Several studies and local accounts have documented elevated levels of air pollution and toxics on or near US public schools. The low cost of brownfield lands and lands near major sources of air pollution have made siting schools on these areas enticing. Histories of using toxic chemicals in building materials explain their presence in school environments. The impacts to academic achievement associated with air pollution and exposure to lead as well as the health implications of regular, high exposure to air pollution and toxic chemicals necessitate policy changes. In this paper, the extent of these health and achievement impacts will be analyzed along with the current work being done by government and nongovernmental organizations to mitigate pollution in public schools. This study will also offer policy recommendations to address these issues and advance environmental equity in public schools.

Will Kymlicka a formulé une théorie libérale du droit des minorités en arguant que l'on doit protéger les cultures minoritaires des influences extérieures, car, selon lui, ces cultures fournissent aux individus un contexte de choix significatif qui permet la prise de décision autonome. Il limite donc la portée de sa théorie aux minorités « culturelles », c'est-à-dire les minorités nationales et immigrantes, qui peuvent fournir ce contexte de choix significatif aux individus. Évidemment, les injustices vécues par ces deux types de minorités, aussi sévères soient-elles, n'épuisent pas les expériences d'injustices vécues par les membres de groupes minoritaires et minorisés (i.e. minorités sexuelles, femmes, Afro-Américains, etc.). On pourrait donc être tenté d'élargir la portée de la théorie du droit des minorités pour rendre compte de toutes les injustices vécues en tant que minorité. Toutefois, je défends la thèse selon laquelle cette extension est impossible dans le cadre d'une théorie libérale, car une de ses méthodes typiques, la « théorie idéale », limite la portée critique des thèses de Kymlicka et parce que l'autonomie individuelle a un caractère si fondamental pour les libéraux, qu'ils ne peuvent rendre compte du fait que certaines décisions individuelles autonomes peuvent contribuer à perpétuer des systèmes et des normes injustes. / Will Kymlicka defends a liberal theory of minority rights, arguing that we must protect minority cultures from outside influences, as these cultures provide individuals with a meaningful context of choice that allows autonomous decision-making. This defence of minority rights limits the scope of his theory by focusing on 'cultural' minorities, that is to say, national minorities and immigrants, which can provide individuals with this meaningful context of choice. Obviously, the injustices experienced by these two types of minorities, however severe they are, do not exhaust the injustices experienced by members of minority groups and minoritized groups (i.e. sexual minorities, women, African Americans, etc.). One might be tempted to expand the scope of the theory of minority rights to account for all the injustices experienced as a minority. However, I argue that this extension is not possible within a liberal theorical framework where 'ideal theory' limits the critical force of Kymlicka’s thesis and in which the centrality of individual autonomy prevents liberals to realize that certain individual decisions contribute to the perpetuation of unjust systems, values and norms.

CAFOs raise tens of thousands of animals in confined cages and feedlots, feed them high calorie diets, and ship them to slaughter in record time. These factory farms (as they are sometimes called) devastate neighboring environments with the releases of toxic methane gas and animal waste. Progress in modernized agricultural production has enabled us to feed the growing population but unintended consequences for human health and neighboring communities are happening. This study examines environmental and human health impacts of CAFOs on Central Mississippi residents. Through analyses of existing studies and data and telephone surveys, the objectives will be met. Risk society theory is used to explain the increase of diseases and environmental risks associated with CAFOs in late modernity. The results do not indicate that neighboring residents of CAFOs in Central Mississippi are more likely to have ill health, a negative quality of life, or environmental degradation, overall.

This paper is a project based on a theoretical approach, where my aim is to search for the core elements of a viable feminist cosmopolitan ethics.  To further that purpose I identify, discuss, and compare some of the main components of such an ethics as proposed by political theorists Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young.  In doing so I hope to contribute to the ongoing project of cosmopolitan feminism.  My task in this project is to answer the following questions; what are the main components of Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young´s feminist cosmopolitan ethics? Second; where do Benhabib and Young stand with regards to the relationship between the principle of state sovereignity and the human right to membership? Finally, based on a comparative reading of Benhabib and Young´s theories I ask; what should be some of the core elements of a viable feminist cosmopolitan ethics? I argue that for a feminist cosmopolitan ethics to be considered viable, it must carry within itself an impetus towards increased respect for the basic human rights of the 64.9 million persons that are currently displaced due to conflicts, war, persecutions and human rights violations.  Following a comparative reading of some of the main components of Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young´s cosmopolitan ethics, I promote a vision of feminist cosmopolitan ethics that carries within itself the hope that is inherent in the promise of human rights, while at the same time offering the tools that are necessary to identify and rectify the structural injustices exprssed in the status and real-life situations of the 64.9 million persons that are currently displaced due to conflicts, war, persecutions, and human rights violations.

A quem os estados devem justificar suas ações quando regula o fluxo de pessoas nas suas fronteiras? Contra a suposição de que a pergunta normativa mais relevante que surge quando alguém é considerado indesejado e está nas fronteiras de uma comunidade política é aquela sobre se os estados têm o direito de excluir novos membros, este trabalho sustenta que, antes, é preciso ouvir o grito de quem denuncia: isso é injusto. Recolocar a pergunta nesses termos é uma resposta ao diagnóstico segundo o qual um dos traços fundamentais da injustiça que sofrem os sujeitos indesejados nas fronteiras é o desrespeito, como também é uma tentativa de recolocar o problema normativo da ética da migração, de modo tal que não incorra em um dos erros partilhados tanto pelas visões que afirmam como pelas visões que recusam o direito dos estados de fecharem suas fronteiras. Está-se falando do erro de silenciarem as experiências e as perspectivas de quem migra como relevantes para uma ética da migração internacional; um erro que pode ser traduzido nos termos de um tipo específico de injustiça, qual seja, aquela que recebe traços epistémicos. Uma teoria política crítica e normativa que escuta a afirmação de que essa situação é injusta e precisa responder à pergunta sobre a quem os estados devem justificação, reflete uma proposta metodológica e epistemológica que questiona tanto o nacionalismo/estatismo quanto o cosmopolitismo epistemológico como perspectivas adequadas. A proposta defendida é a de que uma resposta adequada ao problema da justificação, que nasce nas fronteiras dos estados quando identifica uma pessoa como indesejada e a envia, por exemplo, para centros de detenção, é aquela que propõe como solução normativa e política para esse contexto um processo de justificação em dois níveis um é normativo e o outro é político-deliberativo. Com essa formulação, este trabalho defende que, enquanto agentes morais, migrantes nas fronteiras podem reivindicar o respeito à sua dignidade, mas também que, enquanto agentes políticos, é preciso que se reconheça a necessidade de garantir espaços institucionais em que possam lutar pelos termos da relação que gostariam de estabelecer com a comunidade de chegada. Ao propor tal passo esta tese realiza seu objetivo transformador mais ousado: imaginar um mundo de fronteiras porosas não-opressivas no qual a migração deixa de ser tratada como um problema a ser combatido em nome do funcionamento normal daquelas peças que compõem a engrenagem dos estados soberanos territorialmente delimitados. / borders? This dissertation argues that, before posing the normative question regarding whether the states have the right to exclude new members or not, we should listen to the grievances cry of this is unjust. Recasting the migrations priority question on these terms, the dissertation acknowledges, at one hand, that instances of disrespect are among the main sources of injustice on the states borders and, on the other, it tries to avoid a mistake shared by both sides of the ethics of migrations literature, that is, the systematic disregard of the personal perspectives from those who actually are crossing borders on our world. This forceful disregard, it is argued, should be conveyed as a specific instance of injustice, namely, a form of epistemic injustice against migrants. A critical and normative theory of migration, i. e., capable of paying attention to peoples own voices regarding what is just or not, attempts to bring about a theoretical and methodological framework in which we can evaluate and criticize both sides of migrations theory, the nationalist/statist theories, on one side, and the cosmopolitan ones, on the other. None of them is able to address normative justifications two-tier levels at play on the states borders: the normative and the political-deliberative level. Based on this framework, the dissertation argues that not only have international migrants a legitimate claim on the respect of their dignity, qua moral agents, but also, we should acknowledge some space in the democracies main political institutions for their agency qua political subjects. Agents who should have a say on the terms under which their relations with potential arrival communities are stablished. Taken this step, the dissertation aims at a more transformative goal, namely, conceiving a world of states based non-oppressive porous borders, in which interstate migrations will no longer be treated as a technical problem for the national-based delimited state functioning.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-05-12T14:14:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RUBENS ALVES COSTA.pdf: 1079488 bytes, checksum: fad065aa893b1e9123a83cc7ddfd703b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-12T14:14:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RUBENS ALVES COSTA.pdf: 1079488 bytes, checksum: fad065aa893b1e9123a83cc7ddfd703b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-22 / This dissertation proposes to approach the Eschatological Sermon of the Gospel of Matthew 25,34-36.40 as denunciator of environments without social justice in the social contexts of Palestine and in South Syria of the first century A.C.The research aims to highlight that social injustice is a construction of several segments and to show that Jesus' social goal was to implant a Kingdom based on social justice, according to the Evangelist Matthew. Among the constructive segments of social injustice are the governmental and religious that conform to the current status quo and thus have no interest in change. The question of social justice is approached from the perspective of conflicting sociology. The hypothesis is based on the proposition that "The Jesus Christ described by Matt 25: 34-36.40 is of the miserable. Matthew points to a Jesus who is among the hungry, thirsty, stranger, naked, sick, and stuck. So it is those who do good works who will come into possession of the Kingdom". In order to investigate the hypothesis, the first chapter of the historical context and how the categories hunger, thirst, outsiders, nudes, patients and prisoners in the Eschatological Sermon of Matthew were articulated and in which they contributed to the formation of the social injustice. In the second chapter the exegesis of the sacred text is made from the historical-critical method. The third chapter seeks to update the text of Mt 25,34-36.40 by studying the Haitian migratory phenomenon for Brazil that occurred after the earthquake of 2010. It is concluded that social injustice is still present in today's society and that the same mechanisms generate in the time of the Evangelist Matthew continue in other formats nowadays. / Esta dissertação propõe abordar o Sermão Escatológico do Evangelho de Mateus 25,34-36.40 como denunciador de ambientes sem justiça social nos contextos sociais da Palestina e no Sul da Síria do primeiro século d.C. A pesquisa tem como objetivos destacar que a injustiça social é uma construção de diversos segmentos e evidenciar que a meta social de Jesus era implantar um Reino fundamentado na justiça social, conforme o Evangelista Mateus. Entre os segmentos construtores de injustiça social apontam-se o governamental e religioso que se acomodam ao status quo vigente e assim não têm interesse em mudanças. Aborda-se a questão da justiça social a partir da perspectiva da sociologia conflitual. A hipótese pesquisada está fundamentada na proposição de que o Jesus Cristo descrito por Mt 25,34-36.40 é dos miseráveis. Mateus aponta para um Jesus que está no meio de quem tem fome, sede, é forasteiro, estava nu, enfermo e preso. Então, são os que fazem boas obras que entrarão na posse do Reino. Para a investigação da hipótese trata-se no primeiro capítulo do contexto histórico e de como eram articuladas as categorias fome, sede, forâneos, desnudos, doentes e presos no Sermão Escatológico de Mateus e em que elas contribuíram para a formação do contexto comunitário mateano de injustiça social. No segundo capítulo é feita a exegese do texto sagrado a partir do método histórico-crítico. No terceiro capítulo busca-se atualizar o texto de Mt 25,34-36.40 estudando o fenômeno migratório haitiano para o Brasil que ocorreu depois do terremoto de 2010. Conclui-se que a injustiça social continua presente na sociedade atual e que os mesmos mecanismos geradores na época do Evangelista Mateus continuam sob outros formatos hodiernamente.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:47:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JEOVA RODRIGUES DOS SANTOS.pdf: 1028746 bytes, checksum: 978f9af75148c7194639e15486914a6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-12 / This dissertation aims to present the results of a survey in the Old Testament, and the book of the prophet Habakkuk as the central focus of research. This paper seeks to understand the concepts of justice and social injustice and the roles of Yahweh and 'righteous' in the implementation of social justice in the context of Habakkuk. The dissertation is structured into three chapters and is based primarily on a historicalgrammatical reading of the book of Habakkuk. The first chapter presents a historicalcritical analysis of the book of Habakkuk. For that uses some tools of historical-critical method. The second chapter consists of a historical text and context of Habakkuk, presenting information on the authorship of the book, the period of writing and recipient of the prophetic message, and an explanation of the message of the prophet Habakkuk. This exhibition uses as reference the final text of the book that bears his name, as structured in the Portuguese Jerusalem Bible (BJ), who also served as the standard for all Biblical quotations cited in this research. This exhibition takes a historical-grammatical, social and theological. The third chapter seeks to describe the concepts of justice and social injustice in Israel. Discusses how these concepts were treated between the peoples of the Ancient Near East and in Israel since its genesis to the time of the disintegration of the monarchy, and 'how' 'why' and the emergence of the prophet in Israel. This reading is done on a social-historical perspective. The conclusion points out some implications that can be inferred from the analysis of the Prophet Habakkuk, as understanding the concepts of justice and injustice and social partnership between Yahweh and 'righteous' in promoting social justice. / Esta dissertação objetiva apresentar o resultado de uma pesquisa no Antigo Testamento, tendo o livro do profeta Habacuc como foco central da pesquisa. Este trabalho busca compreender os conceitos de justiça e injustiça social e os papéis de Yahweh e do justo na implementação da justiça social no contexto de Habacuc. A dissertação está estruturada em três capítulos e fundamenta-se primariamente numa leitura histórico-gramatical do livro de Habacuc. O primeiro capítulo apresenta uma análise histórico-crítica do livro de Habacuc. Para isso utiliza alguns instrumentos do método histórico-crítico. O segundo capítulo consiste de um histórico do texto e contexto de Habacuc, apresentando informações sobre a autoria do livro, o período da escrita e o destinatário da mensagem profética, e de uma exposição da mensagem do profeta Habacuc. Essa exposição utiliza como referencial o texto final do livro que leva seu nome, conforme estruturado na Bíblia de Jerusalém (BJ), que também serviu de padrão para todas as citações bíblicas mencionadas nesta pesquisa. Essa exposição se dá numa perspectiva histórico-gramatical, social e teológica. O terceiro capítulo, busca descrever os conceitos de justiça e injustiça social em Israel. Discute a maneira como esses conceitos foram tratados entre os povos do Oriente Antigo e em Israel desde sua gênese até a época da desintegração da monarquia, e o como e o porquê do surgimento do Profetismo em Israel. Essa leitura é feita numa perspectiva histórico-social. A conclusão aponta algumas implicações que podem ser inferidas a partir da análise do livro do profeta Habacuc, conforme a compreensão dos conceitos de justiça e injustiça social e de parceria entre Yahweh e o justo na promoção da justiça social.

abstract: RESUMEN Esta tesis investiga la escritura femenina testimonial de tres obras latinoamericanas. El testimonio de Asunta Quispe Huamán, publicado en Gregorio Condori Mamani. Autobiografía (1977), producido por Ricardo Valderrama y Carmen Escalante; Ese infierno: conversaciones de cinco mujeres sobrevivientes de la ESMA de Munú Actis, Cristina Aldini, Liliana Gardella, Miriam Lewin y Elisa Tokar (2001); y La distancia entre nosotros (2012) escrito por Reyna Grande. Los testimonios han sido analizados a través de diversas premisas teóricas compuestas de las ideas sobre la heterogeneidad latinoamericana de Antonio Cornejo Polar y teorías sobre el territorio, espacio y geografía de Henri Lefebvre, Rogerio Haesbaert, Edward Soya, Gilles Deleuze que nos han servido de plataforma para nuestro estudio. Asimismo se ha recurrido a escritos sobre el cuerpo y la frontera con teoristas feministas como Lucia Guerra, Nelly Richards, Jean Franco, Gloria Anzaldúa y Rosi Braidotti, entre otras. Este estudio se ha propuesto demostrar que estos testimonios Latinoamericanos en su polifonía social y cultural emplean discursos de dimensión multifocal que les permite reterritorializarse desde las márgenes a través de tácticas de resistencia en un proceso de permanente descolonización. Esos cuerpos nómades han sido hablados y programados por el discurso legitimador para desterritorializarlos pero ellos vuelven a reterritorializarse como “líneas de escape” que se transforman creando interconexiones de supervivencia creadora. Consecuentemente, a través del nomadismo de los sujetos analizados se forma una resistencia política que representa nuevos horizontes que son los proyectos en variados ámbitos: de género, raciales, culturales, de justicia del espacio y ambientales. Todos éstos en contrapunteo con el discurso hegemónico. / Dissertation/Thesis / Embargo / Doctoral Dissertation Spanish 2019

This thesis analyzes specific challenges concerning 'truth-telling' war reporters face when reporting on international conflict. For this purpose truth is examined in accordance with journalistic principles outlined in codes of ethics, with a focus on objectivity and fairness. The aim is to discover ways to improve the application of principles, in order to battle epistemic errors and the effects they entail: polarization, reductionism, and superficiality. The study concludes that providing context and nuance is crucial, but that codes - although essential - are insufficient in helping journalists decide what is relevant and what is not. An approach in virtue ethics is recommended where phronesis (or practical wisdom) can inspire responsible journalists to comply with the spirit, rather than the letter of the principles.

Will Kymlicka a formulé une théorie libérale du droit des minorités en arguant que l'on doit protéger les cultures minoritaires des influences extérieures, car, selon lui, ces cultures fournissent aux individus un contexte de choix significatif qui permet la prise de décision autonome. Il limite donc la portée de sa théorie aux minorités « culturelles », c'est-à-dire les minorités nationales et immigrantes, qui peuvent fournir ce contexte de choix significatif aux individus. Évidemment, les injustices vécues par ces deux types de minorités, aussi sévères soient-elles, n'épuisent pas les expériences d'injustices vécues par les membres de groupes minoritaires et minorisés (i.e. minorités sexuelles, femmes, Afro-Américains, etc.). On pourrait donc être tenté d'élargir la portée de la théorie du droit des minorités pour rendre compte de toutes les injustices vécues en tant que minorité. Toutefois, je défends la thèse selon laquelle cette extension est impossible dans le cadre d'une théorie libérale, car une de ses méthodes typiques, la « théorie idéale », limite la portée critique des thèses de Kymlicka et parce que l'autonomie individuelle a un caractère si fondamental pour les libéraux, qu'ils ne peuvent rendre compte du fait que certaines décisions individuelles autonomes peuvent contribuer à perpétuer des systèmes et des normes injustes. / Will Kymlicka defends a liberal theory of minority rights, arguing that we must protect minority cultures from outside influences, as these cultures provide individuals with a meaningful context of choice that allows autonomous decision-making. This defence of minority rights limits the scope of his theory by focusing on 'cultural' minorities, that is to say, national minorities and immigrants, which can provide individuals with this meaningful context of choice. Obviously, the injustices experienced by these two types of minorities, however severe they are, do not exhaust the injustices experienced by members of minority groups and minoritized groups (i.e. sexual minorities, women, African Americans, etc.). One might be tempted to expand the scope of the theory of minority rights to account for all the injustices experienced as a minority. However, I argue that this extension is not possible within a liberal theorical framework where 'ideal theory' limits the critical force of Kymlicka’s thesis and in which the centrality of individual autonomy prevents liberals to realize that certain individual decisions contribute to the perpetuation of unjust systems, values and norms.