Este trabalho objetiva desenvolver uma análise política da política externa brasileira, especificamente durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enfatizando a questão da adesão do Brasil ao Tratado de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares - o TNP - suas causas e conseqüências. O tema em questão foi escolhido por sua relevância, levando-se em conta o papel desempenhado pela política externa brasileira no desenvolvimento nacional. No entanto, o Brasil tem enfrentado, desde o começo da década de 1990, novos padrões de relações internacionais. Assim, a abordagem clássica da diplomacia, relacionada com a guerra e a paz, tem crescentemente dado lugar à economia. A opção por um projeto alternativo de desenvolvimento para o país, como resultado do fim da Guerra Fria, levou a mudanças profundas na política externa brasileira. Dessa maneira, a assinatura e ratificação do referido Tratado, entre os anos de 1997 e 1998, caracterizou uma histórica ruptura com a política externa do país nas suas dimensãoes políticas e de segurança.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T05:03:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amusquivar_ErikaLaurinda_M.pdf: 4351366 bytes, checksum: effd17d80563de85a9c3d69455dbfe3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado, intitulada O papel da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos no Sistema Internacional no pós-Guerra Fria, busca analisar a postura dos Estados Unidos em promover políticas militaristas ao instalar bases militares ao redor do mundo a partir do final do século XX e início do século XXI. Deriva-se dessa discussão dois debates. O primeiro - debate interno - foca na consecução da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos recomendado pelo think tank neoconservador PNAC (Project for the New American Century) por meio da consolidação do sistema de alianças militares entre Estados Unidos e da Europa - a Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte - OTAN. Essa política seria um ferramental estratégico para a manutenção da hegemonia estadunidense que, após os ataques terroristas de 11 de Setembro aos Estados Unidos, se incorporaria nos documentos oficiais de política de segurança do país. O segundo debate - externo - discorre sobre a insuficiência desse projeto ao criticar o modelo de política de segurança adotado. Partindo da premissa que essas políticas estiveram na contramão do que se apostava ao final dos anos 90, essa crítica se pauta na análise da mudança na política de segurança estadunidense, que não se sustentaria no novo século. Por isso o segundo debate contempla outros fatores primordiais desconsiderados pelo projeto neoconservador. Ressalta-se que o objeto referente à concretização da política de segurança do PNAC para o sistema de alianças da OTAN envolve um debate complexo - Império, imperialismo, militarismo - que não será abordado aqui senão tangencialmente, na medida em que o tratamento do nosso objeto o exigir. Isto porque são temas teoricamente densos, que exigiriam um estudo de outra envergadura / Abstract: This Master's Degree thesis, entitled The role of the Security Policy of the United States in the International System following the Cold War, seeks to analyze the posture of the United States in promoting militaristic policies to install military bases around the world from the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. From this discussion, two debates are derived. The first - the internal debate - focuses on achieving the security policy of the United States recommended by the neoconservative think thank PNAC (Project for the New American Century) by consolidating the system of military alliances between the United States and Europe - North Atlantic Treaty Organization-NATO. This Policy would be a strategic tool for the maintenance of the U.S. Hegemony that, after the September 11th terrorist attacks to the United States, would be incorporated in the official documents of the country's security policy. The second debate - external - stems from the failure of this project to criticize the security policy adopted. Assuming that these policies were contrary to the ideals supported by the late '90s, this critique is guided in the analysis of change in the U.S. security policy, which is not sustained in the new century. Therefore, the second debate addresses other key factors not considered by the neoconservative project. It is noteworthy that the object which relates to the implementation of the security policy of the PNAC for the alliance system of NATO involves a complex debate - Empire, Imperialism, Militarism - which will not be discussed, but tangentially, to the extent that the treatment of our object requires. The reason being that it involves theoretically dense issues, which would require a study of another magnitude / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T20:55:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Watanabe_PauloDaniel_M.pdf: 999144 bytes, checksum: 8815958cb5f872591dac667a06deaeda (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Após render-se em 15 de agosto de 1945, dando fim à Segunda Guerra Mundial, o Japão se encontrava destruído economicamente e fisicamente, ficando sujeito a sete anos de ocupação dos Aliados (liderada pelo General norte-americano MacArthur). Ao início da Guerra Fria, foram assinados em 1951 o Acordo de Paz de São Francisco e o Acordo de Segurança Japão-EUA. Dessa maneira, as Forças de Ocupação lideradas pelos norte-americanos deixaram o Japão, que teve sua soberania restaurada em 28 de abril de 1952, quando o Acordo de São Francisco passou a vigorar. Em seqüência, o país serviu de bases norte-americanas para garantir o domínio e a presença dos EUA na região Ásia-Pacífico, em troca da segurança de seu território. O presente trabalho procura analisar a forma como se construíram a política externa e a de segurança do Japão, assim como a sua projeção internacional. Verificar-se-á, como resultado, se houve ou não mudanças de comportamento nessas áreas / Abstract: After surrendering on August 15th 1945, putting an end to the World War II, Japan was completely destroyed economically and physically, being subjected to a seven-year-occupation by the Allies (led by the U.S. General MacArthur). At the beginning of the Cold War in 1951, the San Francisco Peace Agreement and the Security Treaty Japan-U.S. were signed. Thus, the Occupation Forces led by the U.S. left Japan, which had its sovereignty restored on April 28th 1952 when the Peace Treaty came into effect. After that, Japan served as an American military base in order to protect its influence in the Asia/Pacific Area in exchange for the security of its territory. This essay intends to analyze the way in which Japan's foreign policy and its defense policy were constructed, as well its international power projection. It is also expected to check, as a result, whether there was or not any changes in its behavior in these areas / Mestrado / Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Cette thèse identifie et analyse les revendications de légitimité des organisations régionales de sécurité par rapport à leurs actions et leur existence en tant que sites d’autorité relativement nouveaux. En effet, la recherche explore le contexte normatif qui sert de base au régionalisme sécuritaire entre le niveau global et le niveau national. A cet égard, la thèse propose un cadre conceptuel et théorique pour l’étude de l’autolégitimation qui est ici conçue comme un processus social dynamique et intersubjectif de justification du droit de gouverner. Ce cadre théorique combine les littératures sur la sécurité, le régionalisme, et la légitimité politique. Son objectif principal est l'identification des arguments de légitimation qui peuvent justifier des relations de pouvoir inégales entre gouvernants et gouvernés. Les études de cas de cette thèse sont les missions de sécurité et les politiques de gestion de crise de l'Union Africaine et de l'Union Européenne en réponse à la crise au Darfour (2003-) et les zones adjacentes, telles que le Tchad et la République Centrafricaine. A partir du concept d’autolégitimation et de l'analyse des documents produits par les deux organisations régionales, la partie empirique identifie quatre modes principaux de légitimation qui sont appelés « images du régionalisme sécuritaire ». Ces images sont le régionalisme bénéfique, le régionalisme nécessaire, le régionalisme inévitable, et le régionalisme multilatéral. Les images du régionalisme sécuritaire montrent que la légitimation des politiques et des actions, d'une part, et la légitimation des organisations régionales et de leur position au sein de la gouvernance de la sécurité, d’autre part, sont indissociables. En outre, elles révèlent également que, plus que la légitimation des actions, c’est souvent la légitimation de l'inaction qui est cruciale pour le rôle de ces organisations en tant qu’acteurs de sécurité. Enfin, les arguments de légitimation faisant référence au caractère multilatéral et collectif des actions entreprises par ces organisations régionales démontrent une tendance vers leur reconnaissance mutuelle et, par conséquent, contribuent à leur légitimation. / This thesis identifies and analyses the legitimacy claims of regional security organizations in relation to their policies and their existence as relatively new sites of authority. Hence, it explores the normative context underpinning security regionalism between global and national levels. In this regard, it proposes a conceptual and theoretical framework for the study of self- legitimation, which is understood as a dynamic and intersubjective social process of justification of the right to rule. This framework is based on the intersection between the literatures on security, regionalism, and political legitimacy. Its main focus is the identification of the arguments of legitimation that can justify the unequal power relations between rulers and ruled. This thesis’ case studies are the security missions and policies of crisis management of the African Union and the European Union in response to the crisis in Darfur (2003-) and adjacent areas such as Chad and Central African Republic. Building on the framework of self-legitimation and on the analysis of documents produced by both regional organizations, the empirical part identifies fours large patterns of arguments, which are called ‘images of security regionalism’. These images are the beneficial regionalism, the necessary regionalism, the inevitable regionalism, and the multilateral regionalism. The images of security regionalism show that the legitimation of policies and actions, on the one hand, and the legitimation of regional organizations and their positions within security governance, on the other, are indissociable. Moreover, they also reveal that, more than the legitimation of actions, it is often the legitimation of the perceived inaction that is crucial to the organizations’ role as a security actors. Finally, the patterns of arguments referring to the inter-organizational relations and to the multilateral and collective character of the organizations’ policies point to a trend of mutual recognition and, by consequence, mutual legitimation among regional organizations. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

[pt] O argumento principal da dissertação é que o processo de interação entre Ucrânia e Rússia no pós-URSS dá origem a identidade social de inimigo, a qual é a fonte dos conflitos de interesse entre os dois países. Para sustentar o argumento, propõe-se um modelo teórico com base na importância das idéias para a constituição dos interesses e na crença de que os interesses são determinados pelas identidades. Depois, demonstra-se porque a identidade entre os dois países é de inimigo. A Rússia não admite a independência da Ucrânia, a qual reage denunciando a mentalidade imperial russa. A Rússia aceita o papel atribuído ao manifestar sua pretensão sobre o território ucraniano. Em resposta, a Ucrânia assegura a posse de armas nucleares para se defender de uma possível agressão russa. No final do processo, a identidade de inimigo está construída. A reação dos dois países à expansão da OTAN é utilizada para ilustrar as conseqüências da inimizade. Como as identidades determinam os interesses, as relações entre Estados amigos envolvem interesses comuns, e entre inimigos, interesses divergentes. Assim, a percepção de ameaça é compartilhada entre amigos e, entre inimigos, o amigo de um se torna o inimigo de outro. Por isso a Ucrânia coopera com a OTAN em busca de proteção, enquanto a Rússia não aceita sua expansão. A fim de evitar que os conflitos entre Ucrânia e Rússia representem uma ameaça à segurança da Europa, é necessário que a identidade construída na interação entre eles seja transformada. / [en] The main argument of this dissertation is that the interaction between the Ukraine and Russia generates a social identity of enmity, which is the source of the conflict of interests between the two countries. In order to defend the argument, a theoretical model is proposed based on the importance of ideas to the constitution of interests and on the belief that interests are determined by identities. The next task is to demonstrate why the relationship between the two countries is one of enmity. Russia does not admit the independence of Ukraine, which reacts accusing Russia of imperial mentality. Russia accepts this conferred role when it manifests its claim over the Ukrainian territory. As a result, Ukraine assures its possession of nuclear weapons to defend itself from a potential Russian aggression. By the end of the process, an enemy`s identity is already constructed. The reaction of both countries towards NATO`s expansion is used to illustrate the consequences of enmity. Because identities determine interests, the relationship between friend States involves common interests, whereas that between foes involves divergent interests. The perception of a threat is shared by friends. Between enemies, the friend of one becomes the enemy of the other. That is why Ukraine cooperates with NATO and Russia does not accept its expansion. In order to avoid that the conflicts between Ukraine and Russia become a threat to Europe`s security, it is necessary to change the identity constructed in through their interaction.

[pt] A tese questiona a marginalização da violência pela literatura dos Estudos de Segurança, o que promoveu o afastamento do campo da dimensão política. Os movimentos de alargamento e aprofundamento tornaram a discussão teórica de Segurança mais rica, mas, ao deixarem de problematizar a violência, levaram à ruptura da relação produtiva entre teoria e prática que norteava os estudos da disciplina desde a sua origem. Desta forma, temas complexos como as novas guerras explicitam a ausência do debate conceitual sobre violência na literatura de Segurança, ocasionando uma carência explicativa para o entendimento desse elemento. Esta tese evidencia que nas novas guerras a violência deixa de ser um meio para se tornar um fim em si mesmo. Ela mostra que os atores envolvidos no conflito armado optam por perpetuar a violência porque esta proporciona ganhos que não são possíveis em tempos de paz. Como alternativa para suprimir essa lacuna explicativa da Segurança, sugere-se que o diálogo da Escola de Copenhague com os Estudos para a Paz, especialmente do processo de securitização com a tipologia da violência, devolve o instrumento conceitual - o próprio conceito de violência - aos Estudos de Segurança e restabelece a relação produtiva entre teoria e prática. O caso do cerco a Sarajevo é trazido como ilustração para o problema e a dinâmica que esta tese explicita. / [en] The dissertation focuses on the marginalization of violence by security studies. While the widening and deepening of security contributed positively to theoretical debates in the field, these moves led to a breakdown of the productive relationship between theory and practice that had characterized the discipline since its genesis. In this way, themes such as the new wars highlight the absence of a conceptual debate about violence in security studies, leading to a lack of explanatory capacity for understanding violence. The dissertation shows that violence becomes an end unto itself as the new wars offer incentives absent in everyday politics. The text suggests, with a view to filling this analytical lacuna within security studies, increased dialogue between the speech act approach espoused by the Copenhagen School and typologies of violence established by scholars within peace studies. Such a dialogue would bring back to security studies the important analytical focus on violence, thus reestablishing a productive relationship between theory and practice. As an illustrative example, the dissertation uses the siege of Sarajevo.

With the collapse of the bipolar system and increasing number and importance of small states, the emphasis is not placed only on the great powers anymore. In the globalizing world states have to face new threats and adapt its security and foreign policy tools. The aim of the thesis is to find out which steps two small countries - Czech Republic and Norway, undertake to ensure their safety and minimize their threats. The first chapter analyzes foreign policies of the selected countries, and decides whether they are really small states. After defining the major threats as terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, an analysis of counter-terrorism actions based on the official counter-terrorism strategies of the UN, the OSCE, the NATO, and the EU follows. From this analysis the thesis then concludes that Czech Republic and Norway are small, but not weak states and they may contribute to minimizing global threats.

No description available.

This thesis addresses the ethical implications of NATO securitizing Russia without being in direct warfare,seeking to contribute to the debate of the integration of ethics into IR. This thesis contributes to that argument by integrating ethical dimensions of normative character through Floyd's Just Security Theory (JST) within the framework of social constructivism to develop new theoretical insights. The research is structured around theresearch question exploring how NATO's identity construction undergoes changes due to the tense relationship withRussia. The formation of identity plays a crucial role in threat construction. The findings from Rousseau andGarcia- Retamero's Threat Assessment, revealed through NATO Annual Reports, confirm the fluidity of NATO's identity construction and its designation of Russia as a threat. The second portion of the research question suggestthat attributing a threat status to another actor in the international system has significant ethical implications, necessitating ethical considerations in the securitization process and its influence on security discourse. The thesis findings support the need for ethical considerations, while acknowledging that these considerations aresubject to critique based on the chosen theoretical framework. It emphasizes the need for ethical considerations in the securitization process, and by extension in IR; and argues for the moral justifiability of NATO's securitization of Russia.

The 2002 National Security Strategy of the US (NSS 2002) appeared to have presented a momentous approach to self-defense. To many, the doctrine of preemptive selfdefense seemed to challenge the legal and political foundations of the post-World War II international order. Some saw in the US stated reliance on preemption a direct threat to the international system embodied in the UN Charter. The prima facie case that the US position was novel and even dangerous appeared persuasive. This thesis attempts to assess the exceptionality of NSS 2002 in its formulation and implications. This question of exceptionality is broadly divided into two sections. The first section deals with internal exceptionality, in terms of means (the deliberation and drafting processes) and ends (the US defense posture). The second section deals with external exceptionality in the broader terms of possible consequences outside the US. Section One begins by establishing the grounds for looking into the formulation of NSS 2002, and provides the background for that Strategy's mandated precursors. After exploring how National Security Strategy documents are conceived and framed, Section One discusses the Strategy as it was published, and examines a sampling of contemporaneous reactions to its publication. Section Two concentrates on the second part of the research question, and utilizes a thematic approach ¿ in terms of the use of force, the international security environment, and international law. Possible consequences of the proposed US response to contemporary security challenges are considered in these three key areas.