Sweden, like Europe, has had an increased influx of people seeking asylum in recent years, instigating restrictive measures within the Swedish asylum regime. Simultaneously as the sustainability of settlement and housing policies for people seeking asylum has been the subject of large political debate, restrictive methods such as a minimum rights approach has been adopted, putting the Swedish asylum regime at the edge of the European Convention. In 2019, 25 years after its implementation, Sweden’s refugee reception system was amended. As of then, people seeking asylum who choose their own housing (EBO) in certain municipalities over assigned housing in accommodation facilities (ABO) are no longer entitled to state subsidies. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s discourse theory and Carol Bacchi’s policy analysis, What’s the Problem Represented to be, this thesis examines how the political discourse on refugee reception and EBO settlement has changed from the implementation of the LMA Act in 1994 to its amendment in 2019 by observing how the motifs of the implementation and amendment have been expressed, what underlying presumptions or assumptions such expressions hold, and what effects such discourse has. The study shows a discursive shift represented in the political discourse, portraying EBO settlement as contributing to societal degradation and in need of restrictions through reprisals. The main findings show that the discourse constructs an imagery of people seeking asylum as responsible for, and a threat to, Swedish welfare and societal structure. Moreover, the analysis displays a conceptualization of social sustainability as a matter of meeting the interest of the state, rather than the needs of the individual. In sum the study contributes in part to a deeper understanding of how political discourses shape the knowledge and conceptualization of people seeking asylum, the restrictive trajectory of Swedish asylum policy, and highlights the consequences of restrictive state bureaucracies for people seeking protection within Swedish borders.

Focused on procedural safeguards for asylum seekers contained within Dublin Regulation III (Articles 4 and 5), this thesis has the aim of understanding why Italian administrations are still not compliant with these rights, which are nevertheless guaranteed in directly applicable and immediately enforceable EU legislation. This study turns its attention to the enforcement obstacles, and explores the factors that might impede compliance with the law, some of which appeared less self-evident than others. Before proceeding to a technical on-the-ground analysis of the problem informed by expert interviews, the previously assumed argument of 'overburdened peripheral state' is first taken off the debate, since, as the thesis explains, due to recent policies, Italy has not been burdened during the last two years and yet has still been demonstrating lack of compliance. The results point to two clear distinct factors: a poor administration lacking staff, training and autonomy, as well as a lack of control and sanction from EU and National entities, and lack of litigation from below. Further results hinting at the potential existence of political interference in administrations' non-application of these articles have also been highlighted but not confirmed as those are in need of more thorough research....

With over 19,200 asylum seekers living on its premises, the Moria refugee camp is operating way over its capacity of 3000 residents. Due to the uncontrolled, rapid growth of the camp, the existing sanitation infrastructure has fallen into disrepair under excessive usage. While the old toilets and showers are breaking down and lacking maintenance, creating new facilities has been slow, resulting in hundreds of people sharing one latrine. In this thesis, I analyze whether Moria‟s sanitation services meet the Sphere minimum standards and propose improvements based on the sustainable settlements framework. I argue that Moria is midst a protracted crisis. This means that in addition to meeting the minimum standards, the camp needs sustainable settlement planning for the many years it still has ahead of it. As a method, I use integrative literature review. The thesis finds that Moria cannot meet any of the Sphere standards as people live in a degrading, dangerous and unhealthy environment. Women and disabled people face additional challenges when using the few latrines, which are far away and have long queues. There is a risk of SGBV for vulnerable groups. Wastewater from Moria used to pollute a local stream until the sewage system was connected to a waste-processing plant in 2019, which is the only positive aspect that was found in the literature. However, broken pipes still create significant problems inside the camp. Seeing that waste is a problem on the tightly-packed camp, it is important that when new toilets are built they process excreta safely while saving space. I have introduced sustainable sanitation solutions that turn excreta into soil improver and energy. These toilets have long life-spans and are optimized to save space. They solve the problem of pollution and ideally, enhance the independence of their users, as excreta is turned into safe-to-handle products. To ensure that the users accept the new technologies, their engagement in the planning of the services is essential.

The resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany since reunification in 1990 has been challenged by two peaks in asylum seeker applications in 1992 and again in 2016. From the 1992 peak, which was fueled by asylum seekers fleeing the former Yugoslavia, extensive research has already been conducted over the past thirty years. These studies have demonstrated the actual outcomes of these primarily Yugoslavian asylum seekers and refugees with these findings indicating legal and economic uncertainty having a detrimental effect even years after resettlement. Using Germany as a case study, this analysis aims to survey the available information in the more recent example of asylum seekers arriving in Germany from 2014 onwards primarily from the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Ultimately, successful resettlement equates to successful integration measures. The issues of policy legacy and learning as well as elements of the available support network for asylum seekers in housing, Integrationskurse (integration courses), and advice centers are examined to understand how each relates to successful integration and security for asylum seekers. The findings indicate that Germany has achieved successful resettlement and integration of asylum seekers through policy learning from the early 1990s onwards and a strong support network available for those seeking asylum, yet the exclusion of certain groups from integration measures unfairly leaves some behind. A continuous evaluation of these integration measures is necessary to ensure the successful resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany in anticipated future peaks in asylum seeker applications.

This study examines political engagement among Syrian students at the University of Jordan who are either refugees, asylum seekers or children of Jordanian mothers. By adopting Ekman and Amnå’s conceptualization of political participation and analysing 15 semi-structured interviews, I find that the Syrian students are both engaged in manifest and latent forms of political participation. The engagement is mostly canalised through individual activities rather than collective activities. Most importantly, the engagement is less common in domestic issues than non-domestic issues. When the students are engaged in domestic issues, it is mostly in latent forms of political participation and in private activities not risking revealing their opinions to the general public. Interestingly, I find that the students are interested in Jordan public affairs but that this interest is not transformed into political action aiming to affect Jordanian political decisions. The pattern of political participation in several ways corresponds with the students’ perceptions of risks. The Syrian students associate political engagement in Jordan with perceived risks such as being deported back to Syria or facing racism. Respondents expressed that they were not politically engaged because of the risks that it could entail and engagement in activities connected to Jordan public affairs seems to be perceived as more of a risk compared to being engaged in non-domestic issues. This seems to be particularly true for activities carried out in public. My findings are important as they shed light on political engagement in authoritarian contexts in the Global South and among marginalised non-citizens.

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There are five detention centers in Sweden (in swedish ”förvaret”), were asylum seekers and migrants are held in custody until the Migration Agency has completed their investigation and concluded who are allowed to remain in Sweden and who should return/sent back to their home countries. The detainees are taken into detention centers because the state and authorities are afraid that they will ”go under ground”. This study has been based on the primary empirical data provided by semi-structured interviews. These have then been analysed with a narrative methodology, and in interaction with relevant literature as secondary data. Seven staff members at the detention center in Flen have been interviewed. Erving Goffman´s theory about ”total institutions” and Michael Foucault´s theory about power and its exercise have been used as theoretical basis for the analysis. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the staff members in the detention center in Flen works, how the staff experience their duties and what opportunities there are available for the detainees. The following questions should be answered: (1) How does the staff work in the detention center and how does the interaction between the detainees and the staff look like? (2) How the detention center affects detainees health and what kind of care is available for detainees? (3) What do the staff consider of the criticisms against the detention centers? In summary, the empirical base shows that (1) the staff at the detention center (in Flen) have two different roles, first to help detainees who feel bad or are sick and also to persuade the detainees to cooperate and leave the country voluntarily. The interviewers stated that some of the detainees do not want any contact with the staff, while others are more open to it. (2) The main aim of the staff is to treat the detainees within the walls of the detention center, however, when the resources are insufficient. When more serious problems arise the detainees are offered care outside the detention center. (3) The interviewed staff members held the opinion that the criticism of the detention centers is wrong and unfair. Their conviction was that the lawmakers have decided that these detention centeras are needed and that they trust their decisions, detention centers are part of the asylum process, that the staff only trying fulfill their duties, detention centers are the result of the policy that people voted for in general elections.

Current literature has indicated a concern about standards of maternity care experienced by pregnant asylum seeking women. As the next generation of midwives, it would appear essential that students are educated in a way that prepares them to effectively care for pregnant asylum seekers. Consequently, this study examined the way in which midwifery students constructed a pregnant asylum seeker's health and social needs, the discourses that influenced their constructions and the implications of these findings for midwifery education. For the duration of year two of a pre-registration midwifery programme, eleven midwifery students participated in the study. Two focus group interviews using a problem based learning (PBL) scenario were conducted. In addition, three students were individually interviewed and two students' written reflections on practice were used to construct data. Following a critical discourse analysis, dominant discourses were identified which appeared to influence the way that pregnant asylum seekers were perceived. The findings suggested an underpinning discourse around the asylum seeker as different and of a criminal persuasion. In addition, managerial and medico-scientific discourses were identified, which appeared to influence how midwifery students approach their care of women in general, at the expense of a woman centred, midwifery perspective. The findings from this study were used to develop 'the pregnant woman within the global context' model for midwifery education and it is recommended that this be used in midwifery education, to facilitate the holistic assessment of pregnant asylum seekers' and other newly arrived migrants' health and social needs. / Became: Haith-Cooper, Melanie. Please search under Haith-Cooper for later articles.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how unaccompanied children have contributed to or affected Swedish society, and how society's reception has affected these children in 2015. This study investigates the situation of unaccompanied children in Sweden in 2015, a year marked by an increased flow of asylum seekers and concerns that came with receiving and integrating these children. The project aims to shed light on the complicated variations in reception of unaccompanied children as well as their impact and contribution on Swedish society. The study conducts interviews with unaccompanied children and representatives from Swedish society using qualitative semi-structured interviews.   The result showed that unaccompanied children in 2015 have influenced and contributed to Swedish society. By working, paying taxes and also participating in society's various social systems. It turned out that society has influenced the children both positively and negatively. Freedom affected them positively and authorities such as the Swedish Migration Agency have affected them negatively. Unaccompanied children have shown gratitude to Swedish society despite several shortcomings that existed since their arrival in 2015. The children had been given great opportunities for development such as education, freedom and a safe life.

[pt] Diversos processos nos últimos vinte e cinco anos vêm transformando o entendimento das fronteiras e da mobilidade internacional, com um número cada vez maior de pessoas que se deslocam e de fronteiras que se multiplicam para além dos limites territoriais de cada estado. Ao lado desses processos, que alteram a velocidade do movimento, criam novos caminhos para a circulação e oferecem novas formas de vigilância e bloqueio dos indivíduos, a interpretação das fronteiras começa a ser redefinida buscando dar conta desses novos processos, tanto para facilita-los quanto para proibi-los. Seguindo essas transformações no entendimento das fronteiras e com um histórico de constantes inovações nas políticas migratórias, a Austrália em 2013 adotou a Operation Sovereign Borders, uma operação que abarca diversas dessas transformações. A Operation Sovereign Borders criou e institucionalizou novas práticas de controle da imigração, sendo permeada por uma racionalidade específica do medo da invasão e apoiada em extensas e controversas inovações legislativas. O presente trabalho apresenta as diferentes transformações das fronteiras e suas interpretações, explorando para isso o caso australiano, seu campo de controle de imigração e fronteiras, os atores desse campo, sua legislação, racionalidade e práticas. / [en] Different processes in the last twenty-five years have transformed the understanding of borders and international mobility, with an increasing number of people on the move and borders that multiply beyond the territorial limits of the state. Alongside these processes that alter the speed of movement, create new pathways for circulation and offer new forms of surveillance and blocking of individuals, the interpretation of borders is being redefined seeking to account for these new processes, both to facilitate them and to prohibit them. Following these changes in the understanding of borders and with a history of constant innovations in immigration policies, Australia in 2013 adopted the Operation Sovereign Borders, an operation that encompasses several of these transformations in seeking greater control and by using more violence against asylum seekers. The Operation Sovereign Borders created and institutionalized new immigration control practices, being permeated by a specific rationality of the fear of invasion and supported by extensive and controversial legislative innovations. This dissertation presents the transformations of borders and their interpretations, exploring the Australian case, its field of migration and border control, the actors in this field, its legislative structure, its rationality and practices.