L’invalidation de leur expérience par les professionnel·le·s de la santé est partagée par un grand nombre de personnes vivant avec de la douleur chronique. Elle correspond au fait de ne pas prendre au sérieux ce que l’autre personne communique ou de discréditer ses émotions. Le témoignage des personnes qui vivent de la douleur n’est donc pas perçu comme égal et compétent. Les injustices épistémiques, soit la disqualification d’une personne comme agente de savoir, sont une forme d’invalidation. Ce cadre théorique a été mobilisé dans la littérature dans le contexte de la relation médicale afin de comprendre l’invalidation de la douleur chronique. Cependant, ces études, très théoriques, tendent elles-mêmes à reproduire des injustices épistémiques en ne donnant pas la voix aux personnes directement concernées par ces injustices. Les mécanismes ciblés comme favorisant les injustices épistémiques et les conséquences découlant de celles-ci sont donc identifiés de façon théorique, sans égard au vécu réel des patient·e·s. Similairement, les avenues proposées pour favoriser la justice épistémique ne tiennent pas compte des besoins et préférences de réel·le·s patient·e·s. Ce projet de recherche vise à mieux comprendre les injustices épistémiques de façon globale et intégrative dans la relation médicale au moyen d’entretiens qualitatifs narratifs conduits auprès de dix-sept personnes vivant avec de la douleur chronique. Il vise à identifier les mécanismes sous-jacents aux injustices épistémiques et leurs conséquences individuelles, politiques et structurelles. Les avenues pour favoriser la justice épistémique sont également recensées dans la littérature, comparées et analysées à la lumière du témoignage de réel·le·s patient·e·s. Une avenue intégrative, le partenariat patient, est identifiée. / Experiences of chronic pain invalidation by healthcare practitioners are shared by many people living with chronic pain. Invalidation can include not taking seriously someone’s testimony, imposing one's thoughts, or discrediting someone’s emotions. In those cases, the testimony is not perceived as equal and competent. Epistemic injustices, that is, the disqualification of a person as a knower, are a form of invalidation. This theoretical framework has been used in the context of the medical relationship, and to understand the invalidation of chronic pain. However, these studies are theoretical, and tend to reproduce epistemic injustices by not giving a voice to the people directly impacted by these injustices. The mechanisms underlying epistemic injustices and the consequences resulting from them are therefore identified theoretically, without regard to the actual experience of patients. Similarly, the avenues proposed to promote epistemic justice do not consider the needs and preferences of real patients. This research project aims at better understanding epistemic injustices in a global and integrative way in the medical relationship by means of qualitative narrative interviews conducted with seventeen people living with chronic pain. It aims at identifying the mechanisms underlying the epistemic injustices and their individual, political and structural consequences. Avenues for promoting epistemic justice are also identified in the literature, compared, and analyzed though patients’ testimonies. An integrative avenue, patient partnership, is identified.

Harms produced by nuclear energy include the accident risks of population displacement, deaths, cancers, genetic, teratogenetic (affecting embryo and foetus) and psycho-social effects; increased radiation exposure to workers, locals and future generations from nuclear plants, uranium mines and waste storage facilities; thermal and toxic tailings pollution from nuclear plants and uranium mines; and other unknown long-term effects of increasing levels of background radiation. Historically, most greens have opposed nuclear energy alongside nuclear weapons. Recently, however, significant green spokespeople have combined with industry and governments in emphasising the need for nuclear energy in response to climate change. Based upon my experiences in the struggle against the Hinkley C nuclear power plant in Somerset, UK, this thesis contests the dominant framings of the debate. I suggest that arguments for nuclear energy are made possible by reductive understandings of the issue making it difficult to apprehend the significance of harms reinforced by nuclear energy. Taking an ecological approach I show how dominant discourses presuppose a hierarchical separation of science/politics, reinforced by and reinforcing the separation of nature/culture. These hierarchical separations depoliticise and naturalise harms produced by both nuclear energy and dominant forms of social organisation. As a result, these harms are difficult to communicate and contest as relevant to the discussion of our common futures. In this thesis I argue that we might more effectively convey the significance of these harms if we articulate them as injustices. Building upon the theory and practice of justice and liberation struggles I develop a heuristic framework for articulating injustices based around three intersecting images of politics as distribution, recognition and representation. I suggest articulating injustices of nuclear energy as i) the deprivation of basic necessities due to unequal distributions of burdens as well as goods; ii) the disrespect for ecological integrity due to desire for control of inevitable unpredictability in interaction; and iii) the denial of multiple authorities through monopolisation of rational speech and action and disengaged forms of knowledge production. Expressing harms of nuclear energy by way of this three-fold articulation of injustices politicises nuclear energy, climate change, and the dominant forms of social organisation, opening these up to political contestation to more effectively take ‘all affected’ into account before we reconsider how we might live together.

Research has begun to explore the presence and role of health-related injustice perceptions in samples of individuals who experience chronic pain associated with traumatic injury. Existing studies indicate that higher level of injustice perception is associated with poorer physical and psychosocial outcomes. However, to date, few clinical populations have been addressed. The aim of the current study was to explore injustice perceptions in a sample of individuals who have sustained a spinal cord injury (SCI), as research suggests that such individuals are likely to experience cognitive elements characteristic of injustice perception (e.g., perceptions of irreparable loss, blame, and unfairness). The study explored the relationship between participants’ level of perceived injustice and several variables associated with outcomes following SCI (depression, pain, and disability) at initial admission to a rehabilitation unit and at three months following discharge. The Injustice Experience Questionnaire was used to measure injustice perceptions. IEQ was found to significantly contribute to depression and anger at baseline. IEQ significantly contributed to depression, present pain intensity, and anger at follow-up. The implication of these preliminary findings may be beneficial for development of future interventions, as many individuals in the United States experience the lifelong physical and psychological consequences of SCI at a high personal and public cost.

The aim of this thesis is to depict the social and political state of South Africa during the apartheid and after in two novels, Dance with a Poor Man's Daughter (1998) by Pamela Jooste and Disgrace (1999) by J. M. Coetzee. The Theoretical Part analyses the apartheid as a political ideology which is based on racial segregation and its projection in ordinary life. The Practical Part shows concrete features of apartheid and post-apartheid in the aforementioned novels.

Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Versesis one of the most controversial postcolonial novels, which among a plethora of themes seems to mainly focus on the notion of hegemonic power. The Satanic Verses can partly be read as a denunciation of the British hegemony in which social injustice, racial discrimination and violence, in its different forms, exerted upon marginalized and stigmatized people (such as non-European expatriates) are legitimized by the dominant group and understood as something conventional and normal by the subjugated people. Moreover, this novel encourages the readers to criticize religion as a political tool with the help of which the dominant group can make groups of people subservient to authority. This part of my essay is related to the criticism of hegemony as such. Employing Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony, this paper begins with an investigation of the relationship between the figure of a migrant, violence and cultural hegemony inRushdie’s Britain. In the second part, the link between dream scenes and the ways through which they contribute to the overall argument about hegemony is studied. Finally, the last part of this essay revolves around religious hegemony. Hence, what links all these three sections together is the concept of hegemony and the ways through which hegemonic power is achieved and implemented in this novel.

Hermeneutisk orättvisa är en orättvisa där en del av ens sociala erfarenheter görs obegripliga pågrund av ett hermeneutisk glapp i de kollektiva hermeneutiska resurserna. Följaktligen drabbas ett subjektav en objektiv svårighet i antingen 1) förstå sina sociala erfarenheter och/eller 2) kommunicerasina sociala erfarenheter. Fricker argumenterar för att det är ett strukturellt fenomen utan en individuellförövare. Därav uppkommer inte frågan om ansvar. Medina, å sin sida, argumenterar att ansvar uppkommeräven om det kan vara begränsat. I den här uppsatsen avser jag undersöka Medinas och Frickersståndpunkter för att utvärdera den större frågan om ansvar i förhållande till hermeneutisk orättvisa.Jag argumenterar, med Woomers begrepp misslyckat upptag, att Medina ger en bredare definitionav hermeneutisk orättvisa än Frickers ursprungliga definition. Vidare diskuterar jag Frickers och Medinasdelvis olika syn på ansvar. Jag argumenterar att individer kan hållas ansvariga för att bidra till hermeneutiskmarginalisering. Följt detta bär de något slags ansvar för att skapa möjligheten för att hermeneutiskaorättvisor kan existera. Med Goetzes distinktion mellan kognitiv och kommunikativ skadaav hermeneutisk orättvisa argumenterar jag vidare att individer trots allt kan hållas ansvariga i relationtill den kommunikativa skadan av orättvisan, men inte den kognitiva. Således håller jag delvis med bådeFricker och Medina. / Hermeneutical injustice is the injustice of having some part of ones social experiences unintelligibledue to a hermeneutical gap in the collective hermeneutical resources. Consequently, a subject suffersan objective difficulty in either 1) understanding his/her social experiences and/or 2) communicatinghis/her social experiences. Fricker argues that it is a structural phenomenon with no individual perpetrator.Hence, the question of responsibility does not arise. Medina, on the other hand, argues thatresponsibility does arise though it may be limited. In this paper my aim is to examine Medinas andFrickers position in order to evaluate the larger question of responsibility in relation to hermeneuticalinjustice. I argue, with Woomers notion of uptake failure, that Medina gives a wider definition of hermeneuticalinjustice than Frickers original definition. Furthermore I discuss their partially differentviews of responsibility. I argue that individuals can be held responsible for contributing to hermeneuticalmarginalization. They therefore bear some kind of responsibility for creating the possibility forhermeneutical injustices. With Goetzes distinction between the cognitive and communicative harm ofhermeneutical injustice I further argue that individuals can be held responsible in relation to the communicativeharm of the injustice, but not the cognitive. I therefore in some aspects agree with bothMedina and Fricker.

Soberba e humildade em Agostinho são analisadas neste trabalho por meio de uma inter-relação entre os métodos anagógico/Pátria-Via e o Trinitário, métodos que, segundo cremos, foram utilizados por Agostinho. A aplicação deste método nos levará a notar que soberba e humildade só podem ser entendidas uma à luz da outra, porque possuem uma estrutura simetricamente proporcional: a soberba é a enfermidade radical da condição humana, e a humildade o seu remédio adequado. Assim, a soberba, no nível do ser, corresponde a uma usurpação, uma pretensão de roubar o que é próprio de Deus, a autonomia e independência no ser; no nível do conhecimento, consiste numa presunção de valer por si mesmo, o que leva a um movimento de afastamento da verdade interior, tornando o homem cego no mais profundo de sua alma; e finalmente, no nível do querer, corresponde a uma injustiça, pois consiste na causa do primeiro mau uso do livre-arbítrio, que levou ao rompimento da ordem estabelecida por Deus na lei eterna. A humildade, em simetria invertida, corresponde, no nível do ser, a um aniquilamento voluntário, pelo qual o Cristo abaixa-se de sua natureza igual a Deus, assumindo uma natureza que lhe é inferior, a natureza humana; no nível do conhecimento, se entende como confissão a respeito da verdade sobre Deus e sobre o próprio homem, da sua condição de criatura e pecador; e finalmente, no nível do querer, como o caminho pelo qual o Cristo, por meio de sua livre obediência até a morte de cruz e posterior ressurreição, restabelece a justiça perdida na primeira desobediência à lei eterna. / Pride and humility in Augustine are analyzed in this work through an inter-relationship between the anagogical/homeland-Way (Patria-Via) and Trinitarian methods, which we believe were used by Augustine. Applying this method will lead us to note that pride and humility can only be understood in the light of one another, because they have a symmetrically proportional structure: pride is the radical disease of the human condition, and humility its adequate remedy. Thus, the pride, in the level of being, represents an usurpation, a desire to steal what is proper to God, the autonomy and independence in being; in the level of knowledge, is a presumption of worth by himself/herself, which leads a movement away from inner truth, making the man blind in the depths of his soul; and finally, at the level of wanting, corresponds to an injustice because it is the cause of the first misuse of free will, which led to the breakup of the order established by God in the eternal law. Humility, in inverted symmetry, corresponds, at the level of being, to a voluntary destruction, by which Christ stoops of his nature equal with Gods, taking a nature that is lower, the human nature; in the level of knowledge, it is understood as a confession regarding the truth about God and man himself, of his condition of sinful creature; and finally, at the level of wanting, as the path by which Christ, through his free obedience unto death on a cross and subsequent resurrection, restores justice lost in the first disobedience to the eternal law.

O impacto que a epidemia da aids vem produzindo sobre a população infantil é particularmente importante, pois, do total de casos notificados no mundo todo, entre adultos e crianças, aproximadamente 10% têm menos de 15 anos de idade, sendo a maioria proveniente dos países em desenvolvimento. A aids confirma a associação, historicamente determinada, entre as condições concretas de vida e a produção da doença. Tomando a expressão da epidemia como objeto do estudo, teve por finalidade oferecer subsídios para a intervenção em saúde coletiva no fenômeno da aids infantil, de transmissão vertical, especialmente, para o aprimoramento do Sistema de Informação em Vigilância Epidemiológica da aids. Adotou-se a como refererencial teórico-filosófico a determinação social do processo saúde-doença e as categorias analíticas exclusão/inclusão social e processo de adoecimento e morte por aids. A fonte empírica de dados foi obtida do Sistema de Informação de Vigilância Epidemiológica da Secretaria de Estado da Saúde do Estado de São Paulo e do Programa de Aprimoramento das Informações de Mortalidade da Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo. A análise dos dados demonstra a gravidade da situação: as crianças já nascem duplamente em desvantagem, têm suas mães e/ou pais acometidos pela doença e encontram pela frente um penoso processo de aprendizagem com a própria soropositividade. Evidenciaram-se situações que denotam exclusão social, na constatação do número de crianças órfãs de mães, na ocorrência de crianças institucionalizadas, na vulnerabilidade programática e no uso de drogas injetáveis pelas mães. No entanto, não ficou explícita a exclusão social como produto das formas diferenciadas de reprodução social dos grupos sociais. Apontou-se a necessidade de transformar a forma de captação da realidade pela vigilância epidemiológica, para superar os modelos multicausais que tornam invisíveis as dimensões sociais da doença. A ausência de visibilidade pública da exclusão social, especialmente no caso das crianças vulneráveis ao HIV/aids, está diretamente vinculada à sua ausência de autonomia, ou seja, à incapacidade do Sistema de Informação em Vigilância Epidemiológica em considerar a criança como sujeito com pleno direito de cidadania. Reconhece-se a necessária e urgente revisão da ficha de notificação, importante instrumento que informa sobre a epidemia, de modo a ser possível a caracterização da exclusão social das pessoas afetadas pelo HIV/aids no caso de crianças. Ao final apontam-se recomendações para a intervenção em saúde coletiva na Cidade de São Paulo frente à epidemia de aids infantil. / The impact that aids epidemic has been producing on the infantile population is particularly important, out of the total number of notified cases in the whole world, among adults and children, approximately 10% is composed of individuals who are younger than 15 years old and the majority comes from countries in development. Aids cases confirm the association, historically determined, between the concrete conditions of living and the disease production. Taking the expression of epidemic as the object of study, our study had as its objective to offer subsidy for the intervention of collective health at infantile aids phenomena, of vertical transmission, especially, to the improvement of Information System in Aids Epidemiological Surveillance. The social determination and the analytical categories social inclusion/exclusion and the process of becoming sick and dying due to aids were adopted as a theoretical-philosophic reference. Data is from the Sistema de Informação of the Vigilância Epidemiológica da Secretaria de Estado da Saúde do Estado de São Paulo (Health State Department of Epidemiological Surveillance Information System from the State of São Paulo) and from the Programa de Aprimoramento das Informações de Mortalidade da Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo (Mortality Information Improvement Program from the Municipality of the City of São Paulo). The data analysis shows the seriousness of the situation: many children are born with double disadvantage, their fathers or mothers already have the disease and they will face a painful learning process with their own HIV positive status. We found some evident situations in which we could notice social exclusion, verifying the number of children without mothers, in institucionalized children, at programmatic vulnerability and the usage of injectable drugs by mothers. However, social exclusion was not explicit as a product of the different ways of social reproduction from the social groups. A need to transform the methodology of data recording by the epidemiological vigilance, to surpass the multicause models that make the social dimensions of the disease invisible. The lack of public ability to be aware and record data about social exclusion, especially in the case of children vulnerable to HIV/aids, is directly linked to the lack of autonomy, or due to the incompetence of the Epidemiological Surveillance Information System in considering the child as a person with rights to citizenship. We consider it urgent to review the notification record, important instrument that informs about the epidemic, in a way that enables health professionals to distinguish social exclusion of the affected people, mainly in case of HIV/aids positive children. At the end, proposals are made for intervention in collective health in the City of São Paulo, in order to better enable health professionals to have other resources to face infantile aids epidemic.

A proteção do direito fundamental à memória assume um papel relevante na busca pelo aprimoramento dos meios de defesa e concretização dos Direitos Humanos na atualidade. Por meio da afetação desta faculdade humana essencial, o poder político opressor viabiliza as condições subjetivas ideais, necessárias à continuidade de suas prerrogativas de domínio. Ao apagar do meio externo os vestígios concretos das injustiças que pratica, retira da esfera mental dos sujeitos envolvidos nos processos históricos informações essenciais ao aprimoramento da consciência crítica. O presente estudo busca produzir dados teóricos para comprovar que a preservação da memória estética da injustiça, retratada com a revelação histórica das vítimas da barbárie, é requisito necessário à preservação das condições mentais ideais ao exercício da liberdade de ação. Igualmente, neste contexto, o trabalho indica que a revelação da verdade sobre o passado escondido subsidia elementos imprescindíveis à formulação de um referencial educativo, em compromisso com a emancipação do ser humano e com a construção de uma sociedade pautada na ética da dignidade. / Nowadays, the protection of the fundamental right to memory takes up an important role in the search for improvement of means of defense and achievement of Human Rights. Through the affectation of this essential human faculty, the oppressive political power enables the subjective ideal conditions, necessary for the continuity of its prerogative of domain. When deleting the concrete traces of the injustices practiced from the external space, this kind of power removes from the mental sphere of the subjects involved in historical processes, essential information to the improvement of critical consciousness. The present study aims to produce theoretical data to prove that the preservation of the aesthetic memory of injustice, portrayed with the historical revelation of the victims of barbarism, is a necessary requirement to the preservation of mental conditions ideal for the exercise of freedom of action. Also, in this context, this study indicates that the revelation of the truth about the hidden past, subsidizes essential elements to the formulation of an educational reference, in commitment to the emancipation of human being and with the construction of a society based on the ethics of dignity.

How, if at all, should we remember the histories of injustice and atrocity that haunt most modern states? Since World War II, it has become commonplace to suggest that properly responding to injustices requires societies to remember them, and to remember the experiences of those they touched. But what specific value might memory in this sense constitute in or contribute to the lives and societies of those coping with troubled history? This question raises two issues. The first is ontological: what does it mean to say that a society should remember in the first place? Is it to say that the individuals who make up society should each privately remember, or is to say that the society as a whole should somehow create or maintain a collective memory that is not reducible to the sum of individual cognitive processes? The second issue is normative: what exactly can memory so conceived do to ameliorate the undesirable legacies that historical injustices leaves on the world? How might remembering help us to move forward, or help us to lessen the pains we can’t leave behind? This study takes on both of these issues. On the first, I suggest that when we speak of societies remembering, we’re speaking of irreducibly social processes, by which individual memories are translated into publicly available traces of the past, which can then inform recollection by others, perhaps at some distance from the original event. On the second, I suggest that this sort of remembering can be valuable in the wake of injustice as a way of combating the legacies of persistent harm and exclusion that sometimes follow victims long after an injustice is over, and challenge their abilities to stand, participate, and identify as full members of the political community. Memory in this sense is crucial for re-negotiating the boundaries of membership, and for rebuilding a more inclusive public world.