Appalachia, itself a difficult to resolutely define region, has undergone the economic forces of colonialism and industrializing capitalism which allow for an excellent case study to apply Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. No American region’s national conception is likely to have been as varied and often misrepresented as that of Appalachia. From the Revolutionary American State’s invention of early white settlers as the virtuous yeoman of the Republic to the modern perception of Appalachia as backwards, conservative, and drug-addled, shifting national economic conditions resulted in a constant invention of Appalachia in congruence. Whenever the people residing in Appalachia, whether Black, white, or indigenous, either failed to represent or directly challenged the interests of empire or profit, ideas and perceptions of the region subsequently shifted accordingly. Utilizing secondary sources which have attempted to paint an overarching narrative of the region and primary sources recounting contemporary individuals’ views on said region’s people, the broad arc of cultural hegemony’s construction in Appalachia is traced in this thesis. From Thomas Jefferson’s invention of the virtuous and integral small land holding settlers in the region to Theodore Roosevelt’s shifting of national consciousness away from Appalachian settlers and into the proverbial international settler frontier, tracing the ideas of state leaders within the American Republic and profit-focused interests allows for a general timeline of social invention to be traced. The constructed timeline insinuates that one thing remained certain throughout Appalachian history: constantly changing perceptions of the region almost directly followed changing economic and political agendas. Further, after an exploration of how Black and white Appalachians indeed presented a counter-hegemonic movement necessarily connected with the rest of the nation in the form of the Mine Wars, Appalachia as a proverbial helpless region apart is argued to be ultimately a false conception. In response to this conclusion, a responsibility arises for those with the power of narrative and cultural production. Meaning, as academics or scholars, those Antonio Gramsci deemed the intellectual base of any given economic class, conscious counter-narrative production steeped in consciousness of exploitation and class antagonisms becomes objectively necessary. In fact, this work concludes, without an intellectual counter to dominant minority economic interests, social invention of often exploited regions will and do continue unabashed and unopposed.

No description available.

This study examines the decision-making processes of residents in Turkey’s urban regeneration projects employing a single case study, namely, Çorum’s Kale neighbourhood. Çorum is a city with 250,000 inhabitants located in Black Sea Region. The aim is to uncover the factors influencing residents’ acceptance or rejection of urban regeneration and the role of the Turkish government in shaping their decisions. The thesis utilizes a Gramscian theoretical framework and mainly focuses on the fluid relationship between consent and coercion (Fusaro et al., 2017). Methods used in this research include reviewing relevant project documents and newspapers, various types of interviews including semi-structured, go-along and expert interviews, field observations, and photographic documentation of the neighbourhood, along with Tillmann-Healy’s (2003) “Friendship as method” approach capitalizing on the trust between neighbours and the researcher’s grandmother who resides in the investigated urban regeneration site. The literature reveals that the main factors shaping residents’ decisions both globally and in Turkey are the extent of resident participation in these initiatives, the presence of neoliberal authoritarian governance, residents’ socioeconomic positioning, cultural identity, tenure status, informal land ownership and perception of benefits like expanded infrastructure along with enhanced living standards, as well as their fears of forced eviction and displacement. On top of these factors, in Turkey, residents’ decisions are also shaped by fear of expropriation, religious and ethnic disparities, varying laws with different powers and the combination of neoliberal authoritarian governance with Islam. The empirical findings of this thesis suggest that the central issues causing Kale neighbourhood’s residents to reject urban regeneration are the absence of economic advantages provided by the government, which involves undervaluing their existing properties, reselling newly constructed relatively smaller units with higher prices and indebting them with substantial mortgages for extended periods. All in all, this thesis finds that residents’ decision-making process is multifaceted, involving a complex interplay of diverse factors that often affect them concurrently, underscoring the necessity for a holistic examination of their motivations. The thesis contributes to the existing literature by presenting a nuanced analysis of decision-making regarding urban regeneration in a highly polarized and contentious context. Furthermore, it adds to existing studies by presenting research on understudied, peripheral geography in Turkey, offering valuable insights into urban regeneration processes outside of the urban centers.

In this study, I critically analyse two grassroots organisations in rural Aragón (Spain) that oppose renewable energy projects proposed for their communities. Named after their respective regions, the groups La Fueva no se Vende and La Ribagorza no se Vende demand that those in power consider the impacts on rural communities, the natural environment and tourism before installing solar farms. The groups argue that the green projects focus too much on creating profit for a few large companies, rather than creating truly sustainable systems. Through semi-structured group interviews, I examine the motivations for their resistance processes, the challenges they face, and how they used communication and community engagement practices to overcome them. The findings are then analysed with a mainly Gramscian framework to advance the understanding of rural development issues in the green energy transition.

A pesquisa: \"Conselhos Tutelares e Escolas Públicas de São Paulo: O diálogo preciso teve por objetivo ampliar o debate entre as escolas públicas e os 35 Conselhos Tutelares implantados na cidade da São Paulo, conforme os preceitos do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA (Lei Federal 8069/90). Ao investigar as requisições que as escolas demandaram aos CTs de suas regiões, entre 2001 e 2006, procuramos analisar a resistência das escolas à legislação do ECA. Por que as escolas teriam somente uma relação burocrática com o CT e não seriam instituições parceiras na garantia dos direitos infanto-juvenis? Entre os nossos pressupostos e convicções, a construção histórica da escola pública brasileira concebida no ideário liberal traduziria em parte a resistência à universalização do ECA, pois o discurso liberal meritocrático defende direitos apenas para os que se esforçam e que cumprem com os seus deveres, portanto, merecedores dos direitos. Outro fator preponderante à recusa da vivência do ECA no cotidiano escolar seria a perpetuação de um modelo autoritário da gestão escolar, no qual, o exercício do poder ainda está centralizado na figura do diretor(a) da escola, o que dificulta a participação da comunidade no interior da escola, bem como, a possibilidade de ação de um agente externo, como o conselheiro tutelar. Nossa pesquisa tem por referencial teórico o pesquisador Antonio Gramsci, o que significa compreender os conselheiros tutelares enquanto intelectuais orgânicos da classe trabalhadora que pressionam o Estado à universalização dos direitos sociais, bem como compreender os Conselhos Tutelares e as escolas públicas enquanto espaços públicos com potencial transformador mediante o fortalecimento da democracia participativa no interior de tais órgãos. O diálogo preciso entre os organismos que compõe da Rede de Proteção Integral dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes significa consensuar o ECA como orientação mestra para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e democrática. / The research: \"Protective Councils and Public Schools of São Paulo: The precise dialogue! Had as its goal objective the analysis of the correspondences dynamics between public schools and the thirty-five Protective Councils inserted in São Paulo City, according to the rules of \"ECA - Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente\"[Infant and Juvenile Statute - Federal Law no. 8069/90]. The project emphasis lies over the contradiction between the new law\'s radicalism and the total complete protection Doctrine, besides the scholastic quotidian which still shares on the irregular situation Doctrine. The present study comprehended the investigation of the performance of the protective councils on the scope of requirements made by schools from 2001 to 2006. As well, the vision of teachers of 10 public schools in São Paulo City concerning to the performance of the protective counselors. Through the protective councils\' documents analysis questionnaires and interviews, we shall point questions that either make easy or make difficult the relations between public schools and the protective councils. This research has as its theorical system of references the researcher Antonio Gramsci; this, both protective councils and public schools were defended considered as public spaces of transforming potential over the strengthening of participative democracy inside these entities.

This thesis is an examination of the influence and impact of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland, post 1968, on the practice of Irish history, on southern Irish broadcast media and on the southern Irish modernisation process. I will examine the uneasy and contested transition in systems of hegemony in a society where the state is not coterminous with perceptions of nationhood, where society is anxiously suspended between conservation of its existence and popular nationalist aspirations, where southern economic dependency interacted uneasily with northern political instability and sectarianism. The thesis examines the ‘Ulsterisation’ of the War of Independence by some historians and its aftermath as an ideological project. It pays particular attention, using the case-study method, to the imposition of a sectarian character on republican forces during the war of independence by the highly influential Newfoundland historian Peter Hart, and will explain why this research is ideologically problematic within Irish historiography. I will link this to (in a second case-study) the project undertaken in the early 1970s by Irish government minister (also an academic historian and political scientist) Conor Cruise O’Brien to undermine and eradicate from popular awareness secular anti-imperialist aspects of Irish nationalist consciousness, primarily through, in case-study three, the imposition of broadcasting censorship and support for repression. I question O’Brien’s positing of a ‘Catholic nationalism’ as an overarching basis for Irish statehood by, in case-study four, an examination the largely unexplored socio-economic position of Protestants in southern Ireland and the forms of social control imposed on and within that community. The thesis examines how official reaction to the conflict combined repression and broadcasting censorship during the 1970s to revise popular perceptions of Irish history and Irish society. Control of understanding of the present was combined with attempts to take control of perceptions of the past, in order to circumscribe the parameters of what is feasible in the present, so as to preserve the socio-economic status quo. It specifically explores the impact of the post 1968 Northern Ireland conflict on: • The attempt by proponents of Irish revisionist historiography to portray Irish resistance to British rule as ‘Catholic nationalism’ and as a mirror image generally of Ulster unionist sectarianism; in the context of • The simultaneous transformational change of economic direction in the southern Irish economy and society, which imparted to this project increased impetus, opportunity and political scope.

A pesquisa: \"Conselhos Tutelares e Escolas Públicas de São Paulo: O diálogo preciso teve por objetivo ampliar o debate entre as escolas públicas e os 35 Conselhos Tutelares implantados na cidade da São Paulo, conforme os preceitos do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA (Lei Federal 8069/90). Ao investigar as requisições que as escolas demandaram aos CTs de suas regiões, entre 2001 e 2006, procuramos analisar a resistência das escolas à legislação do ECA. Por que as escolas teriam somente uma relação burocrática com o CT e não seriam instituições parceiras na garantia dos direitos infanto-juvenis? Entre os nossos pressupostos e convicções, a construção histórica da escola pública brasileira concebida no ideário liberal traduziria em parte a resistência à universalização do ECA, pois o discurso liberal meritocrático defende direitos apenas para os que se esforçam e que cumprem com os seus deveres, portanto, merecedores dos direitos. Outro fator preponderante à recusa da vivência do ECA no cotidiano escolar seria a perpetuação de um modelo autoritário da gestão escolar, no qual, o exercício do poder ainda está centralizado na figura do diretor(a) da escola, o que dificulta a participação da comunidade no interior da escola, bem como, a possibilidade de ação de um agente externo, como o conselheiro tutelar. Nossa pesquisa tem por referencial teórico o pesquisador Antonio Gramsci, o que significa compreender os conselheiros tutelares enquanto intelectuais orgânicos da classe trabalhadora que pressionam o Estado à universalização dos direitos sociais, bem como compreender os Conselhos Tutelares e as escolas públicas enquanto espaços públicos com potencial transformador mediante o fortalecimento da democracia participativa no interior de tais órgãos. O diálogo preciso entre os organismos que compõe da Rede de Proteção Integral dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes significa consensuar o ECA como orientação mestra para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e democrática. / The research: \"Protective Councils and Public Schools of São Paulo: The precise dialogue! Had as its goal objective the analysis of the correspondences dynamics between public schools and the thirty-five Protective Councils inserted in São Paulo City, according to the rules of \"ECA - Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente\"[Infant and Juvenile Statute - Federal Law no. 8069/90]. The project emphasis lies over the contradiction between the new law\'s radicalism and the total complete protection Doctrine, besides the scholastic quotidian which still shares on the irregular situation Doctrine. The present study comprehended the investigation of the performance of the protective councils on the scope of requirements made by schools from 2001 to 2006. As well, the vision of teachers of 10 public schools in São Paulo City concerning to the performance of the protective counselors. Through the protective councils\' documents analysis questionnaires and interviews, we shall point questions that either make easy or make difficult the relations between public schools and the protective councils. This research has as its theorical system of references the researcher Antonio Gramsci; this, both protective councils and public schools were defended considered as public spaces of transforming potential over the strengthening of participative democracy inside these entities.

流行音樂是當代流行文化中的重要環節，因為它不只提供了娛樂，更提供了青少年對世界的看法。更重要的是，流行音樂可說是二十世紀中最主要關心性慾和性別問題的文化類型，也因此，它對人們性別意識的型塑有重大影響。所以，對流行音樂進行性別意涵的檢視實是當前必要的課題。眾所皆知，流行音樂是以營利為目的。為了吸引最多的聽眾，流行音樂就必需以社會中最廣被接受的意識型態來構築它的音樂語言，而在父權社會中，性別關係的支配實為最普遍的意識型態，其透過種種意識型態機器的運作，以企圖達到將男性利益接合成為代表全人類普遍利益之目的，而維持父權社會的繼續運作。不過，父權意識型態並非能全然掌控社會中的各種文化實踐，流行音樂的性別意涵其實是多義的，如果我們能介入當前對流行音樂性別意涵的詮釋，指出它接合或解合何種性別迷思，以開啟流行音樂性別意涵的抗爭空間，則將會對流行音樂未來所表徵的性別意涵產生影響，那營造更公平性別關係的流行音樂未來將不是夢。因此，本研究希望透過對當前台灣流行音樂的性別意涵分析，能介入台灣流行音樂的性別意涵抗爭，以鬆動、拉大流行音樂的性別意涵變調程度。本研究以符號學進行流行音樂的文本分析，以彌補實證主義典範下的歌詞內容分析之缺失。研究發現，台灣當前的流行音樂，多接合父權意識型態下的性別迷思，但這不代表流行音樂即是被圈限於父權意識型態之下而無法逃逸，在接合父權迷思的同時，流行音樂也提供了解合父權迷思的可能性，而對男性霸權提出質疑，不過，這些質疑仍有其限制，我們唯有持續的對流行音樂提出解析，並加強對流行音樂的生態與聽眾的了解，才能更進一步的奏出流行音樂的性別意涵變奏曲。

« Les hommes font leur propre histoire, mais ils ne la font pas arbitrairement, ils la font dans des conditions héritées du passé. » Il y a près de deux siècles, c'est la conviction qu'exprimait Marx en prenant part à l'organisation politique des travailleurs de son époque. Le développement capitaliste avait alors engendré la séparation d'une sphère d'exploitation économique distincte de l'État, celle de la société civile. Aujourd'hui, les approches sociologiques sont nombreuses à célébrer l'accroissement de la participation des acteurs de cette sphère à l'élaboration de la politique internationale. Peu réussissent toutefois à lever le flou théorique qui persiste dans la littérature quant à la nature de leur pouvoir. Notre mémoire a pour objectif de contribuer à dissiper ce flou en prenant pour objet les discours prononcés par les directeurs généraux de l'UNESCO devant la Conférence internationale des ONG au cours des trente dernières années. L'analyse de ces discours sera l'occasion d'éclairer d'un nouvel angle le rôle qu'a joué cette organisation à vocation culturelle dans la mise en oeuvre des politiques néolibérales à l'échelle planétaire. La démarche utilisée combine de manière originale le cadre théorique développé au début du siècle passé par le théoricien italien Antonio Gramsci avec la méthode d'analyse du discours politique assistée par ordinateur développée par les sociologues québécois Gilles Bourque et Jules Duchastel. Insistant sur le fait que, dans les sociétés modernes, les luttes sociales reposent davantage sur l'affrontement de différentes visions du monde que sur l'usage de la force, l'analyse du discours livrée dans notre mémoire se conclut en relevant une transformation majeure du discours de l'UNESCO dans les dernières décennies. L'UNESCO demandait auparavant l'aide des représentants de la société civile pour défendre l'ordre mondial providentialiste. Il les enjoint aujourd'hui à ne pas remettre en cause l'ordre néolibéral qui a succédé à l'ordre providentialiste. Tel est le prix demandé aux éléments modérés de la société civile en échange de leur participation à la gouvernance mondiale. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Discours politique, Gouvernance mondiale, Gramsci, Hégémonie, Néolibéralisme, Organisations internationales, Providentialisme, Société civile, UNESCO.

Desde abril 2011 miles de estudiantes chilenos han salido a las calles para protestar contra el actual sistema educacional que se basa en las reformas neoliberales de Pinochet. Los estudiantes están luchando por una educación gratuita, estatal y de calidad para todos. El objetivo es entender mejor las causas de las protestas y analizar los discursos de los dos lados oponentes de la sociedad chilena, el del gobierno y el que apoya a la causa estudiantil. La primera pregunta de investigación pretende encontrar las principales razones y motivos de la movilización de los estudiantes. Se trata de entender cómo las políticas neoliberales del gobierno militar de Pinochet han afectado el actual sistema educativo. Existen principalmente dos posiciones diferentes al respecto del tema educacional en Chile, uno promueve la privatización, otro reclama por la estatización del sistema educativo. En relación con esto, la segunda pregunta investiga cómo los discursos dominantes del gobierno y los discursos alternativos que respaldan el movimiento estudiantil perciben al conflicto y a la sociedad. Los discursos son encontrados en material recogido en tres periódicos chilenos entre septiembre y diciembre 2011. Mediante la teoría del análisis del discurso de Laclau y Mouffe se analiza si el movimiento puede ser entendido como un intento de construir un discurso hegemónico alternativo. En las conclusiones se afirma que los discursos alternativos están desafiando los discursos hegemónicos del gobierno, dado que están creando una contra-hegemonía ya que han desarrollado demandas que reflejan una visión de la sociedad distinta a la visión hegemónica neoliberal.