Language landscape or linguistic landscape studies are a relatively new field of research within language sociology that has a specific interest in the public space (Shohamy, 2006:128). Linguistic landscape studies analyzes the use of language in the public and/or institutional sphere~ to determine the (instrumental or symbolical) value represented by the graphic representation of language, taking into account the relevant language policy (see also Gorter, 2007:5; Curtin, 2007:11). The goal of this research is to test and empirically apply the theory of the developing international and national linguistic landscape research paradigm on the multilingual South African higher education landscape. The design for this research consists of a theoretical and an empirical component. The aforementioned entails a thorough investigation of linguistic landscape studies and its development over the past couple of years. The empirical component is done in three phases. Phase 1 involves an in-depth investigation regarding nine of the 12 South African universities whose language policies are available in the public domain. During Phase 2, these universities are visited and structured interviews are held with the language committee/language manager to determine what the situation is regarding policy and practice in the language landscape domain. In Phase 3, the data from the previous two phases is assessed and interpreted to make recommendations to South African universities as to how to overcome the possible mismatch. This research found that the visibility of multilingualism in the South African higher education landscape is relatively low due to a mismatch between policy and practice. However, the mismatch is not caused by universities' lack of commitment to multilingualism. Deep-set causes, i.e. the processes involved with language planning, the lack of detailed language plans, and so forth, lead to this mismatch and the lack of visibility of multilingualism at South African universities. / Thesis (M.A. (Afrikaans and Dutch))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

'Language Ecology and Language Planning in Chiang Rai, Thailand' had three main aims: to study the language ecology and sub-ecologies of Chiang Rai province, to study the factors and forces that affect the language ecology, and to study language plans and language policies in Chiang Rai. This study employed two main frameworks: theoretical and methodological framework. The theoretical construct is based on a parameter rich linguistic theory, Ecolinguistics, where concepts and parameters from linguistics and non-linguistics disciplines are employed. The parameter rich theory assists immensely in the understanding of language as it believes that language is interconnected with the world and the world with language. The study was conducted using ethnography as the methodological framework due to it allowing a wide array of data collection methods which include document studies, observation, participant observation, recorded and unrecorded interviews, personal communications and field notes. Moreover, ethnography provided an opportunity to reflect on the researcher's multiple identities and in varying degrees as insider and outsider. Data collection was conducted in Chiang Rai and six villages in three districts; two districts in the Greater Mae Khong Subregion (G1-IS) area namely Chiang Khong and Chiang Saen; and one district in a special economic border zone area Maesai district. The districts were chosen based on economic influences while the six villages were randomly selected. The villages studied were Wiang Mok and Huay Kok villages in Chiang Khong district; Sop Ruak and Santhaat villages in Chiang Saen province; and Phamee and Payaang Chum in Maesai district. Data were also collected from stakeholders concerned in language planning namely government and nongovernment organizations. There were two main findings in accordance with the research aims. Firstly, it was found that the language ecology and sub-ecologies of Chiang Rai province and the villages were dynamic and multiplex. The dynamics and complexities of the ecology and sub-ecologies wee dependent on numerous interactions of different factors and forces. The factors were social educational, geographical, economic, and political/geopolitical. There were four main levels of forces: world level, national level, regional/provincial level, and home level. The interaction of forces could be positive, negative or neutral to the health of the language ecology. Secondly, with regards to language planning and policy, it was found that there was no explicit minority language policy or planning in Thailand. Two types of language policy were found in Chiang Rai and Thailand: a top-down policy and quasi-bottom up policy. Both policies were education related. The top-down policies were comprised of an implicit national language policy and an explicit foreign language policy, especially for English and Chinese. The quasi-bottom up policy was the only local policy found in Chiang Rai where a Chinese language curriculum was developed at the local level but with a national economic related strategic vision. The study also suggested that future language planning and policies in Thailand should take into account the findings of language ecology and sub-ecologies in Chiang Rai. Language plans should recognise the effect of those factors and forces that will affect other languages within the same ecology. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1375070 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2009

abstract: The dynamic nature of Navajo or Diné culture is continuing to be constrained by a mechanistic planning paradigm supporting delivery of colonial subdivisions across the land. Poor housing and subdivision conditions levy pressures on the Navajo People that reduce their ability to cope with environmental, financial and social pressures. This study has taken this complex social justice related health challenge to heart through a 2015-2016 school year of Arizona State University dissertation driven, community-based participatory action research with high school students from Navajo Preparatory School (NPS) in Farmington, New Mexico and community participants from the Shiprock Chapter of the Navajo Nation. Fieldwork focused on case study analysis of cluster settlements across the Navajo Northern Agency and existing subdivisions within the town of Shiprock to develop the Framework for a transformational Navajo model of the Pattern Language (Alexander et al, 1977) for new neighborhood design. Pattern data supporting the Framework was generated at the linked scales of the Navajo nuclear Family Camp, the extended family Cluster Camp, and the community-scaled Constellation Settlement “spatial model” that is proposed by this study as new neighborhood planning model. An ethnographic research methodology was employed with students, faculty, Board leadership and neighboring Shiprock Chapter and Shiprock Planning Commission research participants. The study’s research methodology was anchored by a pioneering Indigenous Planning high school course that was housed within the School’s International Baccalaureate curriculum. Goals for student education in Indigenous Planning theory and much needed Diné planning-based language building were married with practical aims for use of the Diné Pattern Language and Constellation Settlement spatial model for anticipated Shiprock Chapter housing projects. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Design 2017

I denna uppsats behandlas fragan om hur kvinnliga atleter benämns i svenskan och tyskan och vilka attityder de olika sprakbrukarna har till könsövergripande och könsspecifika atletbenämningar. Dessutom behandlas fragan om vilket samband som finns mellan användningen av antingen könsspecifika eller könsövergripande atletbenämningar och idéer om jämställdhet mellan könen. Utifran dessa frageställningar genomfördes en kvantitativ studie om användningen av och attityder till könsspecifika och könsövergripande atletbenämningar i svenskan och tyskan. Jämförelsen med tyskan gjordes pa grund av min egen sprakliga bakgrund samt pa grund av att könsspecifika personbenämningar, i motsats till det svenska spraket, är väl etablerade i tyskan. Studiens resultat visade att svensksprakiga snarare använder könsövergripande atletbenämningar medan tysksprakiga informanter snarare använder könsspecifika. Hos bada informantgrupperna var det dock omkring en fjärdedel som använde de motsatta former av benämningarna. Resultatet angaende sambandet mellan sprakbruket och idéer om jämställdhet visade att en stor del av de tysksprakiga informanterna inte tyckte att användningen av könsspecifika benämningar främjade jämställdheten mellan könen. De flesta svensksprakiga informanterna var däremot överens med pastaendet att användningen av könsövergripande atletbenämningar främjar jämställdhet mellan könen.

This is an onomasiological study with a diachronic perspective. Its purpose is to examine the use of the four most frequent names for migrants in Sweden in Swedish newspapers 1923-2013. The four names are invandrare (roughly ’immigrant’), immigrant (‘immigrant’), migrant (‘migrant’) and utlänning (‘foreigner’). The results from 37 Swedish corpora show that invandrare is the most frequent word used by the media. The word is often used in contexts that discuss something problematic and sometimes even rather negative in regards to migrants, using that very word – invandrare. It often marks a thought of us-and-them. Utlänning is frequently used as a synonym for invandrare, although it carries a different meaning. Immigrant and migrant are seldom used and when they are, they generally refer to migrants in other countries than Sweden. All the words are used in order to convey a distance between migrants and what is considered ethnic Swedes. Language planning is a good tool in this case, but the ultimate key lies in the attitudes of the speakers. No matter how many times the names for migrants are changed, they will always end up negative if that is the speakers’ intention.

Toute la population du Rwanda parle une même langue, le kinyarwanda, à la fois langue nationale et officielle. Cette homogénéité linguistique « de surface » se présente comme l’arbre qui cache la forêt d’une relative diversité linguistique « en profondeur » (dialectes, langues africaines et européennes en présence). L’heure n’est pas encore au chaos, mais l’adoption du trilinguisme officielle en 1996 [(kinyarwanda-français-anglais) impose, plus que par le passé, la définition d’une politique de gestion de la situation sociolinguistique du Rwanda, notamment par la détermination claire, par une loi linguistique, des fonctions des langues officielles dans les différents domaines, pour régler les problèmes qui se posent depuis le bilinguisme kinyarwanda-français adopté vers les années 1930. Les problèmes linguistiques et sociolinguistiques intéressent diverses catégories de personnes depuis le début du 20ème siècle. Cependant, la question de l’utilisation des langues dans les différents domaines et de leur connaissance approximative reste entièrement posée. Ce travail analyse les politiques linguistiques appliquées au Rwanda jusqu’à ce jour pour en dégager les enjeux et en établir le bilan afin de proposer de nouvelles stratégies de gestion de la situation sociolinguistique du Rwanda. Il s’agit en effet d’une politologie linguistique qui s’inscrit dans le cadre théorique et conceptuel déjà très rodé et dont l’efficacité a pu être testée sur le terrain dans différents pays ; cadre théorique qui est emprunté pour l’essentiel au linguiste québécois Jean-Claude Corbeil. Il est enrichi des analyses d’autres auteurs comme Robert Chaudenson, Louis-Jean Calvet, Loïc Depecker, Henri Boyer, etc. sur le concept d’aménagement linguistique et sur des situations concrètes. L’étude s’appuie à la fois sur une recherche documentaire minutieuse, une enquête de terrain qui a été effectuée au Rwanda auprès des diverses catégories de personnes et quelques entretiens informels avec certains intervenants en matière d’aménagement linguistique (linguistes et décideurs). / The whole population of Rwanda speaks the same language, Kinyarwanda, which is both the national and official language. This “surface” linguistic homogeneity is seen as a tree that hides a forest of a relatively “in depth” linguistic diversity (dialects, African and European languages). It is not yet time for chaos but the adoption of official trilingualism (Kinyarwanda-French-English) requires more than ever before the definition of the policy of managing the sociolinguistic situation of Rwanda, namely by clear determination, by a linguistic law, of the roles of official languages in various areas in order to solve the problems that have remained unanswered since the adoption of Kinyarwanda-French bilingualism in the 1930’s. From early the 20th century, the linguistic and sociolinguistic issues have interested various researchers. However, the question of the use of languages in various domains and their approximate mastery is still posed. This work analyses the linguistic policies that have been adopted in Rwanda with aim to bring out the stakes and assess the situation geared towards suggesting the new management strategies of the sociolinguistic situation of Rwanda. This is indeed a linguistic “politology” which falls within the theoretical and conceptual framework already explored whose efficiency has been tested on the ground in different countries. The theoretical framework has essentially been borrowed from the Quebec linguist Jean-Claude Corbeil. It is enriched with analyses of such other authors as Robert Chaudenson, Louis- Jean Calvet, Loïc Depecker, Henri Boyer, etc. on the concept of language planning and concrete situations. The study is based on both a meticulous documentary research and field work that have been carried out in Rwanda with various categories of people and some informal interviews with some stakeholders in language policy and planning [linguists and decision-makers].

M.A. / This study seeks to formulate a rationale to overcome the negative perceptions many South Africa ethnic language parents have adopted towards the use of their children's mother tongue as the language of learning and teaching. With a view to considering the role both home and school can play in supporting South Africa's new language-in-education policy, underpinned by additive bilingualism, this study investigates three factors of bilingual education, viz. (1) language planning and policy-making, (2) research into bilingualism and bilingual education, and (3) language attitudes of parents of L2 learners in three distinctly-different Gauteng primary schools...

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The principle aim of this thesis is to investigate all the challenges and opportunities/possibilities involved in realising the implementation of the official Western Cape Language Policy (finalised in 2002). These challenges and opportunities/possibilities were investigated within various structures of the Western Cape Province of South Africa’s civil service environment in six major multilingual towns in the Western Cape. The historical and political context leading to the creation of this policy is provided in the following three paragraphs. Following the demise of Apartheid with South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994, the New South Africa brought with it amongst other things the following changes: a new Constitution; new legislation; access and freedom within a system of inclusion; the creation of new provinces; the constitutional breakdown of social, geographical and linguistic barriers; the subsequent migration to different towns and cities of people speaking different languages and their integration there; the creation of district and regional municipalities; freedom of the press. All of these introduced a whole new platform of language interaction and association and therefore general communication (Constitution of the RSA, 1996). In addition, in contrast to the Apartheid policy of only two official languages – English and Afrikaans – eleven languages were declared official languages of the state. The declaration of 11 official languages in 1996 (English, Afrikaans, isiZulu, isiXhosa, Sesotho, Sepedi, Setswana, Tshivenda, isiNdebele, siSwati and Xitsonga) was an integral part of highlighting multilingualism in the newly designated nine provinces of SA. Each of the nine provinces – the Western Cape, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Gauteng, the Northwest Province, Northern Province (now called Limpopo), Mpumalanga, the Free State and Kwazulu-Natal - had to, in consultation with different provincial stakeholders, draft language policies according to the National Language Framework. In the Western Cape Province, three languages were identified as dominant, namely Afrikaans, isiXhosa and English. The Western Cape Language Policy (WCLP) was consequently drafted by the Western Cape Language Committee (WCLC), a statutory body and a sub-committee of the Pan South African Language Board (PanSALB), after the Westen Cape Provincial Languages Act, Act 31 of 1998, was accepted by Parliament in 1998. This WCLP was the first provincial language policy to be completed in the New SA. The policy was accepted and the draft was ready for implementation by 2002. This thesis presents a critical overview of previous and current strategies being used by all provincial government departments in the implementation of the WCLP. This includes a sample of general public knowledge of the existence of the terms and meaning of the WCLP, different outcomes of studies and language-related projects done by the WCLC, PanSALB, DCAS and the Central Language Unit (CLU) since 2000. It also focuses on the role that different private and public language implementation agencies are playing, or not, in their communication with the multilingual civil society of the Western Cape. Projections for and challenges facing the implementation of the WCLP since its acceptance in the Western Cape Provincial Parliament (WCPP) in 2004 were also researched carefully, together with an analysis of research already conducted on behalf of the provincial government. Document analysis therefore forms a core part of this methodology, together with fieldwork research conducted in six selected major multilingual towns of the Western Cape. This was done in order to explore the challenges experienced by Afrikaans-, isiXhosa- and English-speaking people at grassroots level, since they needed to become more aware of their language rights as set out in the WCLP. Drawing on a theoretical and conceptual framework based on studies in Language and Power Relations, specifically studies on the role of Language Ideologies, Linguistic Citizenship, Agency and Voice and Language Ecology on effective Language Planning, Policy and Implementation, the thesis presents, through its document analysis, quantitative and qualitative data, an analysis of the limited or failed implementation of the WCLP in both government departments as well as the civilian populations in six selected multilingual towns of the Western Cape. This was achieved by examining actual language practices at particular language policy implementation agencies such as the post office, the police station, the high school, households, the municipal office, the day hospital and the clinic in each of these towns. The thesis gathers together all this evidence to prove that the implementation of the WCLP has been hampered by a range of factors such as wide-spread ignorance of the policy, the dominance of particular languages in the province over others, power relations within government structures and relatively inflexible language ideologies held by those charged with policy implementation at different levels. It concludes by providing a number of practical recommendations on how more effective implementation can be achieved.

La population autochtone de la vallée de Kathmandu, les Néwar, a vu sa langue, le néwari ou népalbhasa, et l’une de ses religions, le bouddhisme, se trouver minorées par l’annexion militaire de leur territoire au Népal de la dynastie Shah, hindoue et népaliphone, en 1769. Un siècle plus tard, la politique de discrimination de la langue et de la religion bouddhiste lancée par l’Etat à l’encontre des Néwar a provoqué l’émergence d’une conscience identitaire et d’actes de résistance culturelle. Or, depuis ses débuts, la revendication de l’appartenance au groupe linguistique néwar et, souvent, de sa défense, se double chez ses acteurs d’un rattachement personnel à la religion bouddhiste, sans que cette double appartenance soit pour autant mise en avant dans les discours.La mise en regard de la situation actuelle de la vitalité de la langue et de celle du bouddhisme dans cette population vise d’une part à documenter l’étude des relations entre langue et religion, et d’autre part à proposer l’application d’outils d’évaluation de la vitalité linguistique à celle de la vitalité religieuse. C’est également une confirmation de la nécessité qu’il y a à mettre au jour et à conceptualiser les relations entre la langue et les autres dynamismes sociaux dont elle semble être, si souvent, à la fois le vecteur et l’enjeu. / In 1769, the Shah dynasty from Western Nepal, promoting Hinduism and speaking Nepali, had conquered the Kathmandu Valley and integrated it into a much wider Nepal. As a consequence, the language, as well as the Buddhist tradition of the local indigenous ethnic group, the Newars, became minority ones. A century later, the State launched a repressive policy towards both Newari language and Buddhism, and the result has been the development of identity awareness, both in the linguistic and in the religious fields, among the Newar intelligentsia, who entered cultural resistance. Therefore, since the beginning, both language and religion have been associated, although activists hardly acknowledge this double-sided feature of their commitments.This study of the current situation of both language and religion vitalities among the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley aims primarily at documenting the research on relations between language and religion, and at testing the application of evaluation tools of language vitality to the evaluation of religious vitality. Furthermore, it confirms the necessity we are facing to explore and conceptualize more the links between language and the social dynamics it often sustains but also depends on.

Nigerian Pidgin English is widely spoken in different parts of the country and “has been called the native language of a substantial population of people in the Niger Delta, particularly in the Sapele and Warri areas” (Igboanusi, 2008: 68). According to Balogun (2012: 90), “Nigerian Pidgin English has emerged as the most widely spoken language of inter and intra communication among Nigerians and across diverse ethnic groups that do not share a common language”. The language plays a major role in youth culture and most Nigerians speak the language. There is a general belief by some Nigerians that Nigerian Pidgin English is a colloquial form of English that is mostly spoken by those whose Standard English proficiency has not fully developed (Agheyisi, 1971:30). The government has continued to ignore it “despite the fact that Nigerian Pidgin is in most respects the most logical choice for a national language [and] official attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin remain negative, perpetuating erroneous notions inherited from the colonial period that Nigerian Pidgin is some form of ‘broken English’” (Faraclas 1996: 18). Also, the general attitudes held by Nigerians regarding the language can be described as ambivalent with majority leaning towards the negative attitude more. This project investigated if the Nigerians who find themselves in a different geographical space like Cape Town still hold negative attitudes towards Pidgin English and whether they abstained from speaking the language or speak it freely. The study also sought to establish if those who may have held negative attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English while in Nigeria now hold a different attitude since being in Cape Town. The study employed both quantitative and qualitative methods in form of online questionnaires and semi structured interviews involving 38 participants to investigate the uses of and attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English. The findings revealed that the attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English do not show significant difference from that held by Nigerians within Nigeria. The participants in this study held negative attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English in formal domains and positive attitudes towards the language in informal domains. These same attitudes were obtainable among Nigerians living in Nigeria. The data analysis revealed that the Nigerians in this study use the language in their daily activities for different purposes. The hegemonic perspective on Pidgins being an informal language that can serve only informal purposes was also present among some of the Nigerians that formed part of this study. Although some thought that the language can go beyond informal domains, the majority thought otherwise. All the participants use Nigerian Pidgin English mainly to communicate with their friends, family members and other Nigerians they encounter despite living far away from home where other languages exist. Also, the analysis revealed that all the participants considered the language to be an important aspect of their Nigerian identity and togetherness in the diaspora. This indicates a significant difference between those in the diaspora and those in Nigeria, because those in the diaspora appreciate and think there is a greater need for Nigerian Pidgin English outside the country. The data suggested that the reason for this shift in attitude is because speaking the language bridges the gap between home and abroad.