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Since the cold war, most countries have moved on from the classical security perception that all threats are external and aiming to invade the sovereignty of the state, thus leading to military armies fighting each other. Instead as Globalization have become more predominant since the beginning of the 1990’s new threats have also emerged that militaries can’t fight as they used to, thus it has become necessary for a wider view on security which also involves human suffering, and the general trend among armies have been to combat these through international peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. This study aims at showing the change in which the Swedish army have undergone since the end of the cold war and into modern days, both in terms of political decisions and also show how the use of language have been changed throughout the course. The thesis covers a time period between 1989 to 2009 and following the process of change from the Swedish political institution that works with military issues, called the Försvarsutskottet or the FöU and the method applied is process tracing with a detailed narrative. Several important conceptions are also explained such as Globalization, Collective security and Human security, which will make the result chapter more understandable. The results showed that the biggest changes in Sweden’s military policy came in three steps, the beginning of the 1990’s was influenced with economic problems for Sweden which also lead to budget downsizings in the military. The mid-1990’s was the time where there existed no real external threat to Sweden, and hence it came to be dominated by several large reforms which also aimed at lowering the costs of the military and adapt it into becoming rapid response forces. After the 9/11 attacks in 2001 the new threats emerged and the Swedish military focused even more on improving their international and humanitarian operations. The thesis ends by discussing these finding and present some changes in the use of languages in-between the 20 years.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Maritime piracy is not a new phenomenon. However, the nature, severity and impacts of contemporary piracy have evolved to become a highly-organised, professional and international scourge. This comparative and explanatory study set out to explore questions regarding the how and why of maritime piracy trends in Somali and Southeast Asian waters. This study sought to (a) conceptualise an appropriate definition of maritime piracy; (b) determine the causes and motivations for piracy in these regions; (c) offer insights as to the most effective ways of combating piracy; (d) investigate the various impacts and effects of piracy; and (e) discussing the significance of international responses to this phenomenon. In pursuing the above-mentioned goals this study offered a comparison of correlating trends and differences between these two regions. This study attributed the underlying motivations to two chief factors: namely, state failure and instability, as well as socio-economic factors. These two factors, along with several additional contributing factors, effectively established piracy’s main causes. The general findings of this study concluded that contemporary piracy cannot be understood without a thorough understanding of a combination of various factors. It was also argued that although the alleged link between piracy and terrorism remains speculative, piracy could have the ability to facilitate international terrorism. The nature of contemporary piracy in Somalia and Southeast Asia was examined, as well as a discussion of the most significant pirate attacks in these regions. This study established that the nature of Somali and Southeast Asian piracy display various similarities, as well as differences. Together with explanations accounting for decreases and increases in pirate attacks, it emerged that an increase in violence and sophistication of piracy is apparent. By highlighting how contemporary piracy has become both a regional and international security threat, this study brought forward arguments that showed how piracy negatively affects regional stability, as well as exacerbating poverty. Furthermore, this study found that the impacts of piracy are far-reaching and therefore require international and regional collaborative responses. Regarding solutions to piracy, emphasis was placed on including domestic, regional and international approaches. Moreover, this study argued that overlooking the internal problems on-land only serve to worsen the piracy situation in Somalia and Southeast Asia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seerowery is nie ‘n nuwe fenomeen nie. Die aard, erns en impak van hedendaagse seerowery het wel in ’n hoogs-georganiseerde, professionele en internasionale plaag ontwikkel. Hierdie vergelykende en beskrywende studie poog om die vrae rondom hoe en hoekom seerowery in die Somaliese en Suidoos-Asiese waters plaasvind. Die doel van hierdie studie was, om: (a) seerowery te konseptualiseer, (b) die oorsake en motivering(s) vir seerowery in spesifieke streke te bestudeer; en (c) die internasionale reaksie tot hierdie verskynsel te bespreek. Met die doel om die bogenoemde vrae te beantwoord verskaf hierdie studie ’n vergelyking van ooreenkomstige tendense en verskille tussen die twee gebiede. Hierdie studie skryf die onderliggende motiverings toe aan twee hoof faktore: naamlik, staatsmislukking en –onstabiliteit, en tweedens sosio-ekonomiese faktore. Daar is ook ’n paar aanvullende bydraende faktore wat kortliks bespreek word. Hierdie studie bevind dat hedendaagse seerowery nie volledig verstaan kan word sonder ’n begrip van verskeie faktore, wat in hierdie studie beskryf word, nie. Hierdie studie bevind ook dat alhoewel die beweerde verband tussen seerowery en terrorisme onseker is, dat seerowery wel die potensiaal besit om internasionale terrorisme te fasiliteer. Die aard van hedendaagse seerowery in Somalië en Suidoos-Asië is ondersoek, tesame met ’n bespreking van die mees beduidende seerower aanvalle in die gebiede. Hierdie studie wys dat die aard van Somaliese en Suidoos-Asiese seerowery vele ooreenkomste sowel as verskille bevat. Tesame met verduidelikings oor die afname en toename in seerower aanvalle verskaf hierdie studie ook ’n beskrywing van die toename in die gesofistikeerdheid van die hedendaagse seerowers. Die studie het ook klem op die feit gelê dat hedendaagse seerowery beide ’n streeks- asook ’n internasionale sekuriteits gevaar is. Dus het seerowery ’n breë en vêrreikende impak, en vereis internasionale en streeklikse samewerking om teenkamping te loods. Daar word ook bevind dat ’n versuiming om na interne probleme in Somalië en Suidoos-Asië kan dien as ’n versterking tot die seerowery verskynsel.

This thesis conducts an analysis of the Intersessional Process (ISP) of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) between 2001 and 2006. Specifically, it aims to assess the extent to which the ISP has resulted in progress towards strengthening the BTWC. The fulfilment of the research aim is derived from three discrete approaches: firstly, an assessment of problems and weaknesses faced by the Convention; secondly, an assessment of common or converging understandings around measures to respond to such problems and weaknesses; and thirdly, an assessment of what effective action has been achieved between 2001 and 2006. To achieve this, this thesis uses a framework that structures the assessment around four dimensions of the BTWC and their evolution within a changing geostrategic and scientific context. The four dimensions identified are compliance, development, institutional and research. The conclusions drawn from this thesis suggest that although the compliance dimension has made some considerable progress in the area of national legislation and biosafety and biosecurity, it remains clear that other areas of the compliance dimension remain underdeveloped and deeply divisive. The development dimension has also made progress over the course of the ISP and, significantly, achieved much greater convergence in its focus around disease surveillance and detection. However, changing dynamics in security and science have negatively affected other areas of the development dimension. In terms of the institutional dimension, there has been a modest progress with regard to the BTWC's institutional and procedural evolution; however, legitimate concerns remain in relation to quantity and quality of membership of the BTWC relative to other agreements. Finally, there has been some motion towards the emergence of a more coherent dimension of research; although certain advances in science research remain neglected in the BTWC forum, and the issue of biodefence has been conspicuously absent from discussion during the ISP. Based on the analysis conducted, this thesis argues that the BTWC has made cautious progress over the course of the ISP, and there is evidence of a convergence in responses and effective action in some areas. However, there is insufficient evidence to suggest there has been 'major progress towards strengthening the Convention' and many issues require much greater attention.

The 2002 National Security Strategy of the US (NSS 2002) appeared to have presented a momentous approach to self-defense. To many, the doctrine of preemptive selfdefense seemed to challenge the legal and political foundations of the post-World War II international order. Some saw in the US stated reliance on preemption a direct threat to the international system embodied in the UN Charter. The prima facie case that the US position was novel and even dangerous appeared persuasive. This thesis attempts to assess the exceptionality of NSS 2002 in its formulation and implications. This question of exceptionality is broadly divided into two sections. The first section deals with internal exceptionality, in terms of means (the deliberation and drafting processes) and ends (the US defense posture). The second section deals with external exceptionality in the broader terms of possible consequences outside the US. Section One begins by establishing the grounds for looking into the formulation of NSS 2002, and provides the background for that Strategy's mandated precursors. After exploring how National Security Strategy documents are conceived and framed, Section One discusses the Strategy as it was published, and examines a sampling of contemporaneous reactions to its publication. Section Two concentrates on the second part of the research question, and utilizes a thematic approach - in terms of the use of force, the international security environment, and international law. Possible consequences of the proposed US response to contemporary security challenges are considered in these three key areas.

1991年蘇聯解體後，其加盟共和國紛紛獨立，包括哈薩克、吉爾吉斯、塔吉克、土庫曼、烏茲別克等中亞5國亦分別宣告獨立，並立即獲得國際社會廣泛的承認。尤其憑藉著地緣戰略與豐富能源的兩大優勢，更使中亞地區成為國際強權與周邊次強權權力競逐的焦點。與此同時，中亞區域在冷戰時期，其安全維繫於蘇聯黨國體制與紅軍安全保障；然而，蘇聯解體後，非但既存的安全機制消失，造成中亞區域陷入安全意義上的「權力真空」，而且，還面臨著諸多「傳統安全」與「非傳統安全」因素的威脅。因此，對於中亞5個新興國家而言，其面臨的「安全威脅」，以及「回應對策」，即成為本論文研究的核心。 　　本論文採取層次分析，參據華爾茲的「行為體三概念」（個人、國家、戰爭）。從國家、區域與國際三個層次切入分析探討相關議題。首先，國家層次：探討權力結構（諸如：地理戰略、人口條件、自然資源、軍事能力、政治體制、經濟發展、社會結構，以客觀分析5國的基本綜合國力）、武器擴散、跨國犯罪、毒品經濟等議題。其次，區域層次：探討民族宗教結構、民族分離主義、宗教極端主義、國際恐怖主義、水資源運用、區域衝突、疆界糾紛等議題。第三，國際層次：探討國家利益、國家戰略、地緣政治、地緣經濟、國際衝突、國際合作等議題。 　　中亞的國家安全戰略目標旨在確保國家領土完整、主權獨立，以及生存與發展，而其內涵，則可從外交（含政治）、經濟、軍事及社會等四項策略，加以檢視與分析。具體而言，中亞國家由於綜合國力虛弱，實難以憑藉本身力量達成國家安全戰略目標；因此，中亞諸國係以外交戰略為核心，以「平衡大國」與「全面外交」為手段，積極與美國、俄羅斯、中國三大強權發展經貿與軍事合作關係，並以經貿合作為主軸，全面與其他國家交往。雖然，中亞國家對應安全威脅的策略，整體呈現一定實效，但亦存在諸多弱點；尤其，各國領導階層以鞏固與延續現實政權為決策的核心思維，實為中亞區域安全策略形成的關鍵。 / Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, its dependent states such as Kazkstan, Kygyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan declared for independence respectively, which soon won support in the international community. With the advantages of geo-strategic importance and abundant resources, Central Asia region became the arena between superpowers. During the Cold War, the security of Central Asia region was closely tied to the Soviet Union’s party-state system and its red army. Following the collapse of Soviet Union, security mechanism disintegrated and resulted in “power vacuum” in this region. Besides, there are “traditional security” and “non-traditional security” threats behind. Thus, security threats and response strategies of the five newly established countries mentioned above are the nucleus of research of this thesis. 　　This thesis adopts the methodology of levels analysis, with reference to “the concept of actor (nation, region and war)” argued by Kenneth N. Waltz and studies the related issues from three different levels---nation, region and international. First, in terms of national level, the author analyzes state powers of the five countries from the structure of authority (such as geo-strategy, population, natural resources, military capabilities, political system, economic development, structure of society), proliferation of weaponry, transnational crimes, drug economy etc. Second, in regional level, the discussion focuses on the structure of religions, secessionism, religious extremism, international terrorism, utilization of water resource, regional conflicts and territorial disputes. Third, in terms of international level, the main points are national benefits, national strategy, geo-politics, geo-economy, international conflicts and international cooperation. 　　The national security strategy of Central Asian states aims at ensuring the integrity of territory, the independence of sovereignty, the right of existence and continuing developments. The connotations of those issues can be reviewed and analyzed in the aspects of diplomacy, economy, military and society. Generally speaking, for the deficiency comprehensive national power, it is very hard for Central Asian states to achieve the goals of national security strategy on their own. Consequently, these countries resort to “balance of power” and “full engagement diplomacy” and aggressively develop economic and military cooperation with the U.S., Russia, and PRC. In the meantime, they try to enhance relationships of other countries with emphasis on economic cooperation. Although the policy works as a whole, there are still vulnerable points. In particular, the formation of the regional security strategy in Central Asia hinges upon the ultimate pursuit of the consolidation and extension of the realistic regimes by the leaderships of various countries.

[pt] A tese discute a atuação das organizações de mulheres pela paz na Colômbia, no contexto de ampliação da segurança internacional. A partir do final da Guerra Fria, os estudos de segurança internacional questionam o monopólio do Estado como sujeito de segurança. Nesse contexto, a dimensão de gênero é um dos principais pilares do conceito de segurança internacional ampliado no pós Guerra Fria. A Resolução 1325/2000 do Conselho de Segurança da ONU reconhece a ligação entre mulheres, guerra e segurança. A dimensão de gênero da cultura da violência se traduz na criação de fronteiras entre protetores e protegidos. A vulnerabilidade dos protegidos justifica o poder dos protetores, exercido através de capacidades militares e estratégicas. A masculinidade hegemônica se constrói em oposição a uma visão de feminilidade passiva, politicamente alienada e inerentemente ameaçada. Para desafiar esses estereótipos, as instituições internacionais têm destacado a importância de fortalecer as mulheres organizadas no nível local. Esse é o contexto de criação das organizações de mulheres colombianas, chamadas Ruta Pacífica de Mujeres e Iniciativa de Mujeres por la Paz. São redes de organizações de mulheres de diferentes regiões da Colômbia que denunciam os impactos do conflito armado na vida das mulheres. A tese discute se e como as ações e os discursos políticos dessas organizações rompem com a constituição masculina do poder que justifica a militarização da vida civil em nome da proteção de identidades femininas vulneráveis. / [en] The dissertation discusses the work of women`s organization for peace in Colombia, in the context of the broadening of internationals security. Contemporary international security studies question the monopoly of the State as the subject of security. Gender violence is one of the main components of a comprehensive concept of international security, developed since the 1990`s. Security Council Resolution 1325/2000 recognized the links between women, war and security. The gender dimension of the culture of violence is translated in the creation of frontiers between protectors and protected. The vulnerability of protected beings justifies the power of protector ones, exercised in military and strategic capabilities. The hegemonic masculinity is construed in opposition to a concept of passive, politically alienated and inherently threatened femininity. As challenge to these stereotypes, international agencies have been highlighting the importance of strengthening women`s groups and projects at the local level. This is the context of creation of two Colombian organizations, called Ruta Pacífica de Mujeres and Iniciativa de Mujeres por la Paz. These are networks of women`s organizations making visible the impact of the armed conflict on the lives of Colombian women. The dissertation asks whether and how their political actions and discourses break with the masculine constitution of power that justifies the militarization of civil life in the name of the protection of feminine vulnerable identities.

Depuis 1990, l’Afrique de l’ouest connait une phase complexe dans sa sécurisation et dans la lutte contre les conflits armés. Constamment déstabilisés par des tentatives de coups d’Etat militaires, les pays de l’Afrique de l’ouest, notamment la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Léone ont bénéficié d’une aide de la communauté internationale pour le règlement des sources de conflit et le redressement de leurs institutions dans le cadre d’une démocratisation globale des pays africains. Malgré cette ingérence dans les affaires internes des Etats, les stratégies adoptées par organisations internationales pour sortir la sous-région ouest africaine de l’instabilité et l’insécurité continuent de poser problèmes. Les Etats restent encore fragiles. Dans l’aide apportée, les différentes agences spécialisées des Nations unies construisent plutôt un ensemble de réseaux avec les organisations non gouvernementales internationales (ONGI) pour la gestion des conséquences des conflits armés. Ces ONGI, tout en participant à la stratégie globale de sortie de crise renforcent leur position au niveau national tout en s’ouvrant à de nouvelles missions d’assistance. Malgré les différentes dispositions prises par la CEDEAO, l’Organisation de l’Unité africaine et de l’Union africaine pour prévenir les conflits et trouver des mécanismes pour leurs gestions et leur règlement, les pays étudiés ne parviennent pas à consolider durablement la paix. Les Etats membres profitent du chaos généré, luttant plus pour leurs propres intérêts que ceux de la sécurité et le retour à la paix. Face à ce manque de cohérence dans les actions et aux limites des stratégies adoptées jusque-là, la résolution des conflits armés en Afrique de l’ouest continue de suscité interrogations, amenant à proposer une nouvelle approche de la résolution des crises armées en Afrique. Cette thèse vise donc à comprendre les stratégies des organisations internationales, leur efficacité et leur faiblesse dans le retour à la paix et le renforcement des institutions démocratiques. / Since 1990, the West African states face insecurity and the struggle for armed conflict resolution. They are mostly destabilized by military coup. International community support Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Sierra Leone in the research of conflict solutions and the building of democratic institutions in the African states. Instead of the interference of the international organization in the African’s internal affairs and the strategies adopted, the insecurity continues to be a real problem for the stability of the sub-region. The states continue to be fragile. According to the assistance of UNO specialized agencies, an international Non-Government Organization (INGO) network is built around the assistance activities, to support the consequences of the armed conflicts. The INGO make the most of the opportunities to reinforce their position in the state and to create others activities to improve their business. Despite all positions of ECOWAS, African unity organization, and African Union to prevent conflicts and to find mechanisms of the management and peaceful solution, the states are not able to build a long term peace. The member states make the most opportunity of the insecurity of the sub region. Theirs strategies are to protect their own interests instead of finding solutions for peace. This behavior and the incoherence in theirs peace-actions continue to be subjects of discussion. This makes think another approach of conflict resolution in Africa. My research is to analyze the strategies of the international organizations, their strength and their weakness in peacekeeping and the capacity-building of African democratic institutions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila Villela.pdf: 3448775 bytes, checksum: 4cf0421d8b3bceabd847b6169a352557 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Drug trafficking is a new subject in the discipline of International Relations and it has gained substantial highlight in the international security agenda since the 1990s. The end of the Cold War and the resulting political, economic and technological changes influenced on the growth of transnational organized crime and on the change of perception upon it. In this scenario, the issue of drugs is treated politically as a threat to the international system, national states and individuals. The notion of "war on drugs" was not only incorporated in the global prohibition regime on drugs, but has also guided the US presence on Latin America during the 1990s. The Brazilian attitude toward the drug problem has changed significantly in the 1990s, when a series of legislative and institutional apparatuses were developed in order to combat drug trafficking, based on the identification of threats associated with that crime. The Brazilian international insertion strategy during the 1990s was followed by the recognition of the security issues internationally defined by the global prohibition regime of on drugs, consolidated by multilateral organizations, as well as the "drug war" waged by the United States on America Latina. This research objective is to identify whether and how Brazil has incorporated the internationally established ideas and policies on drugs throughout the 1990s, identifying political actors and their decisions, as well as evaluating the alignment of concepts and political practices domestically adopted in relations to the international guidelines, based on the institutional and legislative model adopted during the 1990s / O tráfico de drogas é um tema novo na disciplina das Relações Internacionais e vem ganhando destaque na agenda de segurança internacional desde a década de 1990. O fim da Guerra Fria e as decorrentes transformações políticas, econômicas e tecnológicas influenciaram no crescimento da criminalidade organizada transnacional, assim como na mudança de percepção que se tinha sobre ela. Neste cenário, o tema das drogas passou a ser tratado politicamente como uma ameaça ao sistema internacional, aos estados nacionais e aos indivíduos. A noção de guerra às drogas foi incorporada pelo regime de proibição global das drogas das Nações Unidas e das demais organizações multilaterais. Ela também pautou a presença norte-americana sobre a América Latina a partir deste período. A postura do Brasil com relação ao tema das drogas mudou significantemente nos anos 1990, quando uma série de aparatos legislativos e institucionais foram estabelecidos com o objetivo de combater o tráfico de drogas, a partir da identificação das ameaças associadas a este crime. A inserção internacional do Brasil neste período foi marcada pelo reconhecimento de questões de segurança que vinham sendo definidas internacionalmente por meio do regime de proibição global das drogas consolidado pelos organismos multilaterais, assim como pela guerra às drogas empreendida pelos Estados Unidos sobre a América Latina. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar se e como o Brasil incorporou as ideias e políticas estabelecidas internacionalmente ao longo da década de 1990, identificando atores estatais e suas decisões, assim como avaliando o alinhamento das concepções e práticas políticas adotadas domesticamente às diretrizes internacionais com base no modelo institucional e legislativo adotado neste período

O presente trabalho analisa as orientações das políticas sobre drogas brasileiras tendo como referência duas determinantes: o regime internacional proibicionista de drogas e a política externa norte-americana para o tema. Utiliza-se a Teoria da Securitização para analisar processos de uso da força por um Estado com o fim de neutralizar a ameaça representada pelo tráfico de drogas e atividades afins. São descritos os processos de formação do regime internacional e de institucionalização da política de guerra às drogas nos Estados Unidos. Mostra-se o processo de adequação da política de defesa brasileira ao tema das drogas, que ocorreu de modo conservador e avesso à militarização são apresentados os impactos de uma política de segurança pública pautada na redução da oferta de drogas no Brasil. / This work analyses the orientations of the brazillian drug policies using two main references: the international drug prohibition regime and the United States’ policies towards this issue. The Theory of Securitization is used to analyse the of use of the force by a State in order to neutralyze the menace represented by drug trafficking and related activities. The formation of the international regime and the institutionalization of the war on drugs’ policies on the United States are described. The paper also reviews the process of adequation of the brazillian defense policies to the drugs issue, which occurred under a conservative and militarization averse framework, as well as the impact of a public safety policy guided by supply reduction on Brazil.