This study was conducted in order to interpret claims of antisemitism in Malmö, Sweden, depicted as an effect of political events in Palestine/Israel. It is argued that contemporary antisemitism is a new phenomenon, where hostility towards Jewish people is argued to be motivated by hostility towards Israel by perpetrators identified as ”Muslims” and/or people with roots in the Middle East and North Africa. Using previous literature, this view is contrasted with arguments that antisemitism as a phenomenon should not be delimited to such group formations and rather that different arguments are often projected on Palestine/Israel, in relation to antisemitism for political agendas. This paper investigates the meaning making processes of two news reports depicting claims of antisemitism in Malmö, Sweden as an effect of events in Palestine/Israel in May 2021 by using the Discourse Theory of Ernesto Laclau & Chantal Mouffe. The analysis investigates the ideas and underlying assumptions found in the material and posits the depictions made, with alternative possible ascriptions of meaning, excluded from the discursive formations made in the material. The conclusion reached is that reproducing many arguments of “new antisemitism” and of Malmö as “antisemitic” may misdirect the “combat” of antisemitism at the disadvantage for pro-Palestinian movements and further strengthen arguments many of which are taken for granted within the empiric material, for the salience of the existence of Israel and Zionism, due to the prevalence of antisemitism. Due to the limited nature of this paper, the author hopes that it can inspire future research within the field, as more extensive research, according to the author, is highly needed.

Recognising water as a central relational location of the asymmetric Israel- Palestinian conflict, this study critically analyses the peacebuilding significance of Israeli, transboundary water and peace practitioner discourses. Anchored in a theoretically-constructed framework of hydropolitical peacebuilding, it discursively analyses the historical, officially-sanctioned, as well as academic and civil society water and peace relations of Israelis and Palestinians. It responds to the question: How are Israeli water and peace practitioners discursively practicing hydropolitical peacebuilding in the Middle East? In doing so, this study has drawn upon a methodology of interpretive practice, combining ethnography, foucauldian discourse analysis and narrative inquiry. This study discursively traces Israel¿s development into a hydrohegemonic state in the Jordan River Basin, from the late-19th century to 2011. Recognising conflict as a power-laden social system, it makes visible the construction, production and circulation of Israel¿s power in the basin. It examines key narrative elements invoked by Israel to justify its evolving asymmetric, hydrohegemonic relations. Leveraging the hydropolitical peacebuilding framework, itself constituted of equality, partnership, equity and shared ii sustainability, this study also examines the discursive practices of Israeli transboundary water and peace practitioners in relationship with Palestinians. In so doing, it makes visible their hydrohegemony, hydropolitical peacebuilding, and hydrohegemonic residues. This study¿s conclusions re-affirm earlier findings, notably that environmental and hydropolitical cooperation neither inherently nor necessarily constitute peacebuilding practice. This work also suggests that hydropolitical peacebuilding may discursively be recognised in water and peace practices that engage, critique, resist, desist from, and practice alternative relational formations to hydrohegemony in asymmetric conflicts. / British Council/Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Fonds québecois de recherche sur la société et la culture (FQRSC).

No description available.

No description available.

This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.

Picking up on current research about settler colonialism, this study uses a modified version of a model explaining modern-state formation to explain settler-colonial formation. Charles Tilly identified two simultaneous processes at work – war-making and state-making which produced modern states in Western Europe. Settler-colonial systems engage(d) in a particular type of war to produce their existence: total war. Hence, a modified version of total-war-making and settler-colonial-existence-making (production) occuring in the settler-colonial-creation phase is proposed. However, before this conceptual analytical framework could be developed, it was necessary to examine the meanings of terms such as 'nation' and ‘nation-state’ as well as concepts such as settler-colonialism and total war. The sample of relevant literature analyzed revealed inconsistencies in the meanings of the terms when applying W.H. Newton-Smith’s theory of meaning, suggesting the influence of what Edward Said identified as the workings of orientalism. This has conceptual implications on terms such as settler-colonialism and the meaning of the type of war it wages upon the indigenous nations. It also has implications on developing a conceptual analytical tool to understand the dynamics of the production of the settler-colonial existence. Thus, the terms and concepts needed to be de-orientalized before using them in the modified model which was then used to examine initially three settler-colonial cases: the United States, Australia and Apartheid South Africa. The modified analytical model was able to highlight particular dynamics relevant to settler-colonial systems and was then used – with the incremental and imbricate research done in the first three chapters – to examine the Zionist case. It illustrated that while the cases of the United States and Australia were able pass their creation phases, the Apartheid case could not and subsequently collapsed. The Zionist case seems to be still in its settler-colonial-creation phase. This has implications on current analysis concerning the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Réalisé en cotutelle avec L'Université Bordeaux-Montaigne / Cette thèse porte sur le sionisme chrétien américain, plus précisément sur le pasteur John Hagee, et sur les membres de son organisation (Christians United For Israel - CUFI) et de son assemblée Cornerstone Church. Ce mouvement regroupe des évangéliques fondamentalistes qui obéissent littéralement au verset 3 du livre de la Genèse, chapitre 12, selon lequel il est nécessaire de bénir Israël pour être béni en retour. Ils croient que le retour des juifs en Terre sainte, la création de l’État d’Israël (1948) ou encore la prise de Jérusalem (1967) sont les signes annonciateurs du retour du Christ confirmant les prophéties vétéro et néotestamentaires. Le CUFI a un message pour sa nation, mais également pour l’humanité. Leur « bonne nouvelle » doit être communiquée pour défendre l’État d’Israël et les juifs. C’est ainsi que le mouvement chrétien sioniste qui a des origines anciennes, vise à atteindre son objectif ultime d’influence nationale en utilisant constamment des techniques et des stratégies évolutives et adaptatives. La question porte sur les rapports entre religion et politique. La recherche s’intéresse au passage de la sphère religieuse à la sphère de l’engagement politique sioniste chez Hagee et son groupe, et aux facteurs à l’origine de ce passage. Nous verrons comment ils deviennent des acteurs religieux dans l’arène politique et comment ils sont influencés par un héritage religio-politique et prophético-millénariste. C’est l’individu, en tant qu’« évangélique pro- Israël », son expérience propre, et les rapports qu’il tisse entre religion et politique qui nous ont intéressés. De plus, les objectifs spécifiques de cette recherche consistent à étudier la littérature évangélique pro-Israël, à réaliser une étude de terrain de ce cas accompagnée d’observations et d’entretiens. Enfin, cette thèse s’inscrit dans une perspective interdisciplinaire au carrefour des Sciences des religions et des Études nord-américaines. / This doctoral thesis deals with Christian Zionism, and more precisely with pastor John Hagee, the members of his organization (Christians United For Israel - CUFI) and his assembly, Cornerstone Church. This movement gathers fundamentalist Evangelicals who literally obey Genesis 12: 3, which says it is necessary to bless Israel to be blessed in return. They believe that the return of the Jews to the Holy Land, the creation of the State of Israel (1948) and the conquest of Jerusalem (1967) are forewarning signs of the Second coming of Jesus Christ confirming the prophecies from the New Testament and the Old Testament. CUFI has one message for the nation of America, and also for humanity. Their message must be communicated in defense of the State of Israel and the Jews. This explains how the Christian Zionist movement, which is not a recent one, aims for reaching its ultimate objective of national influence by constantly changing its techniques along with employing progressive strategies. The question deals with the relationship between religion and politics. The research follows the progression of Hagee and his groups from the religious sphere to political engagement, and the factors that are the origins of this passage. We will see how these Christians, who are influenced by a background that is political, millenarist and prophetic, become religious actors in the political arena. Moreover, we concentrated on pro-Israel Evangelical literature, in addition to making a field study along with observations and interviews. During the field trips, the individual, as a pro-Israel Evangelical, his own experience, and his relation to religion and Israel was our focus. Finally, this thesis provides an interdisciplinary perspective between religious studies and American studies.

This diploma thesis deals with the withdrawal of Great Britain from Palestine and the reactions of the Zionist movement on her mandatory policy. In 1937, the British planed to divide the mandate between the Arabs and the Jews, terminate the administration and establish an alliance with the successor states. Disapproval of the Arab world, worsened security in Palestine and the threat of a war in Europe led the mandatory power to prolong the administration and restrict the jewish immigration.These meassures caused a deterioration of Anglo-Zionist relations. During the Second World War, the Zionist Organization put forward a request for the establishment of a Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine. No long after, the British restored their preparations for the termination of the mandate. As before the war, they sought for the pernament teritorial solution for postmandatory Palestine and new allies. Due to unstable geopolitical situation and the loss of her hegemonic position, Great Britain had to consider the attitudes of the Arab world and the United States of America.

L’un des plus importants thèmes traités par l’historiographie contemporaine a un lien avec la discrimination raciale. Les problèmes liés aux conséquences de la discrimination raciale, qui ont atteint l’apogée pendant l’Holocauste ont été inclus par l’historiographie contemporaine dans l’histoire des régimes totalitaires, étant traités surtout de la perspective des élites politiques. Les thèmes concernant la discrimination, le racisme, la xénophobie et l’antisémitisme représentent des sujets importants de l’historiographie grâce à l’impact immense qu’ils ont eu dans la société du XXème siècle. C’est un siècle dans lequel les plus désastreuses conflagrations mondiales connues ont eu lieu, un siècle dans lequel les régimes totalitaires ont influencé l’aspect politique, économique et social, culturel, bref, le mode de vie de tous ceux qui ont été impliqués volontairement et involontairement dans la société de ces régimes totalitaires. Le plus connu cas d’extermination d’une minorité dans le XXème siècle est l’Holocauste. [etc.] / One of the most important topics in contemporary historiography is related to racial discrimination. Issues related to the impact of racial discrimination during the Holocaust were included by contemporary historiography in the history of totalitarian regimes are treated especially from the perspective of political elites. The themes of discrimination, racism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism are important topics of historiography of XXth century. In this century the most disastrous world wars known took place, a century in which totalitarian regimes have influenced the political, economic, cultural and social aspects, in genarally the lifestyle of all those who were involved voluntarily and involuntarily in the totalitarian regimes. The best known case of extermination of a minority in the twentieth century is the Holocaust. [etc.]

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-Orient. / The aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration.