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A partir de la reconstruction et de l’analyse du processus d’apparition de la question des femmes victimes du conflit armé en Colombie comme une cause de mobilisation féministe, cette recherche rend compte du rôle structurel du droit dans sa gestation et sa consolidation. Grâce à une approche qui articule les perspectives de la sociologie du droit, de la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, ainsi que de la critique féministe du droit, l’analyse met en exergue les conditions d’émergence des dénonciations publiques et juridiques des femmes affectées par les violences armées, qu’elles se mobilisent d’elles-mêmes ou que la mobilisation se fasse en leur nom. A partir d’une enquête empirique fondée principalement sur des entretiens, l’analyse des discours et l’observation du fonctionnement des instances judiciaires, outre la compréhension du rôle axial du recours au droit et à la justice dans ces processus, l’analyse de la cause permet d’enquêter sur la place de la question des femmes et des victimes dans l’action publique en Colombie, notamment dans les politiques qui visent la « sortie du conflit ». Des concepts tels que « justice transitionnelle », « droits humains des femmes » ou les « politiques constitutionnelles » sont aussi revus conformément à une perspective constitutive du droit. L’histoire contemporaine du conflit armé colombien, des mobilisations sociales pour la paix ou contre la guerre, ainsi que des efforts institutionnels pour gérer les effets des violences se trouvent ainsi interpelées. D’une part, du fait de la perspective doublement genrée que les objets « femme victime » et « mobilisation féministe » introduisent. D’autre part, en raison des dynamiques générées par le surgissement de la question des femmes victimes comme étant à la fois un objet de mobilisation, un sujet de dénonciation, et une « sujette de droits ». / This research focuses on the reconstruction and analysis of the process of the emergence of the issue of women victims of the armed conflict in Colombia, as a result of feminist mobilization. The research shows the structural role of law and legal mobilization in its birth and consolidation. With an approach that articulates the perspectives of sociology of law, sociology of social movements, and the feminist critique of law, the analysis highlights the conditions for the emergence of legal and public denunciations of women affected by armed violence. Grounded on an empirical research based primarily on interviews, discourse analysis and observation of court proceedings, the analysis of the cause allows to investigate the place of the issue of women and victims in public policies, including the efforts for achieve the "end of the conflict", in addition to understanding the pivotal role of recourse to law and justice in these processes. Concepts such as "transitional justice", "the human rights of women" or "constitutional politics" are also reviewed and discussed through a "constitutive" law perspective. In this way, the contemporary history of the Colombian armed conflict, and of the social mobilization for peace and against war, and also the history of institutional efforts to manage the effects of violence, are also revisited. On one hand, the discussion of those topics is determined by the fact that they can be thought as an effect of the double gendered perspective that topics such as "women victims" and "feminist mobilization" introduce. On the other hand, they are also part of a more global discussion due to the dynamics generated by the public emergence of the issue of women victims, who are simultaneously an object of mobilization, a subject of denunciation, and a "subject of rights".

Submitted by Fabricia Fialho Reginato (fabriciar) on 2015-06-19T01:01:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SimoneCruzSaudeColetiva.pdf: 289838 bytes, checksum: cd677bb825aa73353937c9023c261d8a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-19T01:01:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SimoneCruzSaudeColetiva.pdf: 289838 bytes, checksum: cd677bb825aa73353937c9023c261d8a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / FORD - Programa Internacional de Bolsas de Pós-Graduação da Fundação Ford / O presente artigo se propõe a investigar os discursos e as práticas de organizações de mulheres negras e de organizações mistas (constituídas por homens e mulheres) do movimento negro do Rio Grande do Sul no que se refere à saúde e à vulnerabilidade da população negra ao HIV/AIDS, assim como ao lugar dado a essas temáticas em sua agenda política. A análise foi baseada nas relações de gênero dentro do movimento negro. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, na qual a técnica de investigação privilegiada foi a entrevista etnográfica com integrantes de duas organizações de mulheres negras e duas organizações mistas do movimento negro do Rio Grande do Sul. Observamos que se, por um lado, a atuação de saúde é relacionada às mulheres negras, seja pela busca de autonomia nas suas ações e agendas, seja por posições "nas margens" no movimento negro misto, a área da saúde é também um espaço propicio para o formato de ONG, mais flexível para estabelecer parcerias com o poder público e traduzir demandas locais em políticas, como observamos no caso do HIV/AIDS. / In this article I analyze the discourses and practices regarding health and vulnerability to HIV/AIDS of the black population by the black movement women and men-and-women organizations of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, and the importance of this topic in their political agendas. The analysis is based on the gender relations within the black movement. The members of two female and two male and-female organizations participated in this qualitative research, in which the main research technique was the ethnographic interview. The research showed that, women tend to engage in health actions, both out of a search for autonomy in their agendas and of their marginal position within the men-and-female organizations. Besides that, the field of health, as the case of HIV/AIDS shows, is favorable to the NGO format, which tends, in turn, to be more flexible in its partnership with the public power and, thus, transform local demands into policies.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:17:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 5325686 bytes, checksum: 1969a7b47df5be85d87d6638a4dc3b3c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper aims to discuss the ideological process of formation of a particular subject to the present day: the rural women workers of the micro region at the Brejo Paraíbano . The Brejo in the 80s, rural women workers gain visibility through two specific movements: the Movement of Rural Women Workers from the Brejo (MMB) and the (MMT / PB) Movement of Women Workers of Paraíba. This period is depicted by the brutal advance of the capitalist system in Paraiba agrarian space through the monoculture of sugar cane and reflected on the expropriation and exploitation of peasants and farm workers. In response, the working class of Paraiba agrarian space and peasants reorganize themselves through certain representations of classes: the pastoral rural, rural trade unions and social movements. In the process of reorganization of the rural working class, rural women workers of Paraiba Heath identify the emergence of the debate about the conditions and the specific demands of female politicians in these spaces and in capitalist society that put them at double oppression: the woman and workers. To understand this process of formation of the agrarian space at the Brejo Paraiba and the organization of women as a class, and gender in two certain autonomous women's movement (MMB and MMT / PB) were important to the use of the methodology of bibliographic, documental and participatory research survey. The participatory research aimed to understand the main activities of training and debate exercised by MMT / PB with women rural workers today. For this, necessary methodological procedures as semi-structured interviews, informal conversations, analysis of documents (brochures, agendas of meetings, reports, brochures, videos), photographic archive and field research were. With this, we have seen the emergence of MMT / PB still bring in the current debate womanhood and working for rural women workers of Paraiba Heath and the need to reassess the main guidelines for performances of MMT / PB in the process of agglutination of these women for the establishment and continuation of the struggle of MMT / PB in Paraíba. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir o processo de formação político-ideológico de um determinado sujeito até os dias atuais: as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais da microrregião do Brejo Paraibano. No Brejo da década de 1980, as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais ganham visibilidade através de dois movimentos específicos: o Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais do Brejo (MMB) e o Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadoras da Paraíba (MMT/PB). Esse período é retratado pelo brutal avanço do sistema capitalista no espaço agrário paraibano através da monocultura da cana-de-açúcar e refletiu na expropriação e exploração dos camponeses e trabalhadores rurais da região. Em resposta, a classe trabalhadora do espaço agrário paraibano e os camponeses reorganizam-se através de determinadas representações de classes: os sindicatos rurais, as pastorais rurais e os movimentos sociais. Nesse processo de reorganização da classe trabalhadora rural, as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais do Brejo paraibano identificam a emergência do debate acerca das condições e das demandas específicas do gênero feminino nesses espaços políticos e na sociedade capitalista, que as colocam em dupla opressão: a de mulher e trabalhadora. Para compreender esse processo de formação do espaço agrário do Brejo paraibano e a organização das mulheres enquanto classe e gênero em dois determinados movimentos autônomos de mulheres (MMB e MMT/PB) foram importantes à utilização da metodologia de levantamento bibliográfico, documental e pesquisa participante. A pesquisa participante teve como principal objetivo compreender as principais atividades de formação e debate exercidos pelo MMT/PB junto às mulheres trabalhadoras rurais na atualidade. Para isso, foram necessários procedimentos metodológicos como entrevistas semiestruturadas, conversas informais, análises de documentos (cartilhas, pautas de reuniões, relatórios, folhetos, vídeos), arquivo fotográfico e pesquisa de campo. Com isso, pudemos constatar a emergência do MMT/PB em ainda trazer ao debate atual a condição de mulher e trabalhadora para as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais do Brejo paraibano e a necessidade de reavaliar as principais diretrizes de atuações do MMT/PB no processo de aglutinação dessas mulheres para a constituição e continuidade da luta do MMT/PB na Paraíba.

1987年國父紀念館女性員工因懷孕而遭到雇主解雇的事件發生，促使婦女新知基金會檢討台灣女性的工作權益，並於1989年草擬完成一部專屬勞動婦女的「男女工作平等法」草案。但從法案的提出到三讀通過卻歷經了12年之久，因而誘發作者想瞭解到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或有其它的結構性因素的操作延宕法案的通過。 過去國家機器與資本家是建立在「共謀」關係上，因此，法案的提出勢必影響兩者的「共謀」關係。丙國家如何在不傷及資本家又能顧及女性勞動利益下，制訂出「兩性工作平等法」。國家尋求哪些不同的解決途徑？資本力量又是如何鑲嵌在政治勢力中對法案產生嚴重的阻撓作用？法案的通過是否代表婦運團體對於國家機器與資本主義運作的挑戰成功？ 本文目的在於釐清婦運如何挑戰國家機器與市場機制，而制定出保障婦女的法令政策，同時在整個推法過程中，新知如何逼使國家提出相對法案。文中也將呈現資本家如何透過在立法院的代言人影響法案的通過與制定，以及在整個立法過程中，婦運團體如何顛覆父權思想與資本主義體系的運作邏輯。因此，除了探究職場中存在哪些性別不平等的結構事實外，還必須剖析這些現象的產生是因結構、制度因素而成的，或是婦運變遷的結果。以及到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或是因為其他的結構性因素的操作而不能完成立法。 在資本主義下女性除了面臨職場內兩性不平等的對待外，更要擔負沈重的家務責任。但對於這些不平等的對待，過去並未有學者深入分析研究。第二章即說明女性因料理家務未就業、因懷孕生子退出勞動市場等行為何以稱為是「就業歧視」。經濟學觀點、社會文化觀點又如何看待女性勞動，女性主義觀點對於父權及資本主義叉提出哪些批判？ 第三章將論述80年代末期台灣政治結構轉型加速了社會運動的發展，其中社會運動的特質、運動方式及策略有哪些？婦女運動與社會運動有何不同之處何在？本章主要論述社會運動與婦女運動問的關係以及婦女運動中的「兩性工作平等法」的出現，與台灣政經脈絡及社會結構有何種關係。 第四章將陳明國家與資本家如何回應婦運團體的立法？此外，並論述婦運團體如何推法，運用哪些運動策略以及如何將女性主義實踐在法律條文中，便其成為體制或制度的一部分。最後，本章將側重國家在法案推動過程中角色的扮演。國家在法案推動過程中，是否一如過去馬克思主義所言是資本階級的代言者，或是國家在法案中另有其政策考量？為何國家態度從原先的拖延到主動提出相對版本，甚至有轉為積極的態度？ 第五章則在於論述「兩性工作平等法」如何挑戰資本主義市場運作？而它的出現又是如何制衡資本主義市場對女性勞動者的過度剝削或歧視行為？女性主義如何將其理念實踐在法條中，對資本主義與父權進行更進一步的挑戰？如第四章所論，國家過去與資本家關係密切，所以在不願得罪資本家的態度下一直拖延法案審查。資本家透過哪些管道間接或直接影響法案本身的推動？運用哪些方式阻撓法案的通過？婦運團體又運用哪些策略與戰術逼使國家正視法案且最終通過三讀。 關鍵字：國家機器、父權、資本主義、婦女運動、女性主義、「兩性工作平等法」、婦女新知基金會 / In 1987, female employees who worked in Sun-Yet-Sen Memorial Hall, were laid off because of their pregnancy, thus promoting the Awakening Foundation to look back to the bill regarding female labor in Taiwan, and the draft belongs to laboring women-The Men and Women Equal Employment Bill was finished In 1989, but it took 12 years from the lift to the passing of the three-read, so this induced the author to want to understand if the government ignored the rights of women on purpose or are there other constant factors which caused the delay of the passing of the draft. In the past, the state apparatus and the capitalists were built on collusion; thus, the lifting of the Bill must affect the relationship of the collusion of the two. Therefore, the state must decide on the Equal Employment Bill without hurting all capitalists while caring for the interests of women. What solution is our government seeking? How is capital power embedded in the political power frustrating the effect to the law? Does the passing of the Bill successfully present the women group to challenge the operation of state apparatus and capitalism? The aim of this article is to clarify the women movement challenging the state apparatus and marketing organism, to make relative laws of state guarding the women while promoting the laws how Awakening stops our government to offer relative laws. This article shows how the capitalists have affected the passing and making of the law through legislators, and in the whole process of making the law, how the women group overthrow the operating logic of patriarchy and capitalism. Thus, aside from discussing what unfair structural facts exist in the working field, we must dissect whether the producing of phenomenon belong to structure or institutional factor or the outcome of the change of women movement, and is the state ignoring women's right purposely or there are other institutional factors that prevents the Bill from being passed. Aside from facing the unfair treatment in the working field under capitalism, women also need to bear the heavy burden of a caring for the family. In the past, no scholars analyzed and researched these unfair treatments. The second chapter informs us how women quit working because of family duty or pregnancy, either of which is considered a discrimination, how the economical opinion or social-cultural opinion looks at women labor, and what is the opinion of feminists opposing and criticize patriarchy and capitalism? The third chapter discusses the political transformation of Taiwan by the end of the eighties, which accelerated the social movement development, discussing what character, ways and tactics of the social movement, and the difference between women movement and social movement. In this chapter, we'll talk about the relationship of the social movement and women movement, and the appearance of the Equal Employment Bill in the women movement? What kind of relationship is there between the political and economic contexts, and social structure in Taiwan. The forth chapter talks about how the state and capitalists respond to the women group pushing the Bill? Even more, I will discuss how women group was able to complete the bill, what actions they used and how feminism was realized the law, promoting these to become part of the apparatus or the institution. In the end, this chapter will focus on the role-playing of the state in this Bill. In the process of pushing the Bill, according to Marxism: is state the spokesman of capital class, or are there other considerations in the policy? How come the attitude of the state from originally delaying the passing of the bill to actively offering relative solutions, even turning to aggressive attitude? The fifth chapter discusses how the Equal Employment Bill challenges the work of capitalism, and how its appearance balances capitalism's work over women labor to exploit or discriminate them too much? How does feminism, realized in the Bill, challenges capitalism and patriarchy? As what we have discussed in the fourth chapter, state and capitalists are very much related in the past, so the state constantly delays the examination of the Equal Employment Bill so as not to offend the capitalists. Through what do the capitalists frustrate the Bill directly or indirectly? What ways do they use to frustrate the completion of the Bill? And what ploy and tactics do women groups use to make our state facing up to the Bill and eventually pass the three-read. How did feminism challenge capitalism and patriarchy, thus improving or advancing the practice of law? Key Words : state apparatus、patriarchy、capitalism、women movement、feminism、Equal Employment Bill、Awakening Foundation