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This diploma thesis deals with the famous controversy concerning interpretation of the French Revolution between Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke. This controversy is put into context with English debate on the revolution, which commenced with Price´s sermon (On the Love of our Country, 1789). Burke responded with his work Reflections on the revolution in France to that and subsequently Paine reacted with a text Rights of Man, in which he expounded his philosophy of the rights of man. The focus concentrates in the diverse interpretation of the concept of human rights with both authors.

Alfred de Musset polémiste ? Le sujet a de quoi étonner quiconque connaît un tant soit peu l’oeuvre du poète, qui n’a cessé de revendiquer son indépendance à l’égard des partis et son refus d’être « pamphlétaire » ou d’endosser la posture hugolienne de « l’homme du siècle et de ses passions », ou quiconque s’en tient à l’image stéréotypée de « poète léger » et de citoyen indigne longtemps véhiculée par ses détracteurs et les manuels scolaires. Et pourtant, une bonne partie de son oeuvre, poésie, théâtre et prose, fait le procès de son époque, fustige les nouveaux dogmes et les clichés du siècle, et retrouve la tradition de la satire classique.La posture de retrait qu’adopte Musset à l’égard des écoles ennemies, néoclassiques et romantiques, est plus largement une posture polémique, et en même temps Musset opte là aussi pour l’écart : il polémique tout en niant polémiquer. Cette dimension agonistique apparaît particulièrement dans les OEuvres en prose de Musset, et notamment dans ses articles critiques et ses chroniques journalistiques, mais elle parcourt aussi, à la façon d’éclairs fugaces et incandescents, ses romans (La Confession d’un enfant du siècle est aussi condamnation du siècle), tandis que ses Nouvelles et ses Contes retrouvent les chemins de la satire classique.La présente étude se propose d’interroger les liens qui unissent, chez Musset, polémicité et généricité. Elle opte pour une approche stylistique de l’oeuvre, une oeuvre riche en formes et en genres dont l’analyse est inséparable de la prise en compte du contexte de leur production (la monarchie de Juillet et la « bataille romantique ») comme de celle du support journalistique qui les accueille : les Mélanges de littérature et de critique comptent des formes et des genres où Musset se fait écrivain journaliste malgré son aversion pour la presse. Musset retravaille ces formes et ces genres au gré des polémiques qu’il y insère, et réciproquement adapte les formes du polémique, le degré même de polémicité, au genre investi. Il refuse de se faire âpre polémiste mais recourt à divers procédés et intertextes propres aux registres polémique et satirique. Il polémique paradoxalement contre les polémiques et opte pour un éthos de « dandy bouffon », volontiers railleur et désinvolte, pariant sur la connivence avec le lecteur, et méfiant envers la violence du langage des formes polémiques contemporaines.Maître ironiste, habile à subvertir les genres de l’intérieur par une fictionnalisation des formes journalistiques et par la polémisation de genres a priori non polémiques, à réfuter les contre-discours aussi bien au moyen de la parodie et du pastiche qu’à celui d’une rhétorique subtile de réfutation, Musset laisse cependant entendre derrière la dérision une voix ambigüe, désenchantée et duelle, où l’énoncé s’en prend à l’énonciation au point de brouiller parfois la lisibilité de la polémique, dans une logique d’ironie « dix-neuvièmiste ». En définitive, le polémique mussétien s’attaque au « prêt à penser » de son époque, mais se retourne bien souvent aussi contre le Moi, cet « enfant du siècle », dans la logique d’une ironie romantique. / Alfred de Musset polemicist? The subject could surprise anyone who knows the slightest bit of the work of the poet, who has continued to assert his independence from the parties and his refusal to be a "pamphleteer" and to endorse the hugolian posture of “the man of the century and its passions”, or anyone who sticks with the stereotypical image of "light poet" and unworthy citizen long mediated by his detractors and scholar textbooks. And yet, a good part of his artwork, poetry, drama and prose, makes the trial of his era, denounces new dogmas and cliches of the century, and joins to the tradition of the classic satire. Withdrawal posture adopted by Musset against enemy schools, neoclassical and romantic’s one, is more widely a controversial posture, and at the same time Musset opts there also for the distance : he’s involved in controversy while denying argue. This agonistic dimension appears particularly in the prose works of Musset, and particularly in his critical articles and journalistic chronicles, but it crosses also, like lightning fleeting and glowing, his novels (The Confession of a child of the century is also a harsh condemnation of the century), while his Short-Stories and his Tales get back to the paths of the classic satire. The present study proposes to examine the links that bind, in Musset’s works, polemicity and genericity. It opts for a stylistic approach of the work, which is rich in forms and genres whose analysis is inseparable from taking account of the context of their production (the July monarchy and the "romantic battle") as of the journalistic media that welcomes them: Mixtures of literature and criticism are forms and genres where Musset turns out to be a “writer- journalist” despite his dislike of the press. Musset reworks these forms and these genres according to the polemics he inserts, and reciprocally adapts forms of the controversy, even the degree of polemicity, with the invested genre. He refuses to be bitter controversialist but uses various stylistic devices and intertexts specifics to polemical and satirical modes. He paradoxically attacks the controversies and opts for an ethos of "jester dandy", willingly mocking and flippant, betting on the connivance with the reader, and suspicious of the violence of the language of contemporary polemic’s forms.Master ironist, adept at subverting the genres from the inside by a fictionnalisation of journalistic forms and by the polemisation of a priori not polemical genres, to refute the counter-discourse as well through parody and pastiche as a subtle refutation’s rhetoric, Musset suggests however behind derision an ambiguous, disenchanted and dual voice, where the utterance lashes out against the enunciation to the extent of blurring sometimes the readability of the controversy, in a logic of "nineteenth’s" irony. As it emerges, Musset’s controversy tackles "ready to believe" of his time, but often also turns against himself, this “child of the century”, in the logic of a romantic irony.

O presente trabalho apresenta como propósito investigar a maneira pela qual os jornais O Estado de S.Paulo e Folha de S.Paulo fizeram a cobertura do Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos 3 no período de 21 de dezembro de 2009 a 21 de março de 2010. O PNDH- 3 reflete a compreensão que os Direitos Humanos abarcam desde o advento da Declaração Universal de 1948. Foi resultado da 11ª Conferência Nacional de Direitos Humanos, realizada em dezembro de 2008, tendo sido um processo democrático plural e aberto, tendo havido a presença da sociedade civil bem como também de diversos atores governamentais, no desempenho democrático caracterizado por tensões, divergências e disputas\", tal como foi especificado no seu prefácio. Das duas versões anteriores, foi o programa mais denso, polêmico, com maior número de proposições e o que causou maior alvoroço e desencadeou uma onde de protestos às vésperas da eleição presidencial de 2009. Compreendido em 521 ações programáticas, contempladas em seis eixos orientadores: interação democrática entre estado e sociedade civil; desenvolvimento e diretos humanos; universalizar os Direitos Humanos em um contexto de desigualdades; segurança pública; acesso à Justiça e combate à violência; educação e cultura em Direitos Humanos; e direito à memória e à verdade. Dentre os principais pontos polemizados e que receberam intensas críticas, sobretudo dos militares, da ala mais conservadora da Igreja Católica, do setor rural e das empresas, associações, órgãos, entidades de classe, patronais e de empregados da área de comunicações, destacam-se: a criação da Comissão da Verdade, a descriminalização do aborto, a união homoafetiva, o controle da mídia, a ostentação de símbolos religiosos em repartições públicas e a reforma agrária. Pontos estes oriundos das mesmas forças que intercederam favoravelmente e apoiaram o golpe militar de 1964. O trabalho está estruturado em quatro tópicos principais: Concepção de Direitos Humanos, Os Direitos Humanos no Brasil Contemporâneo, Os Enfrentamentos do PNDH-3 e Análise da Mídia. A partir dos resultados obtidos através desta presente investigação científica, pode-se afirmar que a defesa dos interesses corporativos da grande mídia a coloca em uma perspectiva de não proteger a totalidade dos Direitos Humanos, conduzindo-a a se vincular com dimensões políticas autoritárias. A grande mídia tem um papel muito negativo no avanço dos Direitos Humanos pela sua parcialidade e conservadorismo. Os órgãos de comunicação deveriam ter a responsabilidade de informar a população sobre a sua cidadania, os seus direitos, como fazer para promovê-los. Deveriam também deixar de promover estereótipos negativos de negros/negras, mulheres, homossexuais, indígenas (TOMAZ JR., 2008, n.p.). Urge montar uma estratégia de combate aos abusos consolidados no vasto setor de comunicação social. (...) Os princípios fundamentais são três: a República, a Democracia e o Estado de Direito. O essencial é preservar, sob controle do povo, o espaço público de comunicação de massa, e evitar cair nos desvios do estatismo e do privatismo (COMPARATO, 2010, p. 13), tal como é o que vigora atualmente. / The present essay aims to investigate the approach used by newspapers O Estado de S.Paulo and Folha de S.Paulo to discuss the National Human Rights Program 3 (PNDH-3) from December 21, 2009 to March 21, 2010. PNDH-3 reflects the understanding of the Human Rights since the creation of Universal Statement of 1948. It was the product of the 11th National Human Rights Conference, in 2008, after a plural and open democratic process relying on the civil society and several government people acting as a democracy marked by tension, differences and disputes, as provided in the preface. Compared to its two previous editions, it was more dense, controversial and full of suggestions, which caused buzz and a great wave of protests right before the presidential elections of 2009. It is divided into 521 programs placed within six guidelines: democratic interaction between State and civil society; development and Human Rights; making Human Rights related to inequality universal; public security; access to Justice and fight against violence; education and culture in Human Rights; the right to memory and truth. Among the most controversial items with several criticisms, especially from the military front, the most conservative part of the Church, agriculture and corporate (associations, organizations, class unions, employers and employees in communication) segments, are: the creation of the Truth Commission, legalization of abortion, gay marriage, media control, display of religious signs in public departments and land reform, all of which came from the same divisions supporting the 1964 Brazilian coup détat. The essay is arranged into four main topics: Conception of Human Rights, Human Rights in Contemporary Brazil, The Barriers of PNDH-3 and Media Analysis. Considering the results of this scientific investigation, one could state the defense of corporate interests of the great media puts it so as not to protect all Human Rights, leading it to associate to authoritarian political dimensions. The media has a very negative role in the progress of Human Rights due to its partiality and conservatism. The communication organizations should be liable to inform the population about citizenship, their rights and how to promote them. They should also stop promoting negative stereotypes assigned to black people/women, gays, indians (TOMAZ JR., 2008, n.p.). One must create a strategy to fight the abuse taking place in the social communication division. (...) There are three main principles: Republic, Democracy and the State. The most important thing is to keep the people controlling the public mass communication space and avoid the traps of the State and Private sectors (COMPARATO, 2010, p. 13), just as what happens nowadays.

Le De gratia noui Testamenti (= epistula 140), lettre-traité composée par l’évêque d’Hippone au début de l’année 412, présente la pensée d’Augustin sur les rapports entre grâce divine et liberté humaine d’une manière remarquablement synthétique – en raison de ses circonstances de rédaction tout d’abord, qui le placent à la croisée de polémiques très diverses, et de son originalité littéraire, qui le rattache simultanément à plusieurs genres. Cette thèse comporte trois parties. Nous proposons tout d’abord une introduction au traité, afin d’en présenter les principaux aspects – dont les problèmes historiques qu’il pose, les questions littéraires qu’il soulève et les aperçus qu’il offre sur la pensée d’Augustin. Nous en avons ensuite, à partir d’une étude de sa tradition manuscrite, établi l’édition (qui corrige celle du CSEL, datant du début du XXe siècle) et la traduction. Enfin, notre commentaire s’attache à éclairer les passages problématiques de la lettre, pour en dégager les principaux intérêts historiques, littéraires et théologiques. / The De gratia noui Testamenti (= epistula 140), which is both a treatise and a letter composed by the Bishop of Hippo Regius at the beginning of year 412, presents Augustine’s thoughts on the connections between divine grace and human freedom in a remarkably synthetic way, first because of the circumstances in which it was written, which place it at the junction of very different debates, and secondly because of its originality on a literary point of view, which links it to several genres. This thesis comprises three parts. First, we propose an introduction to the treatise, which presents its main aspects – among which, the historical problems it poses, the literary questions it raises and the insight it offers into Augustine’s way of thinking. Then we have established the edition (which corrects that of the CSEL, which dates from the beginning of the 20th century) and the translation from a study of its manuscript tradition. Finally, our commentary strives to enlighten the debatable passages of the epistle in order to highlight its main historical, literary and philosophical interests.

Sous un prisme réflexif, cette recherche vise l’appréhension d’un cadre conflictuel (une controverse ou un conflit), à partir de différentes angles de la construction scientifique d’un problème. Elle articule ainsi trois regards méthodologiques, l’ethnographie, la sociologie de la traduction et de l’analyse de discours, pour examiner les aspects techniques, politiques et communicationnels d'une discussion qui dura une dizaine d'années et qui engagea de centaines de scientifiques, experts, politiciens et profanes dans la production de connaissances. Le cas d’étude est le projet hydroélectrique HidroAysén. Il visait la construction de cinq méga-barrages dans la Patagonie chilienne et proposait de fournir un cinquième de toute la production nationale. Les jeux d'acteurs, leurs argumentations et la circulation discursive de leurs productions culturelles sont des problématiques qui s’intègrent à l’attention à l’autre dans un contexte conflictuel, imprégnant la recherche dans tous les niveaux étudiés : situations de communication dans le cadre des entretiens, logiques d’acteurs et analyse de textes médiatiques. / Through a reflexive perspective, this research looks to apprehend a conflictual frame (it may be a sociotechnical controversy or a communicational conflict), regarding different angles of a scientific construction’s problem. We articulate methodological elements from ethnography, translation sociology and discourse analysis to examine the technical, political and communicational aspects of a discussion that lasted for ten years and engaged hundredths of scientists, experts, politicians and lay people in the production of knowledge.Our case study is the hydro electrical project HidroAysén in Chilean Patagonia that proposed to install five mega-dams in this territory in order to produce one fifth of the national production of energy. We integrate the attention to the other in a conflictual frame to stakeholders, its argumentations and the discursive circulation of its cultural productions. Those problématiques impregnate the research in every studied level: communication situations in the interviews, stakeholder’s interactions and media text’s analyses.

Conçu comme une simple circonscription administrative, le département s'est institutionnalisé, il est devenu un cadre d'élection (politics), de structuration de la vie partisane (polity) et d'action publique (policy). Face au constat d'un département « mal connu », délaissé par la science politique, cette thèse propose un examen approfondi du département en tant qu'objet de luttes discursives et institutionnelles. La première partie dévoile l'état des discours autour du département. Trois focus historiques mettent au jour une structure répétitive des controverses révélée par une matrice argumentative (question de la « bonne échelle », des compétences ou encore de l'identité) et des spécificités (cadres prescriptifs). Cette perspective historique atteste les transformations tant de l'institution que de ses défenseurs. La cause départementaliste se recompose en permanence au gré des changements de la société et mutations politiques. La seconde partie dresse quant à elle l'état des forces, s'intéressant aux modes de mobilisation du lobby départementaliste. Ces modes évoluent, s'agrègent : influence sur la législation en cours par les conseillers généraux parlementaires, revues réformatrices, expertise, structure associative... Il s'est agi également de montrer comment les conseils généraux par leurs attributions structurent des intérêts. / Designed as a simple administrative constituency, the département has become institutionalised and has turned into a framework for elections (politics), the structuration of partisan activity (polity), and public action (policy). In view of the fact that the département is still relatively unknown, neglected by political science, this dissertation offers an in-depth examination of the département as an object of discursive and institutional conflicts. The first part shows the state of discourse concerning the département. Three items of historical focus highlight a repetitive structure in the controversies revealed by an argumentative matrix (the question of the "proper scale", competencies and questions of identity) and specificities (prescribed frameworks). This historical perspective pinpoints transformations in the institution itself as well as of its defenders. The "départementaliste" cause reconstructs itself as society changes and political mutations occur. The second part evaluates the state of its power structure, focusing on the modes of mobilisation of the "départementaliste" lobby. These modes evolve and aggregate: influence on legislation being debated and voted on by the general councillor members of Parliament, reform-oriented journals, expertise, association... It is also been shown how general councils, through their attributions, structure interests.

This thesis examines the ministry of John Fletcher (1729-85), vicar of Madeley, Shropshire (vic. 1760-85) as a case study on the Church of England and Methodism in the eighteenth century. Studies of Fletcher have tended to focus either on his contribution to Methodist theology or on his designation as Wesley's successor as the leader of the Methodists. The parish of Madeley has been, for the most part, peripheral to Fletcher studies. The present thesis, however, has aimed to examine Fletcher in his parochial context; to study both what the parish tells us about Fletcher, but also what Fletcher tells us about the parish, and more specifically, about the church in the eighteenth century in a local context. The main argument of this thesis is that Fletcher's ministry at Madeley was representative of a variation of a pro-Anglican Methodism--localized, centred upon the parish church, and rooted in the Doctrines and Liturgy of the Church of England. Three recent publications have provided a triad for understanding Fletcher: (1) in his industrial context; (2) in his theological context; and (3), in his relationship with leaders in the Evangelical Revival. This thesis has sought to examine a fourth component: Fletcher's work as an ordained clergyman of the Church of England, that is, in his ecclesial and ministerial context. The main body of the thesis focuses on two primary aspects of Fletcher's parish ministry: his stated duties and his diligence in carrying out other responsibilities and meeting other needs which arose, including addressing the various tensions which developed during his incumbency. Fletcher's background and his call to parochial ministry as well as the religious history of Madeley are outlined first (Chapter 1). There are three chapters which examine his performance of stated duties: worship services and preaching (Chapter 2); pastoral care andeducation (Chapter 5); and confrontation of erroneous doctrine (Chapter 6). Fletcher's ministry also included a scheme of church extension, represented primarily by his development of religious societies on which other aspects of his parochial duty built (Chapter 3). His evangelicalism and commitment to his parish simultaneously raised tensions between Fletcher and his parishioners (provoked by his 'enthusiasm' or zeal), and between Fletcher and John Wesley, whose variations of Methodism had similar aims, but different models of practice. A chapter is devoted specifically to these issues (Chapter 4).Fletcher's chapel meetings formed an auxiliary arm of the church, operating as outposts throughout his parish. His parishioners considered his ministerial model a 'Methodist' one even though it was not technically part of Wesley's Connexion (other than the fact that his itinerants were guests in the parish). In all, it is the conclusion of this thesis that Fletcher's pastoral ministry represents some of the best work of Anglicanism in the eighteenth century, demonstrating that despite the manifest challenges of industrializing society, residual dissent, and competition from the church's rivals, the Establishment was not incapable of competing in the religious marketplace.

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With the discourse analysis as framework, this study focuses on the ethos, the representation of the Other and the argumentation in the discourse of religious controversy of the protestant Philippe Duplessis-Mornay. The corpus, which consists of the prefaces of two editions of the Traité de l’eucharistie (1598 and 1604), was subject to a systematic survey of the personal pronouns je, nous, vous as well as references to Duplessis-Mornay’s direct opponents, in a diachronic perspective (the two editions have been compared). The analysis has shown the discursive strategies of Duplessis-Mornay, including a subtle management of the ethos and the relationship with the Other in order to convince the reader. The build-up of an ethos by an interposed author (frequent use of quotations), observed in the edition of 1598, has increased in that of 1604. This edition is also characterized by an ethos of justification which intends to invalidate an unfavourable prediscursive ethos resulting from adverse reactions to the first edition. The ethos of caritas and the authorial ethos are also very present in the discourse of the author in both editions. In his relation to the Other, Duplessis-Mornay uses a strategic approach, alternating nous inclusif and nous exclusif, and referring most often the notion of vous dans l’erreur to authors recognized by Catholics themselves, through quotations. Only direct opponents of the author are stigmatized by their representation in the third person. Duplessis-Mornay’s discourse, in both prefaces, is characterized by a diplomatic and persuasive attitude.