Bakgrunn og hensikt: Studien setter fokus på miljørettet helseverns tilsynsrolle rettet mot psykososiale forhold i norske asylmottak med langtidsopphold. Hensikten var å belyse hvordan de profesjonelle tilsynsutøvere i kommunene ser på dagens tilsynspraksis og i hvilken grad de mener at den er i tråd med lovgivningens intensjoner. Studien søker dessuten å avdekke om tilgjengelige ressurser, lovverk, veiledere og rammebetingelser er tilstrekkelige, og hvilken betydning dette har for kvaliteten på tilsynet. Metode: Tversnittsstudie med strukturerte telefonintervjuer av 82 personer motsvarende 48,8% avdet mulige antallet fagpersoner fra norske kommuner, basert på et spørreskjema med 28 spørsmål med oppsatte svaralternativer og to åpne spørsmål. Data ble analysert med deskriptiv statistikk ogkvalitativ innholdsanalyse. Resultater: Ansatte som driver tilsyn etter forskrift for Miljørettet helsevern i dag opplever at de i for stor grad utøver et skjønnsbasert tilsyn, og etterlyser bedre retningslinjer og tydeligere krav i lover og veiledere. Videre etterlyses mer kunnskap direkte rettet mot psykososiale forhold i mottak, kurs og opplæring og bedre rammer for å kunne gjennomføre et forsvarlig tilsyn. Tettere og mer tverrfaglig samarbeid med helsefaglig personell og UDI, samt interkommunal organisering, sees på som en styrke for å bedre kvaliteten på tilsynene. Konklusjon: Dårlige boforhold (enkel standard), lang oppholdstid og lediggang/passifisering synes å være de største utfordringene for det psykososiale miljøet i mottakene. De viktigste tiltakene for å bedre kvaliteten på tilsynet synes å være økt kunnskap på feltet spesielt rettet inn mot psykososialeforhold, tydeligere krav og retningslinjer i lover og forskrift, og større grad av samarbeid på tvers avfagområder for å imøtekomme behovene til en utsatt gruppe mennesker/beboere i mottak. / Background and objectives: This study focuses on the supervision of environmental andpsychosocial conditions in Norwegian accommodation centers for asylum seekers with long-term residence. We aimed to examine how professionals from the communities view current practice andto what extent they consider it compliant with legislative intentions. We further aimed to explore the sufficiency of available resources, guidelines, and conditions, and to determine their effect on the quality of the supervision. Methods: This cross-sectional study used structured telephone interviews with 82 persons, a number that corresponds to 48.8% of the total number of professionals in Norwegian communities, based ona questionnaire comprising 28 closed and 2 open questions. Data was analyzed using descriptive statistics and qualitative content analysis. Results: Employees who currently oversee regulations for environmental health reported too muchdiscretion-based supervision. They called for better policies and clearer requirements in laws an dsupervisors, respectively. Furthermore they announced more knowledge directly aimed at psychosocial factors in reception, and more focus from central government on courses and trainingand better facilities to carry out a proper inspection. Respondents viewed closer and more interdisciplinary collaboration with health professionals and immigration authorities, as well as intermunicipal organizations, as a force for improving the quality of inspections. Conclusions: Evidence suggests that poor housing conditions, long-term residence, andidleness/pacification comprise the largest challenges for the psychosocial environment in asylum centers. The most important measures for improving the quality of supervision likely requireincreased knowledge in the field, especially regarding psychosocial factors; clearer requirements;legal and regulatory guidelines; and greater cross-discipline collaboration to fulfill the needs of a vulnerable group of people/residents in reception / <p>ISBN 978-91-982282-9-8</p>

This thesis evaluates the policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers maintained by successive Australian governments against several core liberal principles. These principles are derived from various accounts of liberal political thought and the major themes and criticisms inherent in the public debate over the policy. The justifications of the policy given by the Australian government and the criticisms enunciated by scholars, refugee advocates and non-government organisations with respect to the policy strongly correspond with the core liberal principles of fairness, protecting the rights of the individual, accountability and proportionality. The claims of the critics converge on a central point of contention: that the mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates core liberal principles. To ascertain the extent to which the claims of the critics can be supported, the thesis selectively draws on liberal political theory to provide a framework for the analysis of the policy against these liberal principles, a basis for inquiry largely neglected by contributors to the literature. This thesis argues that, on balance, the mandatory detention policy employed by successive Australian governments violates core liberal principles. The claims of the critics are weakened, but by no means discredited, by the importance of the government's maintenance of strong border control. In the main, however, criticisms made by opponents of the policy can be supported. This thesis contributes to the substantial body of literature on the mandatory detention policy by shedding light on how liberal principles may be applicable to the mandatory detention policy. Further, it aims to contribute to an enriched understanding of the Australian government's competence to detain asylum seekers.

Cette thèse revient sur quarante ans de « fabrication » des réfugiés par l'Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et des Apatrides (Ofpra) depuis sa création en 1952, où il s'apparente à un consulat pour les réfugiés, jusqu'en 1992, où s'achève sa reconfiguration en administration des demandeurs d'asile. Elle retrace ce faisant la carrière et la trajectoire de la catégorie d'intervention publique du réfugié. Au cours de cette période, la question de l'asile est en effet reformulée en passant du « problème » des réfugiés, à celui des demandeurs d'asile, désignant à chaque fois une catégorie cible à destination de laquelle l'action publique s'oriente en guise de solution. Cette thèse qui appréhende la catégorie de réfugié à partir de ses usages montre qu'il n'y a pas de réfugié « naturel », auquel correspondraient ou non les candidats à l'asile, de la même manière que la Convention de Genève ou la loi sur la création de l'Ofpra ne peuvent être considérées comme des textes neutres qui seraient applicables de façon objective si tant est que les institutions chargées de le faire soient indépendantes. Politiquement et historiquement situés, ces textes n'en sont pas moins des textes flous pouvant être interprétés de manière différente selon les besoins et les périodes. La recherche menée fait ainsi apparaître une catégorie de réfugié qui se reconfigure avec les transformations de l'institution chargée de l'attribuer : celles du profil et des trajectoires sociales de ses agents, de leurs pratiques et des dispositifs organisationnels qui les encadrent, eux-mêmes articulés à des politiques publiques spécifiques... / This Ph.D. explores forty year of "manufacturing" of refugees by the French Office for Protection of Refugees and Stateless (OFPRA) since its creation in 1952, where it was a sort of consulate for refugees, until 1992 when its ends its reconfiguration as an administration for asylum seekers. It traces the career and the path of the category of refugee as a category of public intervention. During this period, the issue of asylum is indeed reformulated from the "problem" of refugees to the "problem of "asylum seekers", designating target destination categories towards which public action is directed. This thesis, which captures the refugee category from its use, shows that there is no "natural" refugee to whom asylum seekers correspond or not. It shows also that the Geneva Convention or the Law on the establishment of OFPRA cannot be considered as neutral texts that would be applicable in an objective manner as long as the institutions in charge are independent. Politically and historically situated, these texts are not less also blurred texts that can be interpreted differently depending on the needs and periods. The research thus shows that the category of refugee reconfigures itself with the transformation of the institution responsible for its award: those of the profile and social trajectories of its agents, their practices and the organizational arrangements that surround them, themselves articulated to specific public policies...

In this thesis, I sought to accomplish two things. First, the thesis is written in a reflexive and even an auto-ethnographic manner. It invites the reader to follow the ethnographer through the metamorphosis of the study, from the point of conception, through the ethnographic fieldwork to the interpretation and, finally, to the presentation of the result. Doing so was an attempt to give the reader a vivid understanding of the process of making an ethnographic text. The ambition with auto-ethnographic dimension is to unveil and problematize the condition for ethnographic fieldwork, as well as to add nuance to the stories of my informants. Second, the thesis strives to answer a simple question: why the UK? The genesis of the question finds its roots in the departure of my friend Kanan, and it was by tracing Kanan’s journey that I found myself in Calais. By focusing on a transit zone like Calais, I have aimed to depart from a dualist approach of migration theories that only focus on destination and origin countries as their analytical points of reference and to present the everyday experiences of exile and statelessness as a continuous journey. The conduit for examining the experiences of my informants will be Chris Dolan’s concept of social torture. Through the concept of social torture, Chris Dolan interlinks the exercise of everyday violence and abuse on a mass scale and torture by focussing on the impacts of such acts on the individual’s body and mind. By doing so, Dolan identifies debility, dependency, dread and disorientation as the four impacts to identify a victim of social torture. The daily life experiences of my informants in Calais were that of social torture.  In this regard, I seek to show how social torture was an apparatus used to force unwanted populations from the French territory and into the UK and other European countries.

Dans cette recherche, nous étudions la médiation entre acteurs politiques, administratifs et sociaux, pour la gestion des demandes d’asile. Nous analysons ensuite les jeux d’acteurs autour de la situation des demandeurs d’asile afghans en France, via la sociologie de la traduction.La théorie de la sociologie de la traduction nous donne un modèle explicatif de l’action, des problèmes d’organisation entre différents acteurs d’un secteur dans différentes situations. Basée sur cette théorie, notre recherche vise finalement à voir comment les acteurs des réseaux pour les demandeurs d’asile trouvent une convergence. Dans le réseau d’acteurs au sens de la sociologie de la traduction, après avoir démontré qu’il existe bien une médiation, nous en analysons la nature. Ensuite, notre recherche se développe sur la mise en relation entre les théories des représentations sociales (et interculturelles) et une enquête sociologique qui inclut des questionnaires, des entretiens et l’observation directe et participative pour mieux comprendre les enjeux communicationnels des acteurs de la demande d’asile en France, autour de la réforme depuis 2013 jusqu’à aujourd’hui. A la fin, nous analysons les enjeux communicationnels de la réforme d’asile grâce au concept d’espace public, puis nous convoquerons la théorie de la traduction pour trouver un modèle de convergence. Fort de ce cadre théorique, nous insisterons sur le rôle du ministère de l’intérieur : en tant que médiateur ou traducteur au sens de la sociologie de la traduction , celui-ci a pris en main la réforme du droit d’asile et a fait le lien entre les acteurs du réseau depuis 2013. / In this research, we study the mediation between political, administrative and social actors to manage asylums requests. Then we analyze the actions around the situation of the Afghan asylum seekers in France, via the sociology of translation.The theory of Sociology of translation gives us an explanatory model of action, problems of organization between different actors of a sector in different situations. Based on this theory, our research aims ultimately to see how actors of the networks for asylum seekers find a convergence.In the network of actors through the meaning of the sociology of translation, after demonstrating that there is a mediation, we analyze the nature. Then, our research develops on the networking between the theories of social representations (and intercultural) and a sociological survey that includes questionnaires, interviews and direct and participatory observation to understand communicational issues of actors in the context of asylum in France around reform since 2013 until today. Finally, we analyze the communication challenges of the reform of asylum through the concept of public space, then we call the theory of translation to find a convergence model. With this theoretical framework, we will emphasize the role of the Ministry of the Interior: as mediator or translator within the meaning of the sociology of translation, it took on reform of the law of asylum and made the connection between the actors of the network from 2013.

abstract: The asylum seeking process in the United States is arbitrary in nature, many aspects of which have been well documented. The legal process rests the burden of proof upon the asylum seeker to demonstrate he or she is truly fleeing persecution to a legal system where asylum seekers are not eligible for free representation. This contributes to a lower rate of success and an uncertain future, due to the limited or no access to employment, education, and health benefits, within the country in which they seek asylum. However, the academic literature pertaining to the repatriation process of the failed asylum seeker in the United States remains relatively unexplored. Consequently, the true failure rate remains unknown. This paper contends that genuine asylum seekers may fall through the cracks, unable to show evidence of their persecution. Thus, repatriations result in a dual victimization of the failed asylum seeker resulting in situations where a genuine case can be exposed to the very same dangers he or she fled in the first place. This is a grave violation of their human rights and the principle of Non-refoulement. Therefore, this paper argues the theory of the Marginalized Other in Human Rights Law (Simmons 2011) can be extended to the repatriations process of failed asylum seekers in the United States. Using secondary data and reports this thesis breaks down the repatriations process into three components in order to demonstrate how the failed asylum seeker is treated as a Marginalized Other during each point of contact. By addressing the victimization that occurs during the repatriations process this paper concludes the threat posed to the human rights of failed asylum seekers can be minimized. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Justice and Human Rights 2016

The Swedish debate surrounding the Swedish and European welcoming of refugees has during the last couple of years engaged actors from all spheres of society. One of the prominent actors in this debate has been archbishop Antje Jackelén who has contributed with articles on the issue together with members of the church board as well as the other bishops in the Church of Sweden. These articles have been published on the debate pages of four major newspapers; Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Expressen and Aftonbladet. The aim of this research is to study the way leaders in the Church of Sweden frame the welcoming of refugees and asylum seekers in these newspapers between 2014-2016. By using a qualitative frame analysis inspired by a theory of framing used in social movement research (Benford &amp; Snow, 2000) the study will focus primarily on motivational framing, i.e. the way in which authors set out to inspire their audience to take action in a certain issue. In three of the articles collective action frames are identified, in which collective identities are constructed and where the writers stress the importance for people to come together and act towards a more humane way of handling the refugee situation. Another aim of the essay is to study the way in which the Church of Sweden is presented as an actor within the frames used in the articles. The analysis shows how the church is presented as an experienced organisation, driven by the Christian faith to take action in the face of suffering. Finally, the result is analysed through the mediatisation of religion theory, using the concept of three media functions; conduit, environment and language (Hjarvard, 2016). The analysis shows how the newspapers, by publishing the articles, can be interpreted to function as both conduits and environments for the religious information and messages present in the texts. Concerning the third function, media as language, the debate articles are interpreted as living up to the criteria of news value despite the use of religious imagery and language. However, the method and empirical material of this study did not allow for any conclusions regarding how the logic of debate articles have been affecting the way in which leaders in the Church of Sweden debate the welcoming of refugees.

This thesis assesses the unintended consequences of the European Union’ asylum regime. The structure of the asylum regime arguably burdens the Member States along the external border with responsibility of humanitarian migrants seeking international protection more than Member States to the north. As a result, the Member States on the external border pursue security measures of migration control to deter migration from their borderlands, consequently creating human insecurity. The question this thesis seeks to answer is as follows: How has the EU’s asylum regime resulted in unintended consequences of human insecurity and ultimately become a catalyst for human rights infringements? By reviewing the dimensions of insecurity, migrant immobility and rightslessness, I answer this question by arguing that migrant insecurity is a common phenomenon within the EU asylum regime as there is a tendency to pursue security measures that prevent migrants from obtaining regularized status within his or her chosen Member State. In a time when the nexus between migration and security is a prominent feature in decision-making by state actors, reviewing measures of migration control is important to see the creation of insecurity. The thesis reviews the relevant concepts of the field, the make up of the asylum regime and how it consequently creates instances of insecurity and finally reviews Spain as a case study of Member States along the external border. / Graduate

Asylum seekers are a socially excluded migrant population, presenting specific healthcare needs, which are often not acknowledged, nor properly addressed by national and European laws. Hailing from areas with poor sanitary attention, exposed to violence during the journey, they arrive to Italy with a high health vulnerability. The aim of this thesis is to find the discrepancies between the legislation providing healthcare access to the asylum seekers, in compliance with the fundamental human rights, and the practical healthcare responses in the Italian context of the North African Emergency (2011-2013), relying on a systematic literature review. The emergency-driven responses to the asylum inflow resulted in a heterogeneous reception and healthcare assistance, as the Italian asylum legislation focuses more on asylum procedures than healthcare, which remains regionally fragmented too. Asylum seekers faced discrimination and barriers in accessing healthcare, mainly due to information, linguistic and bureaucratic difficulties. Therefore, NGOs and associations intervened locally to fill the gap left by the institutional response, with a better focus on the social determinants of health and the importance of social integration as well. After 2013, better reception conditions were formulated and the legislation revised. However, the difference between legislation and practice on the asylum seekers healthcare access constitutes a human rights violation still present nowadays. Clearer approaches should be developed to address the issue uniformly.

The article examines how the German city of Leipzig governs the housing of asylum seekers. Leipzig was a frontrunner in organizing the decentralized accommodation of asylum seekers when adopting its accommodation concept in 2012. This concept aimed at integrating asylum-seeking persons in the regular housing market at an early stage of arrival. However, since then, the city of Leipzig faces more and more challenges in implementing the concept. This is particularly due to the increasingly tight situation on the housing market while the number of people seeking protection increased and partly due to discriminating and xenophobic attitudes on the side of house owners and managers. Therefore, we argue that the so-called refugee crisis of 2015–2016 has to be seen in close interaction with a growing general housing shortage in Leipzig like in many other large European cities. Furthermore, we understand the municipal governing of housing as a contested field regarding its entanglement of diverse federal levels and policy scales, the diversity of stakeholders involved, and its dynamic change over the last years. We analyze this contested field set against the current context of arrival and dynamic urban growth on a local level. Based on empirical qualitative research that was conducted by us in 2016, Leipzig’s local specifics will be investigated under the umbrella of our conceptual framework of Governance of Arrival. The issues of a strained housing market and the integration of asylum seekers in it do not apply only to Leipzig, but shed light on similar developments in other European Cities.