Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:38:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_11633_Versão Final Dissertação de Mestrado 12 abril 2018.pdf: 1624535 bytes, checksum: 253598453ceda468bebfb369f560e72b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-21 / O Movimento Estudantil (ME) é um ator social de grande importância no debate de políticas públicas de transporte. Com esta visão, este trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa qualitativa que teve por objetivo compreender os movimentos orgânicos e reivindicatórios dos estudantes enquanto atores sociais no processo de formação de políticas públicas de transporte na Região Metropolitana da Grande Vitória (RMGV), por meio da utilização de estratégias políticas. Para embasar teoricamente esta pesquisa são apresentados conceitos sobre formação de políticas públicas, participação social, recursos de poder e estratégias políticas. De maneira a compreender a evolução das bandeiras do ME e identificar suas estratégias políticas, procedeu-se a coleta e tratamento dos dados primários e secundários. A coleta de dados primários se deu por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas e secundários por pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, que buscou elucidar o problema proposto sobre como se dá a utilização das estratégias políticas pelo ME na formação de políticas públicas de transporte na RMGV. Após as análises, são identificados os momentos de crise ocorridos em 2011, 2013 e 2015 que serviram de pano de fundo a atuação do ME. Em relação aos atores sociais envolvidos em políticas públicas de transporte na RMGV, foram identificados e analisados seus recursos de poder e suas estratégias políticas. Verificou-se que o movimento estudantil utiliza-se principalmente de estratégias conflitivas, e que seus objetivos nem sempre são alcançados. Portanto, a partir da perspectiva da linha de pesquisa em Gestão de Operações no Setor Público, que busca compreender a importância da qualidade nas operações de serviços e estuda a importância do planejamento no setor público por meio de elaboração de projetos, foram apresentadas, como produto final deste trabalho, proposições que visam indicar ao ME formas alternativas de acesso aos recursos de poder e uso de estratégias políticas para empoderamento dos estudantes enquanto atores sociais e melhor efetividade na formação de políticas públicas de transporte na RMGV. Palavras chave: Políticas Públicas. Movimento Estudantil. Recursos de Poder. Estratégias Políticas.

Esta pesquisa pretende ser um estudo em psicologia social sobre os caminhos e perspectivas de militância de estudantes do Instituto de Psicologia da Universidade de São Paulo. A entrevista aberta com um roteiro norteador foi utilizada como método de pesquisa. Dois estudantes de graduação do Instituto de Psicologia da USP envolvidos de maneira profunda com algum tipo de militância estudantil foram entrevistados. O tema central destas entrevistas foi a militância e engajamento estudantil. A partir deste grande tema e de algumas perguntas norteadoras referentes à militância estudantil os entrevistados foram convidados a contar o percurso de envolvimento na militância estudantil. Os assuntos abordados pelos entrevistados foram divididos em três grandes eixos: Os caminhos: Onde relatam os fatos, memórias e lembranças pertinentes ao engajamento político que desembocaram na militância estudantil. A atuação: Contam aqui os caminhos percorridos na própria militância. Futuro e reflexões: Onde discorrem sobre a perspectiva de futuro para eles mesmos no movimento estudantil e na política em geral e trazem pensamentos e reflexões sobre a militância. A análise teórica dos relatos centra-se em acompanhar o percurso contado pelos militantes dentro de duas grandes perspectivas. A da memória e o do devir. A partir delas tentaremos mostrar as transformações de identidade dos entrevistados ao longo do caminho e as transformações conquistadas no espaço coletivo. Este estudo pretende contribuir para a reflexão da militância estudantil / This research intends to be a study in social psychology on the paths and perspectives of student militancy of the Institute of Psychology of the University of São Paulo. The open interview with a guiding script was used as a research method. Two undergraduate students from the Institute of Psychology at USP deeply involved in some kind of student activism were interviewed. The central theme of these interviews was militancy and student engagement. From this great theme and some guiding questions regarding student militancy, the interviewees were invited to tell the story of involvement in student militancy. The subjects addressed by the interviewees were divided into three main axes: The paths: Where they report the facts, memories and memories pertinent to the political engagement that led to student militancy. The performance: They count here the paths covered in the own militancy. Future and reflections: Where they discuss the perspective of the future for themselves in the student movement and politics in general and bring thoughts and reflections on militancy. The theoretical analysis of the reports focuses on following the path counted by the militants within two great perspectives. The perspectives of memory and of becoming. From these we will try to show the identity transformations of the interviewees along the way and the transformations conquered in the collective space. This study aims to contribute to the reflection of student militancy

After the Cold War and fall of Communism in the East bloc, a dramatic transformation took place in world geopolitics known as the third wave of democratization. From the 1970s to the 1990s, third wave democracies became a foil to military dictatorships and Marxist-style juntas throughout the Third World (see Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave, 1991 and Larry Diamond et. al, Consolidating the Third Wave Democracies, 1997). The process of democratization in Africa seemed to have attained significant levels by the mid 1990s but the same could not be said for the turn of the twenty first century. What went wrong? The process of transition from military dictatorships to constitutional rule was fraught with problems. A perennial problem was the abuse of electoral systems which provided legitimate ways to political participation. Authoritarian governments in Kenya, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Togo and Zimbabwe used multiparty elections to legitimize and entrench their rules. Incumbents brazenly rigged elections and derailed Africa's fragile democratic experiment and return to constitutional rule. Democracy in Africa, nevertheless, was not a lost cause. The successful transition to democracy in Ghana is worth studying because it provided a test case of hope and resilience on the part of citizens who wanted to exercise their rights to political participation and governance. I argue that it is important to shift emphasis from electoral systems to associational life and broad-based political participation because this is how democracy is going to be sustained in Africa. To put an end to contested elections and perennial military intervention, broad-based local solutions were sought in Ghana in the period of political opening. The revival of associational life and broad-based political participation, and an emphasis on civil society from the late 1970s to the early 1990s became the founding stone of Ghana's Fourth Republic. The art of association and the assumed freedom it comes with is one of the founding tenets of liberal and democratic societies, and nowhere is this statement more relevant than in Ghana. Ghana's democratic Fourth Republic is the foster child of Ghana's civil society organs and social forces. In Ghana, civil associations such as the National Union of Ghana Students (NUGS), the Ghana Bar Association (GBA), the Movement for Freedom and Justice (MFJ), Christian Council of Ghana (CCG), and the Catholic Bishops' Conference (CBC) generated social movements which were critical to the success of Ghana's democratic experiment. Despite the fact that the political and social activities of the National Union of Ghana Students were crucial and complimentary to the making of Ghana's Fourth Republic, no extensive study has addressed this blatant omission. Sakyi Amoa is the only scholar who has done some substantive work on student movements in Ghana ("Ghanaian University Students," 1969; University Students' Political Action in Ghana, 1979). However, his work did not explore the relations between civil society, social movements, and student movements, and their roles in the making of Ghana's Fourth Republic. This study has a double-edged purpose: to explore and define the place of civil society and social movements in Ghana's democratic experiment; and to point out the importance of the often neglected student movements in making the democratic experiment successful. This dissertation is not just a study of student organizations and their political and social activities, but it is also an analysis of the social forces in Ghana's civil society which agitated for social change and democratization. From the Ghanaian context, I argue that African states embarking on democratization need a functioning and independent civil society which would ensure that at the time of political opening and transition to democracy, the rules of political competition are agreed upon and constitutionally implemented. Also I argue that student movements, along with other social movements, are important to the functioning and independence of civil society. Despite the apparent lack of political maturity by student movements, the student movement in Ghana did perform its functional role in conjunction with other social actors to support Ghana's democratic experiment from the late 1970s to the early 1990s.

132f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-17T17:30:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cesar Carneiroseg.pdf: 732259 bytes, checksum: e36cc86495f8401f5190a9da976f4a9e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-26T11:08:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cesar Carneiroseg.pdf: 732259 bytes, checksum: e36cc86495f8401f5190a9da976f4a9e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-26T11:08:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cesar Carneiroseg.pdf: 732259 bytes, checksum: e36cc86495f8401f5190a9da976f4a9e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Essa dissertação analisa as movimentações em torno da peça "Aventuras e desventuras de um estudante". Proibida pela direção do Colégio Estadual da Bahia, a peça transformou-se no pivô de uma greve de estudantes que, lutando pela liberdade de expressão, enfrentaram autoridades civis e militares no Estado da Bahia no ano de 1966, em plena ditadura. Aborda temas como a repressão ao movimento estudantil no período, articulações entre secundaristas, universitários e outros setores sociais e a repercussão das movimentações estudantis na imprensa baiana. Ancorada em um leque de fontes que engloba arquivos escolares, jornais da época, arquivos pessoais, documentos da repressão e depoimentos de protagonistas e contemporâneos, a pesquisa teve como objetivo contribuir com debate historiográfico acerca do movimento estudantil no período da ditadura militar, particularmente sobre a participação de secundaristas na resistência ao regime que se instalou no Brasil após o golpe de 1964. / Salvador

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-22T19:46:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maurício Quadros da Mota.pdf: 2090639 bytes, checksum: c44defb17ef327afb17e7223d2191bc2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-03-28T19:19:41Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maurício Quadros da Mota.pdf: 2090639 bytes, checksum: c44defb17ef327afb17e7223d2191bc2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T19:19:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maurício Quadros da Mota.pdf: 2090639 bytes, checksum: c44defb17ef327afb17e7223d2191bc2 (MD5) / CAPES / Esta dissertação analisa o processo de reorganização política do Movimento Estudantil baiano no período compreendido entre os anos 1969 e 1979, que acabou contribuindo na construção do 31º Congresso Nacional da União Nacional dos Estudantes – UNE – ocorrido nos dias 29 e 30 de maio de 1979, na cidade de Salvador, Bahia. Esse evento, que contou com a participação de milhares de estudantes de todo o Brasil, foi o ápice das movimentações estudantis em escalada durante a década de 1970. O Congresso trouxe a UNE ao cenário Nacional brasileiro, após seu desmantelamento pelas forças repressivas da Ditadura Militar, com a desarticulação do Congresso de Ibiúna, e a promulgação do Ato Institucional Nº-5, em 1968. Servindo de base de orientação política das ações estudantis no contexto de redemocratização política no Brasil, angariando amplo apoio da sociedade. Nosso olhar parte da compreensão das ações estudantis dentro e fora do ambiente universitário, buscando remontar os limites político e sociais dos diferentes setores sociais que compunham as lutas e disputas em prol ou não da redemocratização política brasileira. Essa reconstrução histórica se deu a partir da conjunção e problematização de um amplo leque documental que foram de fundamental importância para as linhas que compõe essa dissertação, tais como: a grande imprensa baiana do período; as imprensas alternativas e estudantis baianas e brasileiras; entrevistas e narrativas orais; relatórios do Serviço Nacional de Inteligência; imagens e registros iconográficos. This dissertation analyzes the political reorganization of the Student Movement Bahia in the period between the years 1969 and 1979, which eventually contributed in building the 31st National Congress of the National Union of Students - UNE - occurred on 29 and 30 May 1979, in the city of Salvador, Bahia. This event, which was attended by thousands of students from all over Brazil, was the culmination of student movements in climbing during the 1970. Congress brought the Brazilian National UNE scenario, after your disorganization the repressive forces of the Military Dictatorship with the disarticulation of the Congress of Ibiúna, and the promulgation of Institutional Act No. 5, in 1968. Serving base the political orientation of student actions in the context of political democratization in Brazil, garnering support from the society. Part of our look comes from understanding the student actions inside and outside the university ambient, seeking to reassemble the political and social boundaries of different social sectors that comprised the fights and disputes in favor or not of Brazilian political democratization. This historical reconstruction took place from the conjunction and questioning of a broad range document that were of fundamental importance for the lines that make up this dissertation, such as the great baiano press of the period; alternatives and student presses baiano and brazilian; interviews and oral narratives; reports of the National Intelligence Service; images and iconographic records.

Orientador: Neusa Maria Dal Ri / Banca: Cândido Giraldez Vieitez / Banca: Carlos Bauer de Souza / Resumo: Este trabalho procura discutir a intervenção e contribuição do movimento estudantil (ME) para a construção da autonomia e gestão democrática da Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP). O movimento de democratização da gestão foi desencadeado em 1984 pelas entidades representativas dos três segmentos da comunidade universitária, isto é, estudantes, docentes e funcionários, o qual resultou na primeira reforma democrática desta instituição. A autonomia outorgada pelo Governo Estadual em 1989 às Universidades Estaduais Paulistas, a saber: Universidade de São Paulo (USP), Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP) e UNESP, consolidou-se como um aspecto da gestão democrática. Esse movimento de democratização foi retomado, de forma explícita, em 2007 pelas Universidades Estaduais Paulistas, em resposta ao conjunto de decretos promulgados pelo Governador José Serra. Neste contexto, o trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar a intervenção e contribuição do ME para a construção da autonomia e gestão democrática da UNESP. Os objetivos específicos são analisar a literatura e documentação disponível sobre a temática; verificar o desenvolvimento da autonomia e da gestão democrática na UNESP no período determinado, bem como seu estágio atual, no que diz respeito à participação discente; identificar as expressões partidárias e independentes no ME e compreender quais os principais desdobramentos dos conceitos e práticas das mesmas com relação à autonomia e gestão democrática. Os procedimentos de coleta de dados da pesquisa guiaram-se pela pesquisa bibliográfica; pesquisa documental; aplicação de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com estudantes que participaram desse processo e observação direta sistemática nos fóruns estudantis / Abstract: This paper discusses the involvement and contribution of the student movement (ME) to the construction of autonomy and democratic management of the Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP). The movement for the democratization of management was initiated in 1984 by representative organizations of the three segments of the university community, ie, students, teachers and employees, which resulted in the first democratic reform of this institution. The autonomy granted by the State Government in 1989 to the state universities, namely Universidade de São Paulo (USP), Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP) and UNESP, has established itself as an aspect of democratic management. This democratization movement was taken up explicitly in 2007 by state universities, in response to a series of decrees issued by the Governor José Serra. In this context, this paper aims to verify the overall intervention and the ME contribution to the construction of autonomy and democratic management of Unesp. The specific objectives are to analyze the literature and documentation available on the subject; check the development of autonomy and democratic management of Unesp in the specified period, as well as its current stage, with regard to student participation; identifying the party and independent expressions of ME and understand what are the main developments of the concepts and practices related to autonomy and democratic management. The procedures for data collection were guided by the research literature, documentary research, application of semi-structured interviews with students who participated in this process, and systematic and direct observation of the student forums / Mestre

Esta pesquisa pretende ser um estudo em psicologia social sobre os caminhos e perspectivas de militância de estudantes do Instituto de Psicologia da Universidade de São Paulo. A entrevista aberta com um roteiro norteador foi utilizada como método de pesquisa. Dois estudantes de graduação do Instituto de Psicologia da USP envolvidos de maneira profunda com algum tipo de militância estudantil foram entrevistados. O tema central destas entrevistas foi a militância e engajamento estudantil. A partir deste grande tema e de algumas perguntas norteadoras referentes à militância estudantil os entrevistados foram convidados a contar o percurso de envolvimento na militância estudantil. Os assuntos abordados pelos entrevistados foram divididos em três grandes eixos: Os caminhos: Onde relatam os fatos, memórias e lembranças pertinentes ao engajamento político que desembocaram na militância estudantil. A atuação: Contam aqui os caminhos percorridos na própria militância. Futuro e reflexões: Onde discorrem sobre a perspectiva de futuro para eles mesmos no movimento estudantil e na política em geral e trazem pensamentos e reflexões sobre a militância. A análise teórica dos relatos centra-se em acompanhar o percurso contado pelos militantes dentro de duas grandes perspectivas. A da memória e o do devir. A partir delas tentaremos mostrar as transformações de identidade dos entrevistados ao longo do caminho e as transformações conquistadas no espaço coletivo. Este estudo pretende contribuir para a reflexão da militância estudantil / This research intends to be a study in social psychology on the paths and perspectives of student militancy of the Institute of Psychology of the University of São Paulo. The open interview with a guiding script was used as a research method. Two undergraduate students from the Institute of Psychology at USP deeply involved in some kind of student activism were interviewed. The central theme of these interviews was militancy and student engagement. From this great theme and some guiding questions regarding student militancy, the interviewees were invited to tell the story of involvement in student militancy. The subjects addressed by the interviewees were divided into three main axes: The paths: Where they report the facts, memories and memories pertinent to the political engagement that led to student militancy. The performance: They count here the paths covered in the own militancy. Future and reflections: Where they discuss the perspective of the future for themselves in the student movement and politics in general and bring thoughts and reflections on militancy. The theoretical analysis of the reports focuses on following the path counted by the militants within two great perspectives. The perspectives of memory and of becoming. From these we will try to show the identity transformations of the interviewees along the way and the transformations conquered in the collective space. This study aims to contribute to the reflection of student militancy

Thesis (M.A.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanties, English Literature, 2013 / This dissertation functions as an exploration of German author Bernhard Schlink’s engagement with the genre of Vӓterliteratur (Literature about Fathers). By examining how Schlink has used adaptations of this genre in his novels The Reader (1998), Homecoming (2009) and short story Girl with Lizard (2002), this project will attempt to ascertain the extent to which one can view these texts as part of a new wave of father writing that has emerged in the German post-unification space. The question dominating this research project and contained in the first part of the title: “How do I speak about the Past”, implies that part of this research will examine Schlink’s portrayal of the second-generation’s attempt to understand and give voice to their experiences in postwar Germany. As such, my work engages with the emergence of Vӓterliteratur as being the result of an incomplete attempt by second-generation Germans to confront Germany’s national traumatic past during the 1968 Student Movement. However, while Schlink’s work demonstrates a familiarity with the content, structure and themes present in the first wave of Vӓterliteratur he appears to rewrite these into a fictionalised format, demonstrating the continued need in German society to work through the past. In many respects the texts selected for analysis in this dissertation deviate from the traditional conventions found within the earlier father novels, and interestingly appear to emphasise the previously marginalised role of women both during and postwar. What I will demonstrate is that while Schlink’s work makes use of the conventions found in Vӓterliteratur, and by doing so explores the postwar relationships between fathers and sons, it also indirectly engages with the experiences of German women and their own perpetration of, or suffering as a result of the patriarchal attitudes present in, Nazism. Through this dual portrayal (the presence of both men and women) Schlink gives a new perspective to the complexities of German postwar life as seen through the eyes of the second-generation.

Au Mexique, comme en Amérique latine, le cycle contestataire des années 1960-1970 a consacré la figure de « l’étudiant révolutionnaire ». À l’inverse, « l’étudiant en situation révolutionnaire » n’a fait l’objet que de bien peu d’analyses. La Révolution mexicaine, des années 1910 au début des années 1940, vit pourtant l’éclosion d’un puissant mouvement étudiant, organisé et représentatif, inséré dans les relations internationales, semblable en apparence à ses homologues européens ou latino-américains. Toutefois, à la différence de ces derniers, le mouvement étudiant mexicain se conçut et se forma en relation étroite avec un phénomène majeur : la Révolution. Durant cette période, les étudiants s’organisèrent au nom de la Révolution, la critiquèrent, la défendirent et la propagèrent, par leurs voyages, leurs congrès et leurs organisations, au Mexique et dans l’espace ibéro-américain. Ils formulèrent dans le même temps une vision révolutionnaire de la réforme des universités et des écoles, insistant sur l’éducation populaire et sur la politisation des savoirs. Animés par une vision racialiste du monde social, ces étudiants se mobilisèrent aussi au nom de la « race ibéro-américaine », à laquelle la patrie mexicaine appartenait. La révolution fut pour eux autant un phénomène de régénération raciale qu’une expérience politique inspirée de modèles européens parfois contradictoires, tels que le nationalisme, le socialisme, le coopérativisme ou le catholicisme social. La radicalisation de la révolution, durant les années 1930, contribua toutefois à diviser grandement le mouvement étudiant. Son étiolement correspondit à la fin de la Révolution. / In Mexico, as in Latin America, the “revolutionary student” appears as a classical figure of the 1960-1970 protest cycle and has been largely analyzed by historians. On the contrary, very few studies have been dedicated to students “in revolutionary context”. As a matter of fact, a powerful student movement, organized and representative, active in international student relations, emerged during the Mexican Revolution, between the 1910s and the 1940s. Apparently similar to its European or Latin American counterparts, this first Mexican student movement was however built and shaped by its leaders in close relation with a major phenomenon: the Revolution. During this period, Mexican students organized themselves in the name of the Revolution. They largely defended the revolutionary principles, but also started to criticize more and more the revolutionary governments. Through their international organizations and congresses, they also contributed to the transnational circulation of the Mexican Revolution in Ibero America. Actors of a “revolution by education”, Mexican student leaders succeeded in defending a “University Reform” that was at first compatible with the revolutionary ideals. Education could help to form the soul of Mexico and of the “Ibero American Race”. In their view, the Mexican Revolution was both a racial regeneration and a political experience, inspired by European models such as nationalism, socialism, cooperativism or social catholicism.

A investigação visa analisar o modo como alguns estudantes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) representaram os dilemas sócio-políticos que assolaram a Universidade e o país nos anos em que o Brasil foi governado por uma aliança militar (1964-1985). Utiliza-se os pressupostos teóricos da História Cultural, além das reflexões da História da Educação para analisar as trajetórias de vida de sujeitos que participaram de um processo histórico, o qual, ainda hoje se faz presente nas memórias e discursos dos indivíduos que o viveram. O trabalho enfoca nas gerações de estudantes que participaram do Movimento Estudantil (ME) da UFRGS. Iniciasse analisando os relatos de memória dos jovens que lutavam na clandestinidade contra o estado autoritário em seus anos de chumbo. Estes personagens precisavam se adaptar ao cerco repressivo que vinha se fechando para os grupos de oposição. Muitos foram presos e torturados, além de se verem obrigados a fugir do país para sobreviver. Por fim, o texto se concentra nos anos da dita transição pactuada, anunciada pelo general Ernesto Geisel como sendo um período da abertura “lenta, gradual e segura”, do regime ditatorial rumo ao governo democrático. Tendo em vista o objetivo anunciado, o corpus documental foi formado por depoimentos orais elaborados junto aos personagens que atuaram nesta Universidade. Cumpre destacar que, durante o processo de abertura política, ocorrido entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980, verificou-se uma transformação no modo como o ME se organizava. Para aqueles que ingressaram neste movimento nessa época, a crítica às práticas da geração anterior, que havia optado por um combate à ditadura através da luta armada, fez com que emergissem novas estratégias de contestação. A vista disso, os discentes investiram nos movimentos de massa e na defesa do retorno às liberdades democráticas, na qual fosse garantido o direito a voto em todas as instâncias de governo. Procurava-se transformar a sociedade brasileira através do voto eleitoral, apostando nos partidos de esquerda que deixaram de ser ilegais e em novas siglas, como o PT. Ademais, essa geração incluiu outras pautas de discussão, diferentemente daquelas apresentadas pelo ME dos anos de 1960. Em suma, estes sujeitos buscaram politizar o cotidiano, abordando questões como o feminismo, a ecologia e o consumo de drogas. Sendo assim, o ME se mostra um movimento que soube se transformar através do tempo e dos processos históricos, desempenhando um adversário à altura na arena política da ditadura civil-militar brasileira. / The research aims to analyze how some students of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) represented the socio-political dilemmas that devastated the University and the country in the years when Brazil was governed by a military alliance (1964-1985). It used the theoretical presuppositions of Cultural History, as well as the reflections of the History of Education to analyze the life trajectories of the subjects who participated in a historical process, which is still present today in the memories and discourses of the individuals who lived it. The work focuses on the generations of students who participated in the Student Movement (SM) of UFRGS. The work begin analyzing the memory stories of the young who fought clandestinely against the authoritarian state in their lead years. These characters needed to adapt their acts against the repressive siege that was closing to their opposition groups. Many were arrested and tortured, and forced to flee the country to survive. Finally, the text focuses on the years of the political transition, announced by General Ernesto Geisel as a period of the "slow, gradual and safe" opening of the dictatorial regime towards democratic government. In the view of the announced objective, the documentary corpus was formed by oral statements elaborated with the characters who acted in this University. It should be noted that during the process of political openness, which occurred between the 1970s and 1980s, there was a transformation in the way the SM was organized. For those who entered this movement at this time, criticism of the practices of the previous generation, which had opted for a struggle against the dictatorship through armed struggle, led to the emergence of new strategies of contestation. In view of this, the students invested in mass movements and in the defense of the return to democratic freedoms, in which the right to vote was guaranteed in all instances of government. It was tried to transform the brazilian society through the electoral vote, betting on left parties that stopped being illegal and in new acronyms, like the PT. In addition, this generation included other discussion guidelines, unlike those presented by the SM of the 1960s. In short, these subjects sought to politicize everyday life, addressing issues such as feminism, ecology and drug liberation. Thus, the SM shows itself to be a movement that has been able to transform itself through time and a historical process, playing an adversary in the political arena of the brazilian civil-military dictatorship.