. In addition, relative levels of government expenditures in children's counties on two popular statewide early childhood programs (Smart Start and More At Four) were found to predict competent functioning for maltreated and nonmaltreated children alike. These findings suggest that child welfare policies aimed at identifying and assisting high-risk families in need of services and support and community programs targeted at improving children's early development and school readiness hold promise for improving adaptive functioning among maltreated children at high risk for experiencing difficulties in the school environment.</p> / Dissertation

On any given day almost 400,000 children in the United States are living in an out-of-home care placement due to government intervention. Federal law allows for substantial variance in state child welfare policy on a number of topics. These policy decisions, however, are understudied both in terms of the forces driving them and also the impacts the policies have on actual outcomes for children in care. Utilizing a unique panel data set comprised of thirteen child welfare policies that vary both between states and over time we examine how well redistributive theory (constituent, institutional, paternalistic and resource pressures) explains state policy decisions from 2004-2010. The results provide very little confidence that redistributive pressures are driving state variance, though there are some noteworthy patterns. Within the four categories of explanatory variables, it would seem that child welfare policies are much more sensitive to changes in the social factors associated with a paternalistic response (unmarried birth rate and program utilization) and resource pressures than to constituent or institutional characteristics. Subsequently, a series of hazard models were conducted for each possible discharge outcome, using child level data from the 2010 AFCARS foster care dataset, with primary interest in the influence of policy and state level factors. Policy-level predictors primarily had negative impacts on discharge outcomes for children. Exceptions include better outcomes for children in states with higher generosity of access, increased rates of adoption and aging out with higher ASFA timeline compliance, and more discharges to reunification and adoption with more flexible adoption policy. State level factors consistently showed strong influences on child outcomes. While increased unemployment was associated with worse child outcomes, all other state level factors considered were associated with positive discharge outcomes for children in out-of-home care. This research broadens the theoretical application of redistributive theory to a new policy arena and adds an additional layer of state level explanatory variables to the much-studied outcomes for children in out-of-home care. It establishes that children and families do not exist in a vacuum and that child welfare research must take broader state and policy factors into account for a complete picture.

The citizen is freer in a society that is perceived as open, but this leaves the individual to manage on the market by itself. When the liberation of the collective opens for the individuals to create their own welfare and the market thereby gaining greater influence in the individual's different lifeworld’s, we wonder if it can be seen in politics and, if so, how does the policy how does the policy respond to this development?We are looking for a comprehensive overall picture of modern sociology's view of individualization in order to use the driving forces and consumerism in a survey of how it is expressed in welfare policy. To see how individualization is expressed in welfare policy, we have used party platforms from Socialdemokraterna (the Social Democratic Party). Through the layout we have divided the work into two explanatory analysis parts, which we use to compile a result of the purpose of the work. The result clearly shows how the development towards individualization follows welfare policy developments, but since the policy has contributed to increased individualization, it will also focus on balancing the unfair social differences that become the consequences of an individualized society. / Medborgaren är friare i ett samhälle som framställs och uppfattas som öppet men individen utelämnas i och med detta allt mer till att självständigt klara sig på marknaden. När friställelsen från det kollektiva öppnar för individerna att skapa sin egen välfärd och marknaden därmed får större utrymme i individens olika livsvärldar, undrar vi om det kan ses i politiken och i så fall hur politiken svarar på denna utveckling?Vi söker efter en sammantagen helhetsbild av den moderna sociologins syn på individualisering för att använda drivkrafter och konsekvenser i en undersökning hur det yttrar sig inom välfärdspolitiken. För att se hur individualiseringen yttrar sig i välfärdspolitiken har vi använt oss av partiprogram från det Socialdemokratiska partiet. Vi har genom uppläggningen delat arbetet i två redogörande analysdelar som används för att sammanställa ett resultat av arbetets syfte. Det resultatet visar tydligt hur utvecklingen mot individualisering följer den välfärdspolitiska utvecklingen men att politiken sedan den bidragit till en ökad individualisering också kommer att inrikta sig på att utjämna de orättvisa sociala skillnader som blir konsekvenserna av ett individualiserat samhälle.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-02-02T12:24:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 878032 bytes, checksum: 12053e84e507ed5aff2c7096b3f25605 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-02T12:24:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 878032 bytes, checksum: 12053e84e507ed5aff2c7096b3f25605 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The dissertation proposes a discussion about the forms of expression of the conservatism in the professional practice of the social workers from the CRAS of João Pessoa-PB. The study has as a research subject the social workers that work in the Reference Center of Social Assistance (CRAS) of the municipality of João Pessoa, whose time frame is the year of 2015. The research is characterized for being of a qualitative and quantitative nature, grounded in theoretical sources of the critical-dialectical dimension, for the apprehension of the movement of the reality. We approach in this way the forms of expression of the conservatism, since its “classic” form until the contemporary versions, that renews and expand its expressions in the framework of the Basic Protection of Social Welfare Policy, because we believe that the professional practice is signed in conservative relations in the social welfare policy, which assume operational characteristics guided by intervention mechanisms that end up reproducing conservative traits that, in turn, serve segments of the ruling class. Thus the policy of social work reproduces the control of social relations, insofar as it emerges as “anti-poverty” compensatory programs, assuming a selective and fragmented character that merely minimizes the levels of impoverishment. / A dissertação propõe uma discussão acerca das formas de expressão do conservadorismo na prática profissional dos (as) assistentes sociais dos CRAS de João Pessoa-PB. O estudo tem como objeto de pesquisa as assistentes sociais, que trabalham nos Centros de Referência da Assistência Social (CRAS) do município de João Pessoa, cujo recorte temporal é o ano de 2015. A pesquisa caracterizou-se por ser de natureza quali-quantitativa, fundamentada em fontes teóricas de vertente crítico-dialético, para apreensão do movimento da realidade. Abordamos assim as formas de expressão do conservadorismo, desde a sua forma “clássica” até as versões contemporâneas que reatualizam e ampliam suas expressões no âmbito da Proteção Básica da Política de Assistência Social, por entendermos que a prática profissional está assentada em relações conservadoras na política de assistência social, as quais assumem características operacionais pautadas em mecanismos de intervenção que acabam por reproduzir traços conservadores que, por sua vez, atendem a interesses de segmentos da classe dominante. Desse modo a política de assistência social reproduz relações de controle social, na medida em que se materializa como programas compensatórios de “combate à pobreza”, assumindo um caráter seletivo e fragmentado que se limita a minimizar os níveis de empobrecimento.

The thesis is an analysis of the roles of Czech women within the family structure, as influenced by social and welfare policies. The primary goal of the thesis is to examine social and welfare policies implemented during the communist rule against the changes made in the in the transition to the democratic state after 1989, and evaluate what impact they have had on women. Individual policies regarding housing, childcare, parental leave, pensions, education, reproductive rights and women's role in employment are studied both before and after 1989, and compared with the changing roles of women in the family. Themes in the study include the cultural expectation of women to remain in the household as primary caretakers of children, the rapid advancement of women within education and employment, and the influence of policies over the maintenance of family and fertility.

Conditionality has always been a feature of welfare benefit entitlements in the United Kingdom – however, over time, the extent to which conditionality has been exercised in order to change behaviour has drastically increased through the severity of sanctions. Universal Credit, the most recently enacted welfare programme in the UK, has strengthened conditionality even further through even more ambitious expectations, as well as stricter regulations and punishments. The mission of UC is to tackle worklessness, welfare dependency, and poverty by decreasing unemployment and thus, the number of people on benefits. Although UC may have been successful in addressing the first two issues, it is important to recognise that as a welfare policy and a response to poverty, UC is supposed to protect and benefit the wellbeing of people. My findings contradict this idea – UC has failed to address poverty in many ways, by defining poverty through a narrow and solely quantitative lens, by focusing on incentivising employment amongst benefit claimants as a solution to poverty, and by insufficiently accommodating for the needs of marginalised groups. Even so, conditional welfare policies have become the norm, a tool of many Conservative leaders in the United Kingdom. This is where the social policy focus has shifted. My thesis found that while UC and conditional welfare policies may achieve their stated goals of reducing unemployment and the number of benefit claimants, they do not adequately address the issue of poverty, as they ignore structural causes of poverty and disadvantage amongst marginalised communities.

This paper examines the effects of social capital in the lives of low-income single mothers and how it intersects with the goals of the Personal Responsibility Act (PRA). These explicit goals are to decrease reliance on public assistance through work and marriage; the implicit goals are to enhance social capital by increasing the trust, norms, and values that are evidenced by work and marriage. However, low-income single mothers are faced with limited repositories of social capital, which leaves them in a legislated quagmire. Tested here is the hypothesis that social capital impacts marriage, stable employment, and TANF use. The findings indicate that social capital impacts stable employment and economic stability in low-income single mothers, but it does not increase the likelihood of marriage. Further research that examines how social capital intersects with race and class will shed additional light on the efficacy of policy initiatives that focus on social capital reinforcement in low income female-headed families.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Stephanie Regina Wautier Schaeffer Batista.pdf: 575246 bytes, checksum: ca85bc9378a2ab4eed945d9a126b8512 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-07-31 / This paper focuses user participation in the social control of the Sistema Único de Assistência Social (Integrated Social Welfare System SUAS) aiming to reflect on the limitations and possibilities of this practice to care for the population. The choice of topic for a Master s thesis is justified by the complex context of social welfare policies in Brazil, the recent SUAS creation (2005) and its emphasis on the social control of the user, and the limited scientific research aimed specifically at Social Welfare Program users. The central issue on which this study is based is: How does the user perceive and control the services offered by SUAS in counties with full program management in the state of Rio Grande do Sul? The scientific investigation performed followed a qualitative approach within a dialectical-critical focus and seeks support in Antônio Gramsci s theoretical concepts to look into subordinate classes. From a systematization and analysis of the answers given by SUAS users, two tendencies of social control that act simultaneously and are followed by the surveyed subjects are pointed out. On one hand, there is the dominant hegemony strengthening, which tends to a depoliticized control that ultimately reduces the demand for social welfare service benefits; on the other hand, there is the faint appearance of a counter-hegemony which resists an authoritarian control. Therefore, despite the fact that the user is still to be found at a disadvantage in relation to SUAS management, there are elements that favor a greater participation in the spaces to be occupied and decisive processes, signaling towards democratic emancipation possibilities. / O presente trabalho versa sobre a participação dos usuários no exercício de controle social do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), procurando refletir os limites e as possibilidades desta prática nessa população. Considerando o complexo quadro contextual com o qual convivem as políticas de proteção social no Brasil; acompanhando a recente implantação do SUAS (2005) e sua ênfase ao controle social do usuário; levando em conta a reduzida produção científica voltada especificamente para os usuários da Assistência Social, justifica-se a escolha deste tema para a Dissertação de Mestrado. A questão central norteadora do estudo é a seguinte: Como o usuário percebe e controla os serviços oferecidos pelo SUAS em municípios de gestão plena do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (RS)? A investigação científica realizada privilegia uma abordagem qualitativa dentro de um enfoque dialético-crítico, usando o aporte teórico de Antônio Gramsci para lançar um olhar aguçado em direção às classes subalternas. A partir da sistematização e da análise de respostas fornecidas pelos usuários do SUAS, são apontadas duas tendências de controle social em movimento simultâneo, exercidas pelos sujeitos da pesquisa: o fortalecimento da hegemonia dominante pendendo para um controle despolitizado, reduzido à cobrança de benefícios nos serviços de proteção social; a construção tímida de uma contra-hegemonia apontando resistências à dominação de uma cultura autoritária. Portanto, embora o usuário permaneça em posição de desvantagem na gestão do SUAS, já existem elementos favorecedores de maior inserção nos espaços e processos decisórios, indicando possibilidades de emancipação democrática

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:15:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Glaucia Lelis Alves.pdf: 1157811 bytes, checksum: fc6d0ac1cb0354dfe367272bc88c1e13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-21 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The present thesis concerns the theoretical critical study of the social control category in the contemporaneousness. The debate that has intensified to the process of the democratization of the Brazilian State, under way since the late 1970s, which had its greatest expression in the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988. It seeks to capture the social control in the sphere of social policy, come to reproducing the conservative reformism or enhancing the process of expanding the struggle for democracy, taking as a reference the particularity of social control mechanisms place in Brazil for the politics of social work. The study was guided by the realization of qualitative research. In the process of knowledge was sought to undertake bibliographical studies, documentary (newspapers, scientific papers, journals, documents) relating to Social Welfare Policy and Social control in this, from reports, resolutions and documents from the National Council of Welfare. Thus the present study is structured in three chapters that are articulated through an analytical central axis, i.e. the construction of the critical issue of social control in order of their capital and operational in order to reveal different concepts, trends and linking the antagonistic societal projects. We performed a reading of the similarities and differences between social policy and social control, considering the historical process in Latin America and especially Brazil. Perceives that the social policy in Brazil express all constraints and contradictions in a society where has developed peripheral/wild capitalism. These traits have permeated the historical construction of democratization processes and the mechanisms of social control in the country requiring a reconfiguration of its strategies, we attempted to perform an analysis of the limits and potential of the exercise of social control, which is expressed by a roll of ambiguities between essential necessity for democratic radicalization and reproduction of conservative reformism which is established in the realization of social policy in the current context, through strategies fetishistic in simulacra of social policy, stressing the importance of instituting a new direction of social control, by the class work, focusing on the prospect of human emancipation / A presente tese refere-se ao estudo teórico crítico da categoria controle social na contemporaneidade. O debate que se apresenta intensifica-se a partir do processo de democratização do Estado brasileiro, em curso desde o final da década de 1970, que teve sua maior expressão na promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Procura-se apreender a efetivação do controle social no âmbito das políticas sociais, se vêm reproduzindo o reformismo conservador ou contribuindo para os processos de ampliação da luta pela democracia, tendo como referência a particularidade dos mecanismos de controle social instituídos no Brasil pela política de assistência social. No decorrer do processo de conhecimento buscou-se empreender estudos bibliográficos, documentais referentes à Política de Assistência Social e ao Controle social nesta, pelo Conselho Nacional de Assistência Social. Dessa forma o presente estudo estrutura-se em 03 capítulos que estão articulados entre si por um eixo analítico central, ou seja, a construção da crítica ao controle social na ordem do capital e sua operacionalidade, tendo em vista desvelar diferentes concepções, tendências e vinculação a projetos societários antagônicos. Realizou-se a leitura dos encontros e desencontros entre política social e controle social, considerando o processo histórico latino- americano e, sobretudo, brasileiro. Apreende-se que a política social no Brasil expressa todos os limites/contradições presentes numa sociedade em que se desenvolveu o capitalismo periférico/selvagem. Esses traços históricos permearam a construção de processos de democratização e dos mecanismos de controle social no país exigindo uma reconfiguração de suas estratégias. Buscou-se realizar uma análise dos limites e potencialidades do exercício do controle social, que se expressa por um rol de ambigüidades entre a necessidade do fortalecimento da democracia e a reprodução do reformismo que se instaura por meio de estratégias fetichizadoras em simulacros de política social, destacando a importância de se instituir uma nova direção de controle social, pela classe trabalhadora, centrando-se na perspectiva da emancipação humana