Stereotype threat is a psychological phenomenon that occurs when individuals become aware that their behavior could potentially confirm a negative stereotype. Though stereotype threat is a widely studied phenomenon in social psychology, there has been relatively little scholarship on it in philosophy, despite its relevance to issues such as implicit cognition, epistemic injustice, and diversity in philosophy. However, most psychological research on stereotype threat discusses the phenomenon by using an overly narrow picture of it, which focuses on one of its effects: the ability to hinder performance. As a result, almost all philosophical work on stereotype threat is solely focused on issues of performance too. Social psychologists know that stereotype threat has additional effects, such as negatively impacting individuals’ motivation, interests, long-term health, and even their sense of self, but these other effects are often downplayed, or even forgotten about. Therefore, the “standard picture” of stereotype threat needs to be expanded, in order to better understand the theoretical aspects of the phenomenon, and to develop broader, more effective interventions. This dissertation develops such an “expanded picture” of stereotype threat, which emphasizes how the phenomenon can negatively impact both self-identity and epistemic agency. In doing so, I explore the nature of stereotypes more generally and argue that they undermine groups’ moral status and contribute to what is called “ontic injustice.” I also show how stereotype threat harms members of socially subordinated groups by way of coercing their self-identity and undermining their epistemic agency, which I argue is a form of epistemic injustice. Lastly, I analyze the expanded picture’s implications for addressing the low proportion of women in professional philosophy. I critically engage recent arguments that these low numbers simply reflect different interests women have, which if innate or benign, would require no intervention. My expanded picture shows the mistakes in this sort of reasoning, which is also present in discussions on the underrepresentation of women in science. The expanded picture of stereotype threat that this dissertation develops is not only practically important, but also advances key philosophical debates in social epistemology, applied ethics, and social metaphysics.

Embora a fundação da Universidade de São Paulo (USP) tenha sido em 1934, os primórdios da instituição remonta a 1827, ano em que foi criada a Faculdade de Direito. Desde então a USP tem produzido conhecimento sobre o campo das relações raciais brasileiras. Esta tese propõe analisar como o debate racial atravessa a história da universidade, buscando compreender qual tem sido a participação docente negra e não-negra nesse processo. Assim, a história do debate racial na USP é apresentada em quatro momentos: O primeiro compreende as discussões sobre a questão racial no Brasil empreendidas por duas instituições, as Faculdades de Direito e Medicina, incorporadas à universidade em 1934. O segundo momento é considerado a partir da história da Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências, sobretudo no que diz respeito aos debates empreendidos pela chamada \"Escola Paulista de Sociologia\", sob a batuta de Florestan Fernandes. Para entender o terceiro momento é preciso ter em conta uma lacuna no debate racial coincidente com a Ditadura Militar que trouxe tempos difíceis para a Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências e Letras. Assim, a discussão racial esteve em estado de latência na Sociologia da USP por quase duas décadas, apesar de timidamente abrigada na Antropologia. Destaca-se a importância da trajetória do professor Kabengele Munanga para este momento da história do debate racial na instituição, na condição de herdeiro bastardo da Escola Paulista de Sociologia. O quarto momento da discussão racial na universidade ainda é corrente, e começa nos anos 90 com a recém instituída constituição de 1988. Esta década foi marcada por um incipiente, porém importante conjunto de medidas sensíveis às desigualdades raciais na universidade. Destaca-se novamente a figura do Kabengele Munanga, importante elo com o momento anterior do debate e a figura do professor Edson Moreira da USP São Carlos, em função de sua presença no Conselho de Cultura e Extensão. Por sua vez, os anos 2000 tem sido marcados por retrocessos na implementação de políticas que democratizassem o acesso da população negra na USP. Após a leitura sobre a história do debate racial na USP a tese centra-se na consideração da presença negra no corpo docente da instituição. Para tanto, apresenta-se dados sobre a configuração racial da universidade entre os anos de 2008 a 2015; bem como análises sobre um conjunto de dez trajetórias de docentes negros/as, no sentido de conhecer as estratégias, recursos, discursos e práticas de que acadêmicos/as negros/as da USP lançaram mão para tentar driblar as (im)possibilidades de acesso a um universo que tem sido cerceado à população negra: a docência da maior universidade do país. / Although the University of Sao Paulo (USP) was officially founded in 1934, the institutions deepest origins lie in the establishment of the Faculty of Law in 1827. Since then USP has been producing knowledge in the field of race relations in Brazil. This thesis proposes to analyze the way that racial debate passes through the history of the university, looking to understand the participation of both black and non-black faculty in this process. The history of racial debate at USP is presented in four moments: The first consists of discussions of the question of race within the Faculties of Law and Medicine, incorporated into the university in 1934. The second moment concerns the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature, particularly in relation to the debates fueled by the so-called P u S f g u f Florestan Fernandes. To understand the third moment it is necessary to take into account the gap in racial debate that coincided with the military dictatorship which brought difficult times to the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature. Due to this, racial discussions stayed in a state of latency in the field of Sociology at USP, although they were timidly sheltered by Anthropology. During this period, the trajectory of professor Kabengele Munanga stands out in the history of racial debate at the institution, as he took f b f P u S . T f u m m f u university continues today, dating from the 1990s and the influence of the recently implemented Constitution of 1988. This decade was marked by an incipient though important group of measures sensitive to racial inequality taken at the university. Once again, Kabengele Munanga, an important link to earlier moments in these debates, stands out during this phase, along with Edson Moreira of USP Sao Carlos, due to his presence on the Council for Culture and Extension. Since the year 2000, these debates have been marked by certain regressions in the implementation of policies that would have democratized access to USP for the black population. After a reading of the history of racial debate at USP the thesis will focus on the black presence in the teaching faculty of the institution. To this end, this research will present data about the racial configuration of the university between 2008 and 2015. Furthermore it will include an analysis of the trajectories of a group of ten black professors to better understand the strategies, resources, discourses and practices that black academics at USP have used to negociate the (im)possibilities of access to a universe that has long limited itself from the black population: a teaching career at the nation\'s largest university.

Embora a fundação da Universidade de São Paulo (USP) tenha sido em 1934, os primórdios da instituição remonta a 1827, ano em que foi criada a Faculdade de Direito. Desde então a USP tem produzido conhecimento sobre o campo das relações raciais brasileiras. Esta tese propõe analisar como o debate racial atravessa a história da universidade, buscando compreender qual tem sido a participação docente negra e não-negra nesse processo. Assim, a história do debate racial na USP é apresentada em quatro momentos: O primeiro compreende as discussões sobre a questão racial no Brasil empreendidas por duas instituições, as Faculdades de Direito e Medicina, incorporadas à universidade em 1934. O segundo momento é considerado a partir da história da Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências, sobretudo no que diz respeito aos debates empreendidos pela chamada \"Escola Paulista de Sociologia\", sob a batuta de Florestan Fernandes. Para entender o terceiro momento é preciso ter em conta uma lacuna no debate racial coincidente com a Ditadura Militar que trouxe tempos difíceis para a Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências e Letras. Assim, a discussão racial esteve em estado de latência na Sociologia da USP por quase duas décadas, apesar de timidamente abrigada na Antropologia. Destaca-se a importância da trajetória do professor Kabengele Munanga para este momento da história do debate racial na instituição, na condição de herdeiro bastardo da Escola Paulista de Sociologia. O quarto momento da discussão racial na universidade ainda é corrente, e começa nos anos 90 com a recém instituída constituição de 1988. Esta década foi marcada por um incipiente, porém importante conjunto de medidas sensíveis às desigualdades raciais na universidade. Destaca-se novamente a figura do Kabengele Munanga, importante elo com o momento anterior do debate e a figura do professor Edson Moreira da USP São Carlos, em função de sua presença no Conselho de Cultura e Extensão. Por sua vez, os anos 2000 tem sido marcados por retrocessos na implementação de políticas que democratizassem o acesso da população negra na USP. Após a leitura sobre a história do debate racial na USP a tese centra-se na consideração da presença negra no corpo docente da instituição. Para tanto, apresenta-se dados sobre a configuração racial da universidade entre os anos de 2008 a 2015; bem como análises sobre um conjunto de dez trajetórias de docentes negros/as, no sentido de conhecer as estratégias, recursos, discursos e práticas de que acadêmicos/as negros/as da USP lançaram mão para tentar driblar as (im)possibilidades de acesso a um universo que tem sido cerceado à população negra: a docência da maior universidade do país. / Although the University of Sao Paulo (USP) was officially founded in 1934, the institutions deepest origins lie in the establishment of the Faculty of Law in 1827. Since then USP has been producing knowledge in the field of race relations in Brazil. This thesis proposes to analyze the way that racial debate passes through the history of the university, looking to understand the participation of both black and non-black faculty in this process. The history of racial debate at USP is presented in four moments: The first consists of discussions of the question of race within the Faculties of Law and Medicine, incorporated into the university in 1934. The second moment concerns the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature, particularly in relation to the debates fueled by the so-called P u S f g u f Florestan Fernandes. To understand the third moment it is necessary to take into account the gap in racial debate that coincided with the military dictatorship which brought difficult times to the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature. Due to this, racial discussions stayed in a state of latency in the field of Sociology at USP, although they were timidly sheltered by Anthropology. During this period, the trajectory of professor Kabengele Munanga stands out in the history of racial debate at the institution, as he took f b f P u S . T f u m m f u university continues today, dating from the 1990s and the influence of the recently implemented Constitution of 1988. This decade was marked by an incipient though important group of measures sensitive to racial inequality taken at the university. Once again, Kabengele Munanga, an important link to earlier moments in these debates, stands out during this phase, along with Edson Moreira of USP Sao Carlos, due to his presence on the Council for Culture and Extension. Since the year 2000, these debates have been marked by certain regressions in the implementation of policies that would have democratized access to USP for the black population. After a reading of the history of racial debate at USP the thesis will focus on the black presence in the teaching faculty of the institution. To this end, this research will present data about the racial configuration of the university between 2008 and 2015. Furthermore it will include an analysis of the trajectories of a group of ten black professors to better understand the strategies, resources, discourses and practices that black academics at USP have used to negociate the (im)possibilities of access to a universe that has long limited itself from the black population: a teaching career at the nation\'s largest university.

Abstracts THE TAINT This is a memoir of Ray “Poss” Ide, a man who has carried the taint of a horrifying crime since he was seventeen years old─a crime he claims he did not commit. The crime was the rape of a fourteen-year-old girl. The Taint looks at the time leading up to his conviction for rape, including the years he spent in Westbrook Boys’ Reformatory and Boggo Road Gaol as a minor, and then his sentence served in NSW gaols with such inmates as Stephen Bradley, the man who kidnapped and murdered Graham Thorne, and the bizarre but rather likeable Dave Scanlan, known for his exploits as “the Kingsgrove Slasher”. In prison, Scanlan encouraged him to become an elite sportsman and released, Poss was recruited by Canterbury Eels football team; but just on the point of making a name for himself in Sydney, someone discovered that he had been gaoled for rape, and humiliated, he left the team. He moved back home to Queensland via Grafton, NSW (where he met and later married the Jacaranda Queen) and continued his sporting career, but never again in the Big League. He became the Manager of the Waterside Workers’ Club and helped prevent a turf war between the Wharfies and members of the Painters and Dockers. Poss is now working with lawyer Robert Bax to have his case re-opened. He believes his story to be a cautionary tale for young men. It is a chronicle of social change, including the sexual revolution of the sixties, the confrontations with “the demons” in the streets of Brisbane during the Joh era of Bible-bashing fundamentalism and police corruption. It’s a story about what really went on behind closed doors in institutions where vulnerable children were preyed upon, in gaols where men were expected to become beasts. It is a story of how the taint of a terrible crime affected a man’s whole life. “QUESTIONS OF OWNERSHIP” Writing someone else’s story can be an ethical minefield─especially regarding questions of ownership. Who owns the story, the subject or the author? The easy answer to this is the subject owns the story and the author the text, but on closer examination this may not necessarily be so. Then there are those other stakeholders who claim ownership of story: people who embrace a narrative because of its similarity to their own lives. Published stories about institutional abuse have resonated for adults who as children were placed into the care of churches or the state. Another kind of ownership is claimed by readers who accept a version of a story and dismiss any counter-story as being invalid. What I call the “Plath Phenomenon” is an example of this. I will examine these kinds of ownership of story with particular reference to the work of Janet Malcolm on biography and then will look at gaps and silences in “official” stories, those created in police stations and courtrooms.

<p>The current state of the global distribution of income, wealth, and well-being is in many respects the product of historical acts and processes. Of these, some have been just, others not. In philosophical discourse, processes of the latter kind are referred to as historical injustices. Of these historical injustices, the most protracted, extensive, and (presumably) the most devastating, is colonialism. For centuries, innocent people – in fact whole continents – were subjected to plunder, despoilment, land-displacement, exploitation, slavery, oppressive rule, cultural rape, and genocide. The extent and persistence of the consequences of this particular historical injustice are, however, contested territory. With regards to the exact causes of global poverty and destitution, measuring the effects of colonialism vis-à-vis other determining factors is an empirical impossibility. Nonetheless, it is beyond dispute that during colonial times vast amounts of riches were illicitly transferred from the colonies to their (mainly European) masters. It therefore seems reasonable to assume that this massive and prolonged one-directional transfer (from South to North) of wealth and resources necessary for nation-building, i.e. self-sustained and successful eco¬nomic development, has contributed, to a morally significant degree, to the unequal economic status of societies – resulting, ultimately, in the present unjust division of countries into developed, industrialized ones on the one hand, and under-developed (in many cases, extremely poor) ones, on the other. If this assumption is correct, then this is a problem of fantastic moral proportions.</p><p>The aim of this essay is to consider the moral implications of the consequences of colonialism in light of the problem of global poverty and against emergent, compelling theories of global justice. It is argued that the former colonies are justified in making reparative demands on their former colonial powers as a matter of rectificatory justice. The demands discussed here are aimed at property restoration and economic compensation. The salience of these demands is established by way of arguments for collective moral responsibility and historical (trans-generational) obligations. It is further argued that such reparations would constitute a great leap towards eradicating global poverty on the grounds that many presently poor countries were the victims of colonial atrocities. Such a leap would also take us closer to a just world.</p>

The current state of the global distribution of income, wealth, and well-being is in many respects the product of historical acts and processes. Of these, some have been just, others not. In philosophical discourse, processes of the latter kind are referred to as historical injustices. Of these historical injustices, the most protracted, extensive, and (presumably) the most devastating, is colonialism. For centuries, innocent people – in fact whole continents – were subjected to plunder, despoilment, land-displacement, exploitation, slavery, oppressive rule, cultural rape, and genocide. The extent and persistence of the consequences of this particular historical injustice are, however, contested territory. With regards to the exact causes of global poverty and destitution, measuring the effects of colonialism vis-à-vis other determining factors is an empirical impossibility. Nonetheless, it is beyond dispute that during colonial times vast amounts of riches were illicitly transferred from the colonies to their (mainly European) masters. It therefore seems reasonable to assume that this massive and prolonged one-directional transfer (from South to North) of wealth and resources necessary for nation-building, i.e. self-sustained and successful eco¬nomic development, has contributed, to a morally significant degree, to the unequal economic status of societies – resulting, ultimately, in the present unjust division of countries into developed, industrialized ones on the one hand, and under-developed (in many cases, extremely poor) ones, on the other. If this assumption is correct, then this is a problem of fantastic moral proportions. The aim of this essay is to consider the moral implications of the consequences of colonialism in light of the problem of global poverty and against emergent, compelling theories of global justice. It is argued that the former colonies are justified in making reparative demands on their former colonial powers as a matter of rectificatory justice. The demands discussed here are aimed at property restoration and economic compensation. The salience of these demands is established by way of arguments for collective moral responsibility and historical (trans-generational) obligations. It is further argued that such reparations would constitute a great leap towards eradicating global poverty on the grounds that many presently poor countries were the victims of colonial atrocities. Such a leap would also take us closer to a just world.

The aim of this study was to analyze the assessment of the national tests seen from the teacher’s perspective. The national tests are performed in the Swedish school, classes 3, 5, 9, and the upper secondary school (gymnasiet). There has been an ongoing discussion regarding assessment and grading for a long time and it is of high interest now more than ever. The last control assessment done in 2009 by the department of school inspections on the order of the Swedish government, showed big differences between the assessments done by the teachers, and the assessments completed by the department of school inspections. In order to get a good picture of how the teachers are experiencing the execution and assessment of the national tests we interviewed six teachers from the classes that are performing the test. The questions that this study is based on are:  Do the interviewed teachers experience that the basis for assessing the national test is at risk for arbitrary interpretation and hence become unjust and misjudged? Is the professional role of the teacher influenced by the results the students are getting on the national tests? Do the interviewed teachers experience pressure from the head of the school that the students are expected to grade high at the national tests? Lev S Vygotskij, John Dewey, and Howard Gardner have in their research influenced large parts of the daily activity in the Swedish schools. By studying children’s development they suggest several approaches for the students to develop their skills. Korp discuss in hers thesis the inequity that many times occurs in the assessment of the national test in Swedish schools. The results of this study showed that the interviewed teachers were comfortable with the instructions for execution and assessment of the national test. In addition, they also were of the opinion that independent assessment could be more just. However, one issue raised against the independent assessment is that the student the does not have the option of explaining an unclear answer to a question to the assessing teacher. This would not be of benefit for the student which has also been shown in literature and research.

The aim of this thesis is to explore a case of street and market vendors in urban Africa, who are members of a local network with transnational connections. The local network collaborates with a global network and a local policy institute with the purpose to strengthen capacity of street and market vendors. The thesis asks questions of membership experiences, processes behind agendas and implementation of capacity building for the vendors and perspectives on these capacity building efforts. Theories depart from contemporary globalization and focus on issues of transnational civil society networks and injustice. Specific theoretical contributions are drawn from Routledge and Cumbers (2009) global justice network-theory and Amartya Sen’s (2009) idea of justice. A qualitative case study was conducted in Accra, Ghana based on participatory observations and semi-structured interviews with street and market vendors and officials of both the collaborating network and policy institute. Membership experiences were understood to include capacity building effects and further concerned issues of knowledge, community and identity. Global and local factors combined and influenced the agenda and implementation of capacity building. Theoretical contributions were combined and useful in analysing the empirical case, and ethical considerations were fundamental to the research process.

Abstracts THE TAINT This is a memoir of Ray “Poss” Ide, a man who has carried the taint of a horrifying crime since he was seventeen years old─a crime he claims he did not commit. The crime was the rape of a fourteen-year-old girl. The Taint looks at the time leading up to his conviction for rape, including the years he spent in Westbrook Boys’ Reformatory and Boggo Road Gaol as a minor, and then his sentence served in NSW gaols with such inmates as Stephen Bradley, the man who kidnapped and murdered Graham Thorne, and the bizarre but rather likeable Dave Scanlan, known for his exploits as “the Kingsgrove Slasher”. In prison, Scanlan encouraged him to become an elite sportsman and released, Poss was recruited by Canterbury Eels football team; but just on the point of making a name for himself in Sydney, someone discovered that he had been gaoled for rape, and humiliated, he left the team. He moved back home to Queensland via Grafton, NSW (where he met and later married the Jacaranda Queen) and continued his sporting career, but never again in the Big League. He became the Manager of the Waterside Workers’ Club and helped prevent a turf war between the Wharfies and members of the Painters and Dockers. Poss is now working with lawyer Robert Bax to have his case re-opened. He believes his story to be a cautionary tale for young men. It is a chronicle of social change, including the sexual revolution of the sixties, the confrontations with “the demons” in the streets of Brisbane during the Joh era of Bible-bashing fundamentalism and police corruption. It’s a story about what really went on behind closed doors in institutions where vulnerable children were preyed upon, in gaols where men were expected to become beasts. It is a story of how the taint of a terrible crime affected a man’s whole life. “QUESTIONS OF OWNERSHIP” Writing someone else’s story can be an ethical minefield─especially regarding questions of ownership. Who owns the story, the subject or the author? The easy answer to this is the subject owns the story and the author the text, but on closer examination this may not necessarily be so. Then there are those other stakeholders who claim ownership of story: people who embrace a narrative because of its similarity to their own lives. Published stories about institutional abuse have resonated for adults who as children were placed into the care of churches or the state. Another kind of ownership is claimed by readers who accept a version of a story and dismiss any counter-story as being invalid. What I call the “Plath Phenomenon” is an example of this. I will examine these kinds of ownership of story with particular reference to the work of Janet Malcolm on biography and then will look at gaps and silences in “official” stories, those created in police stations and courtrooms.

Abstracts THE TAINT This is a memoir of Ray “Poss” Ide, a man who has carried the taint of a horrifying crime since he was seventeen years old─a crime he claims he did not commit. The crime was the rape of a fourteen-year-old girl. The Taint looks at the time leading up to his conviction for rape, including the years he spent in Westbrook Boys’ Reformatory and Boggo Road Gaol as a minor, and then his sentence served in NSW gaols with such inmates as Stephen Bradley, the man who kidnapped and murdered Graham Thorne, and the bizarre but rather likeable Dave Scanlan, known for his exploits as “the Kingsgrove Slasher”. In prison, Scanlan encouraged him to become an elite sportsman and released, Poss was recruited by Canterbury Eels football team; but just on the point of making a name for himself in Sydney, someone discovered that he had been gaoled for rape, and humiliated, he left the team. He moved back home to Queensland via Grafton, NSW (where he met and later married the Jacaranda Queen) and continued his sporting career, but never again in the Big League. He became the Manager of the Waterside Workers’ Club and helped prevent a turf war between the Wharfies and members of the Painters and Dockers. Poss is now working with lawyer Robert Bax to have his case re-opened. He believes his story to be a cautionary tale for young men. It is a chronicle of social change, including the sexual revolution of the sixties, the confrontations with “the demons” in the streets of Brisbane during the Joh era of Bible-bashing fundamentalism and police corruption. It’s a story about what really went on behind closed doors in institutions where vulnerable children were preyed upon, in gaols where men were expected to become beasts. It is a story of how the taint of a terrible crime affected a man’s whole life. “QUESTIONS OF OWNERSHIP” Writing someone else’s story can be an ethical minefield─especially regarding questions of ownership. Who owns the story, the subject or the author? The easy answer to this is the subject owns the story and the author the text, but on closer examination this may not necessarily be so. Then there are those other stakeholders who claim ownership of story: people who embrace a narrative because of its similarity to their own lives. Published stories about institutional abuse have resonated for adults who as children were placed into the care of churches or the state. Another kind of ownership is claimed by readers who accept a version of a story and dismiss any counter-story as being invalid. What I call the “Plath Phenomenon” is an example of this. I will examine these kinds of ownership of story with particular reference to the work of Janet Malcolm on biography and then will look at gaps and silences in “official” stories, those created in police stations and courtrooms.