Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation explores the utility of using Complexity studies to improve our understanding of peacebuilding and the coherence dilemma, which is regarded as one of the most significant problems facing peacebuilding interventions. Peacebuilding is said to be complex, and this study investigates what this implies, and asks whether Complexity could be of use in improving our understanding of the assumed causal link between coherence, effectiveness and sustainability. Peacebuilding refers to all actions undertaken by the international community and local actors to consolidate the peace – to prevent a (re)lapse into violent conflict – in a given conflict-prone system. The nexus between development, governance, politics and security has become a central focus of the international effort to manage transitions, and peacebuilding is increasingly seen as the collective framework within which these diverse dimensions of conflict management can be brought together in one common framework. The coherence dilemma refers to the persistent gap between policy-level assumptions about the value and causal role of coherence in the effectiveness of peacebuilding and empirical evidence to the contrary from peacebuilding practice. The dissertation argues that the peacebuilding process is challenged by enduring and deep-rooted tensions and contradictions, and that there are thus inherent limits and constraints regarding the degree to which coherence can be achieved in any particular peacebuilding context. On the basis of the application of the general characteristics of Complexity to peacebuilding, the following three recommendations reflect the core findings of the study: (1) Peacebuilders need to concede that they cannot, from the outside, definitively analyse complex conflicts and design ‘solutions’ on behalf of a local society. Instead, they should facilitate inductive processes that assist knowledge to emerge from the local context, and such knowledge needs to be understood as provisional and subject to a continuous process of refinement and adaptation. (2) Peacebuilders have to recognise that self-sustainable peace is directly linked to, and influenced by, the extent to which a society has the capacity, and space, to selforganise. For peace consolidation to be self-sustainable, it has to be the result of a home-grown, bottom-up and context-specific process. (3) Peacebuilders need to acknowledge that they cannot defend the choices they make on the basis of pre-determined models or lessons learned elsewhere. The ethical implications of their choices have to be considered in the local context, and the effects of their interventions - intended and unintended - need to be continuously assessed against the lived-experience of the societies they are assisting. Peacebuilding should be guided by the principle that those who will have to live with the consequences should have the agency to make decisions about their own future. The art of peacebuilding lies in pursuing the appropriate balance between international support and home-grown solutions. The dissertation argues that the international community has, to date, failed to find this balance. As a result, peacebuilding has often contributed to the very societal weaknesses and fragilities that it was meant to resolve. On the basis of these insights, the dissertation concludes with a call for a significant re-balancing of the relationship between international influence and local agency, where the role of the external peacebuilder is limited to assisting, facilitating and stimulating the capacity of the local society to self-organise. The dissertation thus argues for reframing peacebuilding as something that must be essentially local. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die toepaslikheid van Kompleksiteitstudies om ons begrip van vredesbou en die dilemma van koherensie te verbeter, wat as een van die gewigtigste probleme vir die toetrede tot vredesbou beskou kan word. Vredesbou word as kompleks beskou en die implikasies van hierdie siening word in hierdie proefskrif ondersoek. Dienooreenkomstig word die vraag na die nut van Kompleksiteitstudies vir die verbetering van ons begrip van die veronderstelde kousale verband tussen koherensie, doeltreffendheid en volhoubaarheid aangespreek. Vredesbou verwys na alle handelinge wat deur die internasionale gemeenskap en plaaslike belanghebbendes onderneem word om vrede binne ʼn gegewe sisteem, wat neig na konflik, te konsolideer om sodoende ’n (her)verval in gewelddadige konflik te voorkom. Die aanknopingspunt tussen ontwikkeling, staatsbestuur, staatkunde en sekuriteit is tans die sentrale fokus van die internasionale poging om sodanige oorgange te beheer, en vredesbou word toenemend as ’n kollektiewe raamwerk beskou, waarbinne hierdie onderskeie dimensies van konflikbestuur in een gemeenskaplike raamwerk saamgebring kan word. Die koherensiedilemma verwys na die voortdurende gaping tussen beleidsvlakaannames ten opsigte van die waarde en kousale rol van koherensie vir die doeltreffendheid van vredesboupogings en empiriese data vanuit die vredesboupraktyk wat hierdie aanvaarde kousale verband weerspreek. Die proefskrif toon dat vredesboupogings uitgedaag word deur voortdurende en diepgewortelde spanninge en teenstrydighede, en dat daar dus inherente beperkings en stremmings is ten opsigte van die mate waartoe koherensie binne enige spesifieke vredesboukonteks moontlik is. Op grond van die toepassing van die algemene kenmerke van Kompleksiteitstudies op die vredesbouproses, weerspieël die volgende drie aanbevelings die kernbevindings van die studie: (1) Vredesbouers moet toegee dat hulle nie daartoe in staat is om komplekse konflikte van buite af bepalend te analiseer en ‘oplossings’ namens ’n plaaslike gemeenskap te ontwerp nie. Hulle behoort eerder induktiewe prosesse te fasiliteer om ondersteuning te bied sodat kennis uit die plaaslike konteks na vore kom, en sodanige kennis moet as voorlopig en onderhewig aan ’n voortdurende proses tot verfyning en aanpassing, verstaan word. (2) Vredesbouers moet besef dat die selfvolhoubaarheid van vrede direk verband hou met, en beïnvloed word deur, die mate waartoe ’n gemeenskap oor die vermoë tot en ruimte vir selforganisering beskik. Vir vredeskonsolidering om selfvolhoubaar te wees, moet die proses wat daartoe aanleiding gee inheems, van ‘onder-na-bo’ en konteks-spesifiek wees. (3) Vredesbouers moet aanvaar dat hulle nie die besluite wat hulle neem op grond van voorafbestaande modelle of lesse wat elders geleer is kan regverdig nie. Die etiese implikasies van hulle besluite moet in terme van die plaaslike konteks beoordeel word, en die effekte van hulle ingrepe – bepland en onbepland – moet voortdurend opgeweeg word teen die daaglikse ervaring van die samelewings wat bygestaan word. Vredesbehoupogings behoort gelei te word deur die beginsel dat diegene wat met die gevolge van die proses sal moet saamleef, die agentskap behoort te hê om besluite oor hulle eie toekoms te neem. Die kuns van vredesbou lê in die vasstel van ’n toepaslike balans tussen internasionale ondersteuning en inheemse oplossings. Die proefskrif se argument is dat die internasionale gemeenskap tot dusver daarin gefaal het om hierdie balans te vind. As gevolg hiervan het pogings tot vredesbou dikwels bygedra tot die presiese swakhede en broosheid in die gemeenskap wat dit veronderstel was om aan te spreek. Op grond van hierdie insigte sluit die proefskrif af met ’n beroep tot ’n betekenisvolle herbalansering van die verhouding tussen internasionale invloed en plaaslike agentskap, waarin die rol van die eksterne vredesbouer beperk moet word tot die ondersteuning, fasilitering en stimulering van die plaaslike gemeenskap se vermoë tot selforganisering. Die proefskrif bepleit dus dat vredesbou herontwerp word binne ’n essensieel plaaslike raamwerk.

The aim was to increase understanding of the ethical dilemma that assistant nurses in special accommodation for people with dementia experienc, how they handle them, and how they perceive and deal with emotional stress. We used a qualitative approach in form of semi-structured interviews and vignettes. Our selection were assistant nurses working in dementia care in southern Sweden. We found that ethical dilemmas in dementia care are many and affects different areas. The one thing they have in common was that at least two choices conflict with each other and none of them lead to any positive result for the residents. We have found three common categories for how the caregivers handle the dilemmas: attract and clamoring, white lies and the healthy. The caregivers experience and are influenced by ethical in different ways. But everyone finds it hard when plans don’t turn out the way they thought from the beginning. The assistant nurses found that external factors were most stressful because external factors are difficult to change. All the assistant nurses are affected, but in which way, and to what degree, depends on the individual. They handle the emotional stress in similar ways by taking a walk, taking a five minutes break or to consider the residents best interest. Our conclusion was that nurses deal on a daily basis with ethical dilemmas and that they experience a lot of stress because of them.

In the theory of open quantum systems, a quantum Markovian master equation, the Lindblad equation, reveals the most general form for the generators of a quantum dynamical semigroup. In this thesis, we present the derivation of the Lindblad equation and several examples of Lindblad equations with their analytic and numerical solutions. The graphs of the numerical solutions illuminate the dynamics and the stabilization as time increases. The corresponding von Neumann entropies are also presented as graphs. Moreover, to illustrate the difference between the dynamics of open and isolated systems, we prove two theorems about the conditions for stabilization of the solutions of the von Neumann equation which describes the dynamics of the density matrix of open quantum systems. It shows that the von Neumann equation is not satisfied for modelling dynamics in the cognitive contextin general. Instead, we use the Lindblad equation to model the mental dynamics of the players in the game of the 2-player prisoner’s dilemma to explain the irrational behaviors of the players. The stabilizing solution will lead the mental dynamics to an equilibrium state, which is regarded as the termination of the comparison process for a decision maker. The resulting pure strategy is selected probabilistically by performing a quantum measurement. We also discuss two important concepts, quantum decoherence and quantum Darwinism. Finally, we mention a classical Neural Network Master Equation introduced by Cowan and plan our further works on an analogous version for the quantum neural network by using the Lindblad equation.

The traditional lawn is believed to be facing a dilemma. On one hand, it is valuable for people because of its esthetical and functional values. On the other hand, the lawn is perceived as a monoculture without biological diversity that hinders the domestic landscape’s flora and fauna. In this graduation-thesis, the private and public lawn’s dilemma of “to be or not to be”, is examined from these two different perspectives. The following questions were formulated to answer this: 1) How did the lawn come into existence and what values has it had for people throughout the years? 2) What esthetical and functional values do public and private lawns have for people today? 3) Is it possible to identify a tendency that the lawn is on its way out?   A survey was used as the primary method to answer these questions, in addition to literature-studies. The survey was published between October 24 and 28, 2014, in the Facebook-group “KÖKSTRÄDGÅRDEN – Le Potager – The Kitchen Garden”. 158 respondents completed the entire survey.   This study shows that the lawn’s historical values have foremost been to function as expressions of power, as areas for sports, playing and recreation and as an esthetical factor. These values remain important today but additionally a tendency of people valuing a well-kept and environmentally-friendly lawn can be identified. It was not possible to identify tendencies that the lawn is on its way out. It was, however, possible to conclude that a redefinition of the lawn is possibly about to begin. / Den traditionella gräsmattan anses stå inför ett dilemma där den å ena sidan kan ses som värdefull för människan genom sin funktion och sina estetiska värden men å andra sidan kan ses som en monokultur utan biologisk mångfald som förskjuter det inhemska landskapets flora och fauna. I detta examensarbete undersöks den privata och den offentliga gräsmattans ”vara eller icke vara” utifrån dessa olika perspektiv. Följande frågeställningar är formulerade för att besvara detta: 1) Hur uppkom gräsmattan och vilka värden har den haft för människan genom åren? 2) Vilka estetiska och funktionella värden har offentliga och privata gräsmattor för människan idag? 3) Går det att identifiera en tendens att gräsmattan är på väg bort?   För att söka svar på detta användes främst en enkätundersökning som metod, men även studier av litteratur genomfördes. Enkätundersökningen utfördes den 24 oktober 2014 fram till den 28 oktober 2014 i facebookgruppen ”KÖKSTRÄDGÅRDEN - Le Potager - The Kitchen Garden”. 158 respondenter genomförde hela enkäten.    Denna studie visar att gräsmattans värden genom historien framförallt har varit att fungera som maktuttryck, som sport- och lekyta, som rekreation och som estetisk faktor. Än idag finns dessa värden kvar och är viktiga, men det syns även en tendens att det är viktigt med en välskött men miljövänlig gräsmatta. Det är inte möjligt att identifiera tendenser på att gräsmattan är på väg bort, däremot går det att se att en ny definition av gräsmattan är möjlig att växa fram.

A central paradox in neorealism is that the absence of world government is assumed to imply a dangerous security dilemma, and yet few realists have argued in favor of world government while great powers have historically resisted delegation of military force to supranational institutions. If international anarchy causes costly security competition and war, powerful states should have a strong incentive to unify and neorealist explanations for why states resist peaceful unification are either underdeveloped or implicit. This paper develops a rational choice realist model which suggests that anarchy is not a structural constraint which forces states to compete intensely for power, but a rational choice that state leaders make to avoid the costs of world government. The model assumes that state leaders face a delegation constraint which implies a tradeoff between eliminating the military burden necessary to deter attacks in anarchy, and abstain from world government to avoid forced redistribution of material resources pushed by poorer states or risk that the world government might turn tyrannical and coerce the subjects it has been mandated to protect. The paper uses deductive method to deduce actor preferences and illustrate the plausibility of the central predictions of the model. The model predicts that income equality, democratization, nationalism and military defensive advantage makes anarchy stable, a condition under which states have little reason to unify. On the other hand, high income inequality, lack of democratic accountability, territorial revisionism, and military offensive advantage make anarchy costly, but unification more difficult to achieve given the underlying conflicting preferences. Hence, states rather take the risk of fighting in hopes of eliminating future military competition than to agree on a world government where redistribution and cultural conflicts are likely to make wealthy great powers with modest population sizes worse off than they would be in anarchy. The paper concludes that anarchy is not a tragedy that makes world government impossible, but world government is a potential tragedy that makes anarchy rational.

In this thesis, I answer the gamer's dilemma or the inability to find a moral distinction between virtual pedophilia and virtual murder. I expand virtual pedophilia to virtual rape to address increasing rates of sexual harassment and assault in virtual reality. In this thesis, I 1) explain what occurs when one engages in virtual rape; 2) identify relevant moral differences between physical rape and virtual rape; 3) challenge the existing relationship between committing harm and wrong in the case of rape; and 4) argue that virtual rape is morally reprehensible due to the agent’s intention to utilize a person as a mere tool for pleasure.

Cooperating in the Prisoner's Dilemma is irrational and some supporting mechanism is needed to stabilize cooperation. Indirect reciprocity based on reputation is one such mechanism. Assessing an individual's reputation requires first-order information, i.e. knowledge about its previous behavior, as it is utilized under image scoring. But there seems to be an agreement that in order to successfully stabilize cooperation, higher-order information is necessary, i.e. knowledge of others' previous reputations. We show here that such a conclusion might have been premature. Tolerant scoring, a first-order assessment rule with built-in tolerance against single defections, can lead a society to stable cooperation. (author's abstract)

This paper argues that a State can reconstruct it’s own politics in such a way that allows for more reliance on conflict resolving international organizations and institutions and can reduce the need for military force and/or power politics. Accordingly, the complexities of the security dilemma can be reduced or eliminated. I utilize a single case study approach that analyzes the 2010 territorial conflict known as the ‘Isla Calero’ dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Using both an inductive approach and semistructured interviews, this paper analyzes how the dispute was settled without the use of power politics. It is argued that Costa Rica was able to halt the cycle of the security dilemma through their decision to demilitarize. Moreover, I argue that Costa Rica’s approach is relevant and applicable to other states and could contribute to successful conflict resolution between States without the use of power politics.

Europeiska Unionens arbete är mångsidigt, och innefattar även normativa delar. Principer om demokrati, rättssäkerhet och mänskliga rättigheter finns exempelvis fördragsstadgade i Artikel 2 i Lissabonfördraget. Trots EU:s normativa värderingar har vi de senaste åren sett hur situationer utvecklats i ett flertal medlemsländer där dessa värderingar på olika sätt kränkts, exempelvis i Ungern, Rumänien och Polen. Utvecklingen kan få stora konsekvenser dels inom unionen men också för EU:s legitimitet som en normativ internationell aktör. Det är oklart hur dessa situationer kan hanteras av EU, och problemet som uppkommit har kommit att kallas Köpenhamnsdilemmat. Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa den debatt som pågår kring Köpenhamnsdilemmat, genom att urskilja, beskriva och analysera debattens huvudståndpunkter och de argument som först fram.  Uppsatsen urskiljer 4 huvudståndpunkter i debatten: EU bör ej ingripa, EU bör ingripa genom juridiska institutioner, EU bör ingripa genom politiska institutioner, och EU bör ingripa genom oberoende institutioner. Ståndpunkterna och deras argument utkristalliseras och beskrivs genom en beskrivande idéanalys samt undersökts närmare i en jämförande analys.  Undersökningen har funnit att de tre ståndpunkter som anser att EU bör ingripa har en liknande problembeskrivning. EU anses först och främst ha en normativ sida, där principer om rättsäkerhet, demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter bör upprätthållas i samtliga medlemsländer. Aktörerna pekar dessutom ut en bristande efterlevnad av dessa principer, vilket anses vara ett problem för både EU och unionens medlemsländer. EU bör således ingripa när medlemsländer bryter mot principerna, men saknar idag effektiva mekanismer för att göra så. Aktörerna föreslår därför en rad olika lösningar, som utgör grunden för indelningen av de tre ståndpunkterna. Bland de aktörer som anser att EU inte bör ingripa återfanns ett flertal argument: att EU inte har mandat att intervenera, att ingripanden kränker medlemsländernas suveränitet, och att EU har hanterat processerna felaktigt då deras kritik är politiskt motiverad, debatten elitistisk eller anklagelserna orättvisa och felaktiga. Dessa aktörers lösningsförslag blir följaktligen att EU inte bör ingripa, antingen gällande samtliga eller enbart specifika situationer, när medlemsländer anses bryta mot principerna om rättsäkerhet, demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter. Den jämförande analysen fann att aktörernas lösningsförslag väl följer deras problembeskrivning. En bild av problemet som övergripande följs exempelvis av ett lösningsförslag bestående av en bred mekanism, medan en mer specifik bild av problemet återföljs av en snävare fokuserad mekanism. Analysen fann även att debattens aktörer vanligtvis har en antingen pragmatisk eller idealistisk utgångspunkt, och att deras problembeskrivning, argumentation och därmed även lösningsförslag påverkas av denna utgångspunkt.

Thesis (LL.M.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Law, 1998. / This thesis explores the democratic legitimacy of the power of judicial review. It discounts the countermajoritarian dilemma on the basis that constitutional democracy means more than majoritarianism, it entails judicial protection of other characteristics fundamental to democracy from invasion even by a majority government. Such characteristics include political processes and values which ensure the continuation of democratic rule. The Court may, however, be criticised if it exercises its power of judicial review in a manner which is undemocratic. I argue that the Court is obliged to exercise its power in a manner which respects the doctrine of separation of powers. In interpreting the Constitution, the Court is therefore obliged to show deference to Parliament by giving effect to the purpose of a constitutional provision. I conclude that the Court may only have recourse to the values which the legislature chose to include in the Constitution, except when the Court protects those political processes and values which ensure the survival of constitutional democracy.