Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2016-10-21T11:18:45Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-08T18:40:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-08T18:40:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-01 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / This study aims to investigate the main aspects of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), created by the European Community in 1962 to ensure the agricultural self-sufficiency of the trade bloc and to maintain the level of income of European farmers, by the implementation of a policy of support for the regional production and internal market protection. This research is intended to analyze how the policy is structured and what are the real consequences of it for the economy of developing countries, based on the assumption that the protectionist measures and subsidies result in great damage to international trade, especially for poor countries, which rely mainly on agricultural exports to sustain their economies. In this context, a critical analysis will be made about the way the CAP remains in the context of agricultural trade liberalization that is defended in the World Trade Organization (WTO), based on multilateral agreements and negotiations currently in progress. In addition, the analysis will consider the concept of multifunctionality of agriculture, which appears as a justification for maintaining the CAP, and the relation between international trade and the right to development. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar os principais aspectos da Política Agrícola Comum (PAC), criada pela Comunidade Europeia em 1962, visando garantir a autossuficiência agrícola do bloco econômico e a manutenção do nível de renda dos produtores rurais europeus, a partir da implementação de uma política de apoio à produção regional e de proteção do mercado interno. Tal pesquisa tem como intuito analisar como essa política se estruturou e quais são as reais consequências dela para a economia dos países em desenvolvimento, partindo-se da hipótese de que as medidas protecionistas e os subsídios resultam em grandes prejuízos ao comércio internacional, principalmente para os países mais pobres, que dependem basicamente das exportações agrícolas para sustentar suas economias. Diante desse contexto, será feita uma análise crítica acerca da maneira como a PAC se insere no contexto de liberalização comercial dos produtos agrícolas, defendido dentro da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), com base nos acordos multilaterais existentes e nas negociações em andamento atualmente. Além disso, a análise levará em consideração o conceito da multifuncionalidade da agricultura, que surge como justificativa para manutenção da PAC, bem como a relação entre o comércio internacional e o direito ao desenvolvimento.

O presente trabalho busca analisar a evolução da discussão dogmática sobre a relação entre direito interno e direito internacional na jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal. A pesquisa dedica especial atenção a três casos específicos, julgados entre 2008 e 2010, que são representativos de uma nova fase no entendimento corte, em que o Supremo Tribunal Federal tratou de uma série de questões inéditas na sua jurisprudência. São eles a decisão, em 2008, sobre a prisão civil do depositário infiel, proibida pela Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos; a ADPF no 101, de 2009, sobre a importação de pneus usados e remoldados, cuja regulamentação também foi objeto de decisões no âmbito do Mercosul e da OMC; e a ADPF no 153, de 2010, que discutiu a Lei da Anistia, também tratada na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. Mapeando as discussões dogmáticas nesses casos, busca-se identificar as implicações dos tratados internacionais e das decisões de tribunais internacionais para o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, bem como as contradições e omissões de tais decisões. A análise do desenvolvimento da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal considera as transformações ocorridas no direito internacional a partir do final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e as mudanças incorporadas às constituições brasileiras, e em especial a Constituição de 1988 e a sua Emenda no 45, de 2004. / This study seeks to analyze the evolution of the dogmatic debate on the relationship between domestic and international law in the Brazilian Supreme Courts case law. The research devotes special attention to three specific cases, decided between 2008 and 2010, which are representative of a new phase in the courts understanding, in which the Supreme Court has dealt with completely new issues. These cases are the following: the decision in 2008 on the civil imprisonment of an unfaithful trustee, prohibited by the American Convention on Human Rights; ADPF No. 101, from of 2009, on the import of used tires, which had also been the subject of decisions within Mercosur and WTO; and ADPF No 153, from 2010, which discussed the Brazilian Amnesty Act, also addressed by the Interamerican Court of Human Rights. By mapping dogmatic discussions of these cases, I seek to identify the implications of international treaties and decisions of international tribunals for the Brazilian legal system, as well as the contradictions and omissions of such decisions. The analysis of the development of the Supreme Courts case law considers the transformation occurring in international law since the end of World War II and the changes incorporated into the Brazilian constitutions, and in particular the Constitution of 1988 and its Amendment No 45 of 2004.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:27:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Preto_CarolinaCristinaLoucao_M.pdf: 1117555 bytes, checksum: 0b22346e66296aff90611eee9900bb5d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo central examinar e problematizar a reflexão sobre o relacionamento entre a Organização Mundial do Comércio e, seu principal arquiteto, os Estados Unidos, à luz de diferentes teorias das Relações Internacionais e de considerações em torno do debate doméstico sobre a OMC nesse país. Observamos a relação entre os EUA e a OMC tanto no que concerne o plano das negociações comerciais multilaterais, como também, no que se refere à dimensão do Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias, tentando estabelecer paralelos com as dificuldades de negociação no âmbito da Rodada Doha. Historicamente, os EUA dominaram os resultados das negociações comerciais multilaterais, prevalecendo na determinação do conteúdo das regras da OMC, assim como, na definição de suas principais características: uma ampla cobertura temática e a presença de um mecanismo judicial que está entre as formas mais avançadas de direito internacional da atualidade. Contudo, estudos indicam que, no plano das negociações comerciais, devido a alterações na economia mundial, a tradicional influência norte-americana foi sendo reduzida ao longo do tempo, apresentando implicações importantes para o processo de produção de regras da organização. Além disso, autores sugerem que a reforma do OSC melhorou o posicionamento das partes demandantes das disputas, mesmo quando essas partes estavam iniciando casos contra os EUA, restringindo assim a capacidade desse Estado de determinar os resultados das disputas e de descumprir seus compromissos internacionais no campo do comércio. Os interesses norte-americanos estão largamente refletidos na OMC e, embora esse seja o traço mais forte a definir o relacionamento entre os EUA e essa instituição, ele não é o único. A interação entre a OMC e os interesses dos EUA parece mais complexa do que alguns teóricos das relações internacionais argumentaram / Abstract: The main purpose of this work is to examine and discuss the reflection on the relationship between the World Trade Organization and, its principal architect, the United States, in light of different theories of International Relations and of considerations over the domestic debate on the WTO in this country. We observed the relationship between the U.S. and the WTO both in respect to the multilateral trade negotiations and with regard to the Dispute Settlement Body, trying to draw parallels with the current difficulties in negotiating the Doha Round. Historically, the U.S. has dominated the results of multilateral trade negotiations, prevailed in the determination of the rules of the WTO and, consequently, in the definition of its main features: a broad coverage and the presence of a judicial mechanism that is among the most advanced forms of international law today. Nevertheless, concerning the multilateral trade negotiations, studies point out that, due to changes in the global economy, U.S.'s influence in this area has been reduced over time, with significant implications for the rule-making process of the organization. Besides that, some authors argue that the reform of the DSB has improved the positioning of plaintiffs in disputes, even when they were starting cases against the U.S. and thus restricted U.S.'s ability to determine the outcome of disputes and disregard its international commitments in the field of trade. U.S.'s interests are largely reflected in the WTO and, although this is the strongest characteristic applied in order to describe the relationship between the U.S. and this institution, this is not the only one. The interaction between the WTO and the U.S's interests may actually be more complex than some International Relations scholars have argued / Mestrado / Instituições, Processos e Atores / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

L'objectif principal de l'Accord de partenariat économique (APE) est la mise en conformité des arrangements commerciaux entre les États ou groupes d'États avec les dispositions de l'Organisation Mondiale de Commerce (OMC)notamment l'introduction de la réciprocité dans les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP).La signature de l'Accord de partenariat économique par certains pays ACP, suscite encore à l'heure actuelle des critiques sur les effets de la suppression des préférences commerciales dont dépendent de nombreux pays ACP. / The main purpose of te economic partnership agreement (EPA) is to make the commercial settlements between states or groupe of states cumply with the clauses of the World Trade Organization (WTO) namely the introduction of the principle of the reciprocity in the commercial relations between the European Union (EU)and the African, Caribbean and Pacifique states (ACP).The signing of the economic partnership agreement by some ACP countries,still currently sparks of critisims upon the consequences deriving from the revocation of trade preferences, of wich numerous countries are dependent on.

The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions: Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO? Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO? How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO? The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner’s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope. Preferential trade agreements do pose a threat to the WTO, in its current structure and may be harmful to the international trading regime. It is partly because the MFN is widely discouraged that PTAs are stumbling stones to the organization. By signing agreement that do not comply with WTO regulations and considering its role in international trade, EU does affect the future of the WTO.

Selon les théories classiques du pouvoir, les relations asymétriques favorisent généralement l’acteur le plus puissant en termes de ressources. Toutefois, la partie la plus puissante au niveau de la force et des ressources ne gagne pas toujours dans les négociations. Cela dépend de plusieurs facteurs et notamment des tactiques de négociation de la partie la plus faible. Notre thèse vise justement à analyser un certain nombre de stratégies de négociations que peuvent mener les parties les plus faibles pour obtenir des gains. Afin d’illustrer nos propos, nous avons choisi l’exemple donné par un certain nombre de pays en voie de développement (PVD) pour contester le brevet sur le vivant contenu dans l’Accord sur les aspects des droits de la propriété intellectuelle (ADPIC). Notre objectif a été de comprendre les principales stratégies qu’ils ont employées pour remettre en question cette norme et la rééquilibrer. Afin de réaliser ce travail, nous nous sommes servis du concept d’hégémonie de Gramsci et de cadre emprunté à la littérature des mouvements sociaux. Cela nous a permis de poser l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’Accord sur les ADPIC constitue une norme hégémonique qui avantage essentiellement quelques pays développés et des entreprises internationales. Cependant, cette domination se cache derrière un discours universel et positif visant à susciter une forte adhésion. Ainsi, dans un tel cas de figure, les PVD ne peuvent pas espérer la remettre en question sans un changement de perception. Il faut donc que les règles perçues comme justes et immuables soient cadrées comme injustes et mutables, pour que les pays décident de les contester. Nous avons alors testé cette hypothèse à travers une analyse de contenu du discours officiel des PVD à l’Organisation mondiale du commerce. Ce travail nous a permis d’observer que le cadrage est un instrument important pour lutter contre l’hégémonie d’une norme. En effet, il offre la faculté de montrer que le brevet sur le vivant, loin de présenter que des avantages, est aussi une source de problèmes auxquels il faut apporter des solutions. Le cadre constitue aussi un bon moyen pour élaborer des propositions normatives alternatives. Toutefois, nous avons constaté que cette stratégie est insuffisante pour traduire les propositions des PVD en normes contraignantes. Afin d’obtenir certains changements normatifs, l’élaboration de coalitions s’avère particulièrement pertinente pour les PVD. De même, nous avons noté que les PVD qui demandent des changements normatifs quand la structure des opportunités politiques est ouverte ont plus de chance d’obtenir satisfaction de leurs revendications. La présente thèse nous offre ainsi un portrait général de stratégies de négociation et démontre que sous certaines conditions les parties les plus faibles peuvent obtenir certains gains dans une négociation asymétrique. / According to the classical theories of power, asymmetrical relations generally favor the most powerful actor in terms of resources. However, the most powerful in terms of strength and resources part does not always win in negotiations. This depends on several factors, including negotiation tactics of the weaker party. Our thesis aims to analyze different type of negotiation strategies that weaker parties can use to obtain some benefit. To illustrate this point, we chose the example set by a number of developing countries (DV) to challenge the patenting of life contained in the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). Our goal was to understand the key strategies they have used to question this norm and rebalance it. To make this work, we used the concept of hegemony conceptualized by Gramsci and the concept of framework borrowed from the literature of social movements. This tool has allowed us to make the assumption that TRIPS is a hegemonic norm that mainly benefit to few developed countries and international companies. However, this domination is hidden by the norms thanks to universal and positive discourse which help to generate strong adhesion. Thus, in such a case, developing countries can’t expect to challenge this norm without a change of perception. It is therefore necessary that the rules perceived as fair and immutable are framed as unjust and mutable, so that countries decide to challenge it. We then tested this hypothesis through a content analysis of the DC’s official discourse at the World Trade Organization. This work has allowed us to observe that the framing is an important tool in the fight against the norm’s hegemony. Indeed, it offers the possibility to show that the patenting of life, far from presenting just a source of benefits, is also a source of problems that need solutions. The frame is also a good way to develop alternative normative propositions. However, we found that this strategy is insufficient to translate DC’s proposals into binding norms. In order to obtain changes in the agreement, building coalitions is particularly relevant for DC. Furthermore, we noted that DC which require regulatory changes when the structure of political opportunities is opened are more likely to obtain what they want. This thesis offers us a general picture of negotiations strategies and reveal that under certain conditions the weaker parties can get some gains in an asymmetrical negotiation.

The analysis of non-discrimination under Article III of GATT has shown weakness or flaws throughout more than fifty years. The language used by GATT/WTO panels and the Appellate Body in interpreting the two prongs of non-discrimination in the national treatment clause, namely, likeness and protection, lagged behind economic reality. The critical legal analysis carried out in here reveals, to some extent, this while offering a clearer and sounder analysis to non-discrimination based more on market analysis and its economic indicators. / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Magister Legum - LLM / In this paper I delve into the connection between trade policy and labour rights as probably one of the most controversial issues, which the international trading system is faced with today. Labour laws differ from country to country and of course it is a cause for concern where some countries have higher standards than others, it becomes problematic for these countries with high standards to compete with countries with lower standards. Even though there is a definite link between trade and labour, my argument is that incorporating labour standards into the international trading system is not the best way forward to deal with the problem of abuse of labour standards. I further investigate the two organizations at the forefront of this debate, being the WTO and the ILO. In an attempt to ascertain which of the two is the best forum to deal with the issue I further look at the relationship between these two organizations. Compliance with international labour standards is a growing concern as worldwide standards are deteriorating and nothing is being done to alleviate the problem. Accordingly, I explore the causes for the abuse of labour standards and seek to find the better alternative, by looking at the respective positions of the parties who are for and against the linkage of trade with labour standards. Here the views and concerns of the developed world are weighed up against those of the developing world and looking at possible alternatives concludes the paper. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed. / South Africa