This project explores a reinterpretation process of a deindustrial site through landscape architecture. By using the industrial process to guide the formation of the landscape, spaces, and experiences, a semi-abandoned industrial site is transformed into a cultural park. The purpose of the project is to articulate the intriguing qualities of a deindustrial site and respond to them through a design process that is sensitive to the history and character of the site, while allowing contemporary uses and experiences to evolve.

The creative class, creative economy and creative cities are all heralds of current North American planning directions. My research seeks to understand how the Art Factory, a multi-tenant and multi-purpose artist space, contributes to the lives of artists and the general creative potential of a city. This research is a case study of cre8ery, an art factory located in Winnipeg’s Exchange District, the gentrifying cultural quarter of the city. I interviewed ten artists, exploring how cre8ery affected their social, professional and economic lives. cre8ery serves as a gateway into the art world for emerging artists by providing stability and opportunities to them. In general, Art Factories are centres of cultural entrepreneurship, an activity essential to the health of artists and the city. I also explore the shift of the artist populations in Winnipeg due to gentrification, offering several policy initiatives that would either stem or support this shift.

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Cette étude historique, sur la réception kérygmatique du concile Vatican II dansl’Église de Saint-Boniface, ouvre un nouveau champ d’étude dans le domaine de l’Églisecanadienne et de Vatican II. Elle nous permet de voir la contribution originale d’un desPères du Concile canadiens, Mgr Maurice Baudoux, dans la promotion et la mise en œuvredes réformes conciliaires dans son diocèse durant les années du Concile (1962-1965) et lespremières années postconciliaires (1966-1968). Par les efforts de Baudoux et de ses prochescollaborateurs, une première réception de Vatican II se définit à Saint-Boniface etVaggiornamento conciliaire réussit à prendre progressivement forme dans les activitéspastorales de cette Église particulière de l’Ouest canadien.

Dans la période de l’après-guerre, le gouvernement fédéral canadien ressent une nécessité de retravailler sa relation avec les Premières Nations. La tâche s’avère plus difficile que prévu, puisque le leadership autochtone refuse de coopérer avec le Canada, proposant même l’idée de l’indépendance des Nations autochtones du pays. Le gouvernement refuse donc de travailler avec un leadership si radical. Ainsi naît l’idée de faire la promotion d’un leadership plus coopératif dans les écoles résidentielles, déjà bien implantées au Canada. Cette initiative se concrétisera, avec l’aide des Oblats de Marie immaculée et des Premières Nations manitobaines, et l’école résidentielle Assiniboia High-School ouvrira ses portes en 1958 dans la banlieue cossue de River Heights à Winnipeg. Cette école mobilisera toutes sortes d’activités parascolaires pour apprendre aux étudiants en son sein un leadership coopératif visant à l’amélioration des conditions de vie des Premières Nations dans un Canada uni. Cette étude analyse les moyens mis de l’avant par le gouvernement canadien et les pères oblats à Assiniboia pour inculquer un rôle de meneur aux étudiants doués de l’école résidentielle. L’association étudiante, l’organisation missionnaire de Marie immaculée, des conférences, ainsi que des discours sur le leadership autochtone seront offerts aux étudiants afin qu’ils s’imprègnent de l’idée d’un leadership autochtone coopératif. De plus, le sport d’élite sera l’une des activités les plus productives afin de former de futurs chefs coopératifs. / In the post-war period, the Canadian federal government felt a need to rework its relationship with the First Nations. The task turned out to be more difficult than expected, since the Indigenous leadership refused to cooperate with Canada, even suggesting the idea of independence for the Indigenous nations in the country. The government therefore refused to work with such radical leadership. Thus was born the idea of teaching more cooperative leadership in residential schools, which were already well established in Canada. This initiative came to fruition with the help of the Oblate Fathers of Mary Immaculate and the Manitoba First Nations, and the Assiniboia High-School residential school opened in 1958 in the wealthy suburb of River Heights in Winnipeg. This school mobilized multiple extracurricular activities to teach students cooperative leadership aimed at improving the living conditions of First Nations in a united Canada. This study analyzes the means put forward by the Canadian government and the Oblate Fathers in Assiniboia to instill a leadership role in the gifted students of the residential school. The Student Union, the Missionary Organization of Mary Immaculate, lectures and talks on Indigenous leadership offered to students immersed them in the idea of cooperative Indigenous leadership. In addition, elite sport were one of the most productive activities to train future cooperative leaders.

The practicum examines the impact of the physical layout of cities on the way we perceive them. In particular it examines the influence of natural, social, and built elements in perception of the downtown core of Winnipeg. It goes on to propose an urban design strategy for the downtown core, supported by supplementary urban design guidelines. / October 2016

Governance and participatory democracy theory suggest that strong policy can stem from the inclusion of all societal voices in discussion of options, and that the public must have a strong base of information in order to participate fully in democracy. The news media can be an important vehicle for these voices and a central source of information. However, academic literature has recorded that “elite” sources, such as government, dominate news coverage to the disadvantage of “non-elite” sources, such as civil society groups and citizens, a situation that results in imbalanced information in the news. This thesis examines patterns of civil society inclusion in Winnipeg Free Press coverage of Lake Winnipeg water quality, and discusses the implications of findings for good governance. Three methods of inquiry are used: 1) a literature review, 2) a quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles published in the Winnipeg Free Press from August 1991 through December 2008, and 3) interviews with civil society members with an interest in Lake Winnipeg water quality. Content analysis findings indicate that civil society sources generally received less coverage than “elite” sources, were used less frequently, were given lower prominence within articles, had fewer chances to “define” coverage and were less often used in “hard” news compared to opinion sections. Interview findings challenge the dominant view within media literature that journalists are fully responsible for “elite” source dominance due to journalist bias in source selection, the “beat system” of journalism that focuses on governmental institutions, decisions made by editors and corporate or political preferences of news entities. While journalism practices are undoubtedly a factor, this study finds that there are also shortcomings within civil society organizations and the framework within which they operate that limit their engagement with the media. Four key factors are identified. Registered charities are often hesitant to speak with the media due to real and perceived legal restraints on their communications activities under Canada’s Income Tax Act. Many organizations are apprehensive about voicing concerns in the media for fear of losing funding. Few organizations have communications staff, or even staff members trained in media outreach, resulting in a passive approach to communications. And few organizations have the capacity to deal with media requests for information within journalism deadlines. In addition, the interview data indicate that those organizations actively pursuing media coverage are focusing attention on smaller newspapers, alternative media and self-published pieces, which suggests that the mainstream news media are perhaps of less importance to such organizations than in the past. Alternatively, it is possible that organizations are finding access to the mainstream media effectively cut off. Finally, recommendations are made to civil society organizations on how they can increase their prominence in the news and conquer their reluctance to deal with the media, and to the media on how to improve attention to civil society voices. For the latter, ideas are drawn from public journalism, a journalism movement which emphasizes citizens as sources.

Governance and participatory democracy theory suggest that strong policy can stem from the inclusion of all societal voices in discussion of options, and that the public must have a strong base of information in order to participate fully in democracy. The news media can be an important vehicle for these voices and a central source of information. However, academic literature has recorded that “elite” sources, such as government, dominate news coverage to the disadvantage of “non-elite” sources, such as civil society groups and citizens, a situation that results in imbalanced information in the news. This thesis examines patterns of civil society inclusion in Winnipeg Free Press coverage of Lake Winnipeg water quality, and discusses the implications of findings for good governance. Three methods of inquiry are used: 1) a literature review, 2) a quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles published in the Winnipeg Free Press from August 1991 through December 2008, and 3) interviews with civil society members with an interest in Lake Winnipeg water quality. Content analysis findings indicate that civil society sources generally received less coverage than “elite” sources, were used less frequently, were given lower prominence within articles, had fewer chances to “define” coverage and were less often used in “hard” news compared to opinion sections. Interview findings challenge the dominant view within media literature that journalists are fully responsible for “elite” source dominance due to journalist bias in source selection, the “beat system” of journalism that focuses on governmental institutions, decisions made by editors and corporate or political preferences of news entities. While journalism practices are undoubtedly a factor, this study finds that there are also shortcomings within civil society organizations and the framework within which they operate that limit their engagement with the media. Four key factors are identified. Registered charities are often hesitant to speak with the media due to real and perceived legal restraints on their communications activities under Canada’s Income Tax Act. Many organizations are apprehensive about voicing concerns in the media for fear of losing funding. Few organizations have communications staff, or even staff members trained in media outreach, resulting in a passive approach to communications. And few organizations have the capacity to deal with media requests for information within journalism deadlines. In addition, the interview data indicate that those organizations actively pursuing media coverage are focusing attention on smaller newspapers, alternative media and self-published pieces, which suggests that the mainstream news media are perhaps of less importance to such organizations than in the past. Alternatively, it is possible that organizations are finding access to the mainstream media effectively cut off. Finally, recommendations are made to civil society organizations on how they can increase their prominence in the news and conquer their reluctance to deal with the media, and to the media on how to improve attention to civil society voices. For the latter, ideas are drawn from public journalism, a journalism movement which emphasizes citizens as sources.

“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652