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Background: Access to quality public transportation is critical for employment, especially for low-income and minority populations. This research contributes to previous work on equity analysis of the U.S. public transportation system by covering the 45 largest Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) and their counties. Objective: This study analyzes job accessibility of transit commuters in the 45 largest MSAs to assess the existing differences in accessibility between Census-defined socioeconomic status (SES) categories. Method: 2014 Census demographic data were matched to a previously published 2014 dataset of transit job accessibility at the Census Block Group level. Transit equality and justice analyses were performed based on population-weighted mean job accessibility and SES variables. Results: The findings suggest that within individual MSAs, the low-income populations and people of color have the highest transit job accessibility. However, in certain MSAs with high job accessibility, such as New York, Washington, D.C., Chicago, and Houston, there is a significantly disproportionate access to public transportation based on income. Variables such as income, and the use of personal vehicle, are found to have a statistically significant negative impact on job accessibility in almost all MSAs. The percentage of White workers has a significant impact on job accessibility in upper-mid-density MSAs and high-density MSAs. The percentage of the population with limited English speaking ability is not a significant determinant of job accessibility except in lower-mid-density MSAs. Disparities by income are greater than disparities by race. Racial disparities increase by MSA size and density controlling for income. The findings suggest that planning for public transportation should take into account risks, benefits, and other equally important aspects of public transportation such as frequency, connectivity, and quality of service. / Master of Urban and Regional Planning / In recent years, there has been a shift in focus from encouraging mobility to encouraging accessibility, along with the provision of more sustainable travel options (e.g., walking, cycling, public transport). Access to quality public transportation is critical for employment, especially for low-income and minority populations. This research contributes to previous work on equity analysis of the U.S. public transportation system by covering the 45 largest Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) and their counties. This study analyzes job accessibility of transit commuters to assess the existing differences in accessibility in terms of income, race, ability to speak English, etc. Transit equality and justice analyses were performed based on population-weighted mean job accessibility and SES variables. The findings suggest that within individual MSAs, the low-income populations and people of color have the highest transit job accessibility. However, in certain MSAs with high job accessibility, such as New York, Washington, D.C., Chicago, and Houston, there is a significantly disproportionate access to public transportation based on income. Variables such as income, and the use of personal vehicle, are found to have a statistically significant negative impact on job accessibility in almost all MSAs. The percentage of White workers has a significant impact on job accessibility in upper-mid-density MSAs and high-density MSAs. The percentage of the population with limited English speaking ability is not a significant determinant of job accessibility except in lower-mid-density MSAs. The findings suggest that planning for public transportation should take into account risks, benefits, and other equally important aspects of public transportation such as frequency, connectivity, and quality of service.

Yes / In England, social choice in education faces trade-offs between equity and efficiency. The scope of these trade-offs ranges from the introduction of choice to correcting 'market failures' to reduce inequalities and restrict social injustices. The article analyses the English school education system and its relationship with social preferences. The authors argue that the moral and legal need for non-discriminatory education supersedes perceptions of cost-effectiveness and utilitarianism. They consider that the current system has failed owing to inappropriate processes within social and public choice and that a reformed system based on a social democratic imperative will allow closer social integration on the basis of ability rather than privilege.

The intent of this thesis is to examine the potential epistemic advantage possessed by those with lived experience of mental illness. The frequent lack of conceptual alignment between the perspectives of individuals with lived experience and the biomedical model of mental illness has often resulted in epistemic injustice—lived experiential knowledge tends to be devalued and excluded from larger discussions about mental health. I propose that by occupying a marginalized social location and critically engaging with one’s social position, psychopathologized individuals may achieve a standpoint that allows a deeper comprehension of the systems of power that affect the mental health care system, illuminates the nature of mental illness and its phenomenological qualities, and results in an advantage in identifying promising methods of alleviating mental distress. I evaluate and respond to several objections to this proposal, including physician paternalism and concerns about lived experiential knowledge compromising the scientific objectivity of the mental health care fields. I conclude that those with lived experience of mental illness who have critically engaged with their madness—such as those involved in Mad Studies, peer support, or other forms of advocacy—can make invaluable contributions to the field of mental health, and it is both ethically and epistemically necessary that we meaningfully integrate these contributions.

Anti-immigrant rhetoric undermines Latinx parents' epistemic legitimacy as producers of valued parental knowledge, irrespective of immigrant status. Little is known about the epistemic harm to Latina mothers who must negotiate their maternal scripts against the backdrop of a parenting discourse steeped in deficit thinking. This study used testimonio to explore the experiences of Latina mothers of young children living in the borderlands of South Texas via a Chicana/Latina feminist epistemological framework that conceptualizes the self as multiplicitous and responsive to the straddling of multiple cultures, nationalities, races, languages, and physical borders. The research questions guiding the study included: (1) How do Latina borderland mothers experience epistemic harm in the context of mothering knowledge? and (2) What strategies do borderland mothers employ to nurture strength and counter epistemic harm? Two theoretical constructs emerged from data analyses. First, the borderland was a site of recurring credibility battles as well as a site of "in-the-flesh" encounters that deepened human connection. Supporting themes included "Brown-on-Brown conflict vs. like-me counters" and "situating injustice vs. denying injustice." The second theoretical construct asserted that borderland mothers' ways of knowing are polyvocal and reflect a Brown body ethic of care. Its two supporting themes included "co-family as sources of epistemic strength vs. credibility denying authorities" and "powerless childhoods vs. what the Brown body knows."

Au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale, une coalition d'un corps expéditionnaire militaire franco-britannique se partage le protectorat allemand d'Afrique centrale : l'actuel Cameroun. Des années 1920 aux années 1950, la domination franco-britannique aggrave les injustices liées à l'organisation hiérarchisée de la société Bamiléké. Lesdites injustices favorisent la naissance du syndicalisme suivi de celle du nationalisme. Les nationalistes réclament l'unification et l'indépendance du Cameroun britannique et du Cameroun français. L'historiographie de ce processus de décolonisation s'est surtout penchée sur le rôle et le sort des élites pro-françaises et des leadeurs du comité directeur du parti nationaliste. L'objectif de cette thèse est de connecter l'histoire de cette élite et celle des subalternes Bamiléké, particulièrement oubliés, en démontrant que certains jouèrent des rôles déterminants dans la création, l'implantation et l'animation des syndicats et du parti nationaliste, tout comme dans le sabotage des activités desdites organisations. Par l'approche de l'« histoire d'en bas », nous explorons les cas d'injustices, de résistances passives ou d'accommodements des subalternes des sociétés hiérarchisées Bamiléké sous ladite domination. Nous revisitons l'accommodement des indicateurs de police et des agents provocateurs. Cette approche a pour but d'élucider la transition de la résistance passive à l'insurrection en juin 1956 afin de mieux comprendre l'éruption de violence dans la région Bamiléké lors de la décolonisation. -- During the First World War, a Coalition of a Franco-British military expeditionary forces shared the German protectorate in Central Africa: Present-day Cameroon. From the 1920s to the 1950s, Franco-British domination increased the injustices associated with the already hierarchical organization of Bamileke society. These injustices led to the emergence of unions, followed by nationalism. The nationalists demanded the unification and independence of British and French Cameroon. This decolonization process historiography has focused on the role and fate of the pro-French elites (chiefs, notables, and colonial intermediaries) and the leaders of the nationalist party's steering committee. The objective of this thesis is to connect the history of this elite with the history of the African subalterns, notably the Bamileke, who have so far been at the historiographical margins of histories of Cameroon's decolonization, by demonstrating how some of them played determining roles in the creation, implementation and animation of the trade unions and the nationalist party, as well as in the sabotage of these organizations' activities. Using a "history from below" approach, I explore cases of injustice, passive resistance, or accommodation of the subalterns within Bamileke hierarchical societies under French domination. I revisit Police informant and agent provocateur collaboration. I adopt this method to elucidate the transition from passive resistance to insurrection in June 1956 to better understand the eruption of violence in the Bamileke region during decolonization.

S’inscrivant en épistémologie sociale, ce projet souhaite comprendre l’ignorance comme un phénomène actif dans la production de connaissance et non comme sa simple absence. Se détachant des théories traditionnelles d’épistémologie comprenant l’ignorance comme un état passif, comme antinomie de la connaissance, ce mémoire à l’ambition de comprendre l’ignorance comme un phénomène multifactoriel soit comme une pratique se situant à l’intersection entre le social, le structurel et l’épistémique. Précisément, l’objectif de ce mémoire est de démontrer que, présentes sous plusieurs formes, les pratiques d’ignorances ont des ramifications concrètes sur plusieurs aspects de nos vies telles que nos interactions sociales, notre univers intellectuel et notre partage de connaissances. Se basant sur un cadre critique, sollicitant des écrits issus des études féministes, décoloniales et intersectionnelles, la visée majeure de ce projet est de démontrer la possibilité de considérer l’ignorance comme un élément clef de la production et du maintien d’injustices sociales. Par exemple, le rôle de l’ignorance quant à certaines formes de racisme et de sexisme tels l’incapacité à être considéré comme un individu pouvant produire des connaissances légitimes ou le refus, non fondé, de comprendre certains individus issus des groupes marginalisés comme égaux sur le plan social et épistémique. Accorder un rôle déterminant à l’ignorance permettra d’amener une meilleure compréhension de la persistance de certaines formes d’injustices sociales en rendant compte de leur nature abstraite et parfois difficile à saisir. Nous analyserons l’ignorance en termes sociaux et en relation aux vices épistémiques ce qui rendra compte de la systématicité de certaines actions sexistes ou racistes et permettra de comprendre plus clairement les mécanismes soutenant le maintien de ces inégalités. Avec ceci, nous tenterons de rendre compte du type de vice épistémique que constitue l’ignorance, c’est-à-dire le type de traits de caractère, d’attitudes, ou de manières de penser qui nuit à l’accessibilité de la connaissance. Cette approche permet de souligner le fait que l’ignorance n’est pas la même chose que l’erreur et qu’elle peut être durable et activement maintenue. / Framed within social epistemology, this project aims to understand ignorance as an active phenomenon in the production of knowledge rather than simply its absence. Departing from traditional theories of epistemology that view ignorance as a passive state and as the antinomy of knowledge, this paper aspires to comprehend ignorance as a multifactorial phenomenon, situated at the intersection of the social, structural, and epistemic. Specifically, the objective of this paper is to demonstrate that, present in various forms, practices of ignorance have concrete ramifications on various aspects of our lives, such as our social interactions, intellectual universe, and sharing of knowledge. Drawing on a critical framework, and utilizing writings from feminist, decolonial, and intersectional studies, the main goal of this project is to demonstrate the possibility of considering ignorance as a key element in the production and maintenance of social injustices. For example, the role of ignorance in certain forms of racism and sexism, such as the inability to be considered as an individual capable of producing legitimate knowledge or the unfounded refusal to understand certain individuals from marginalized groups as equals on the social and epistemic level. Assigning a determining role to ignorance will lead to a better understanding of the persistence of certain forms of social injustices by accounting for their abstract and sometimes difficult-to-grasp nature. We will analyze ignorance in social terms and in relation to epistemic vices, which will account for the systematicity of certain sexist or racist actions and enable a clearer understanding of the mechanisms that support the maintenance of these inequalities. In doing so, we will attempt to account for the type of epistemic vice that ignorance constitutes, that is, the type of character traits, attitudes, or ways of thinking that hinder the accessibility of knowledge. This approach highlights the fact that ignorance is not the same as error and that it can be durable and actively maintained.

Cette étude a pour sujet le caractère thérapeutique du châtiment dans l’œuvre de Platon. Nous souhaitons montrer que le pouvoir thérapeutique du châtiment, tel que le conçoit Platon, repose sur l’action purificatrice qu’il exerce sur l’âme injuste. Dans un premier temps, nous mettons en évidence l’originalité de la théorie platonicienne du châtiment par rapport à la conception rétributive de la justice qui exerce une emprise sur la morale grecque de l’époque. Nous exposons les raisons qui amènent Platon à rejeter la vengeance et à attribuer à la peine une fonction curative. Dans un second temps, nous nous intéressons à l’étiologie du vice dans le but de déterminer ce qui, précisément, doit faire l’objet de l’action thérapeutique du châtiment. Nous examinons les implications de l’analogie entre la maladie et le vice afin de voir ce qu’elle peut nous apprendre sur la nature de l’injustice. Nous considérons par la suite la possibilité d’interactions causales entre le corps et l’âme pour voir si le corps peut avoir une certaine responsabilité dans l’injustice de l’âme. Enfin, dans un troisième temps, nous nous penchons sur le mode d’action du châtiment afin de comprendre par quel moyen l’administration de la peine arrive à restaurer la justice dans l’âme du condamné. Nous prenons le contre-pied de certaines thèses qui assimilent les effets du châtiment à ceux du régime et de l’enseignement. Nous soutenons que ce n’est pas comme outil de conditionnement que le châtiment peut guérir l’injustice, car l’âme injuste doit d’abord être débarrassée des opinions qui font obstacle à la justice avant de pouvoir tirer un quelconque profit de l’enseignement et des bonnes habitudes de vie. C’est pourquoi le châtiment doit prendre la forme d’une purification. À ce titre, nous pensons que son action doit être rapprochée de celle de l’elenchos. / This study focuses on the therapeuthic nature of punishment in Plato’s work. We aim to demonstrate that the therapeutic power of punishment, as conceived by Plato, is based on its purifying action on the unjust soul. Firstly, we highlight the originality of Plato’s theory of punishment in contrast to the retributive conception of justice that exerted influence on the moral values of ancient Greece. We explain the reasons why Plato rejects vengeance and attributes a curative function to punishment. Secondly, we delve into the etiology of vice in order to determine precisly what should be the object of punishment. We examine the implications of the analogy between disease and vice to understand what it can teach us about the nature of injustice. We then consider the possibility of causal interactions between the body and the soul to see if the body can bear some responsability for the soul’s injustice. Lastly, we explore the mode of action of punishment to understand how administering it can restore justice in the condemned individual’s soul. We challenge some theses that liken the effects of punishment to those of regimen and education. We argue that punishment cannot cure injustice as a mere tool of conditioning, as the unjust soul must first rid itself of opinions that hinder justice before being able to benefit from education and good habits. Therefore, punishment must take the form of purification. In this regard, we believe that its action should be likened to that of elenchos.

Mot propre au langage juridique, l’illicéité signifie la contrariété au droit. Oscillant entre l’illégalité et l’injustice, elle est une catégorie juridique souvent rejetée par les pénalistes. En réalité, l’illicéité aborde les interdits posés par le droit pénal à partir de leurs essences. Elle peut ainsi apparaître inutile et même dangereuse – en droit pénal la contrariété au droit est synonyme d’illégalité et le juge pénal n’a pas à se demander si le comportement poursuivi est en outre injuste. Néanmoins, il convient de ne pas oublier que « même pénale, la loi n’a pas tous les droits » et que les dispositions pénales n’ont pas comme unique destinataire le juge. À l’heure où il est de plus en plus question de regénéralisation et de rethéorisation du droit pénal, l’illicéité mérite en effet d’être placée au centre des réflexions pénalistes, car elle invite à s’intéresser à ce qui est essentiel dans les interdits pénalement consacrés en fonction des besoins et capacités du destinataire principal des dispositions pénales – le profane. En mesure de recouvrir ce qu’on peut réellement attendre d’un non-spécialiste, l’illicéité indique ainsi ce qui doit guider la détermination et la définition des infractions pour que le droit pénal soit légitime et effectif. Dans cette perspective, pour saisir ce que constitue l’essence des interdits pénalement consacrés, il ne suffit pas de se référer aux dispositions pénales mais il faut exploiter entièrement les normes et valeurs révélées par la conscience sociale qui exercent une influence déterminante sur le droit pénal. Car si les repères proprement pénaux ne sont pas en mesure de dévoiler à eux seuls l’essence des interdits, la conscience sociale fournit des critères de justice objectifs et opérationnels adaptés au profane permettant d’aborder adéquatement le droit pénal dans le cadre de l’ensemble normatif dans lequel il s’insère. / Illicitness, a word particular to the legal language signifies the defiance of the law. Oscillating between illegality and injustice, it is a legal category often rejected by French criminal lawyers. In reality, illicitness touches the essence of the prohibitions posed by the criminal law. It can thus appear unnecessary and even dangerous – in criminal law the defiance of the law is synonymous with illegality and the criminal judge does not have to wonder if the continued behaviour is also unjust. Nevertheless, we should not forget that “even criminal, the law does not have all the rights” and that criminal provisions are not only intended for the judge. At a time when it is increasingly a question of re-generalisation and re-theorisation of the criminal law, illicitness merits being placed in effect at the centre of the criminal lawyers’ reflections, for it invites interest in what is essential in the prohibitions enacted as criminal by reference to the main recipient of the criminal provisions – the layman. Able to cover what you can really expect from a non-lawyer, illicitness indicates in this way what must guide the determination and the definition of the offences in order that the criminal law is legitimate and effective. In this perspective, in order to grasp what animates deeply the restrictions laid down as criminal, it is not enough to refer to the provisions but it is necessary also to fully exploit the norms and values revealed by the social conscience which exerts a decisive influence on the criminal law. For if the strictly criminal bench marks are not by themselves able to reveal what gives meaning to the forbidden, social awareness provides the objective and operational criteria of illicitness adapted to the layman to adequately address the criminal law in the framework of the normative set in which it fits.