Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people (LGBTI) are discriminated and subjected to violence in societies across the world, and ensuring their rights is on the international agenda. On a European level, nationalism, state-led persecution and rhetoric of hate have slowed down the process of ensuring human rights for LGBTI people particularly in Eastern Europe, where they are subject to violence, discrimination and hostility. One type of hostility targeting LGBTI people is hate speech. As literature has shown, hate speech can have harmful effects on its targets. Additionally, with the increased accessibility and use of the Internet and social media networks, hate speech has become more widespread and new challenges have appeared. Our research objective has addressed the gap identified by Brown (2018); to contribute to the research on hate speech and its harmful effects in general, comparing the effects of online and offline hate speech in particular. Additionally, by comparing the findings from Moldova and Ukraine, we have investigated if the context in which the hate speech is produced has any effect on the harmful effects experienced by targets. The research was conducted using a mixed method with a parallel convergent design, giving equal priority to qualitative and quantitative data. Data collection took place in Moldova (Chisinau) and in Ukraine (Kyiv) during Pride in the respective countries. Due to the nature of this research, results are not representative, and conclusions drawn can neither be applied to the entire LGBTI community in Moldova nor in Ukraine. Conclusions can, however, provide interesting insights for further research. Constitutive and consequential harms from online and offline hate speech are experienced by the LGBTI activists and community in both countries. In terms of constitutive harms, LGBTI community have suffered from harms like negative impact on self-esteem, silencing, psychological distress and restrictions on freedom of movement and association. Experienced consequential harms were negative stereotyping, physical violence and normalization of discrimination. Further, this research indicated that there is a difference in terms of harms caused by online and offline hate speech when it comes to the constitutive harms, as the harms from offline hate speech seemed to be experienced to a larger extent. Comparing results from Moldova and Ukraine, it can be concluded that the content of hate speech and harmful effects of hate speech are experienced differently depending on the context in which hate speech was produced. In general, hate speech in Ukraine seemed to be more violent and aggressive while in Moldova it was more related to the structural violence.

Islam framställs ofta som en negativ och våldsam religion på sociala medier och i massmedier. Medierapporteringen kring islam är generellt stor, men material om normbrytare brister i relation till den stora mängd artiklar. Vilket gör att de försvinner i mängden. Syftet är att redogöra för hur medierapporteringen i dagstidningar ser ut gällande islamiska normbrytare. En kvalitativ studie med en kritisk diskursanalys med inslag av en feministisk teoribildning har använts. Islam framställs som en splittrad religion med förtryck mellan muslimerna. Det är tydligt att Koranen kan tolkas både på ett traditionellt sätt och på ett modernt sätt. Normbrytarna arbetar med moderna tolkningar av Koranen. Artiklarna är överlag skrivna på ett positivt sätt. Normbrytarna är utvalda för att de arbetar med ett reformarbete för att islam ska bli accepterad i västvärlden som något annat än en terror-religion. Sätten de arbetar på skiljer sig åt, men har ändå likheter. Sherin Khankan och Mariammoskén lyfter kvinnliga imamer och kvinnans rätt i samhället genom att bland annat skapa ett äktenskapskontrakt och bevilja muslimska skilsmässor. Seyran Ates och Ibn-Rushd-Goethe-moskén jobbar för att skapa en liberal plats där kvinnor och män är jämlikar samtidigt som hon är en känd aktivist när det kommer till kvinnliga rättigheter. Ludovic-Mohamed Zahed jobbar för att skapa en plats där män och kvinnor kan be tillsammans, oavsett om de är homosexuella eller heterosexuella. När det kommer till artiklarna är den genomgående diskursen att arbeta mot den traditionella tolkningen av islam. Detta för ett islam där fler ska kunna känna sig välkomna. Det finns flertalet tydliga diskurser. Dessa handlar främst om att arbeta för jämlikhet, rättigheter och allas rätt att vara den de är och tro på vad de vill. Det ord som framstår som den tydligaste diskursen är fredlig vilket förekommer i flera av artiklarna.

Depuis l’adoption de la Directive Qualification en 2004 et de sa refonte en 2011, l’Union européenne reconnaît explicitement les persécutions du fait de l’orientation sexuelle et de l’identité de genre en tant que motif d’octroi du statut de réfugié∙e, selon le critère de l’appartenance à un certain groupe social. Cependant, il existe toujours des différences considérables dans la manière dont les États européens examinent les demandes des personnes invoquant ce type de persécutions, ce qui contrevient à la volonté marquée de l’UE d’atteindre un Régime d’asile européen commun. Dans cette thèse je propose de suivre le processus de fabrique de la nouvelle catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » en Belgique, en France et au Royaume-Uni afin d’apporter une explication au fait que malgré les pressions d’harmonisation de l’Union européenne, les contours de cette catégorie de réfugié∙es diffèrent d’un État européen à l’autre. M’inscrivant dans la suite des travaux qui proposent d’aborder le processus d’action publique à partir de l’interdépendance entre les institutions et les idées, je suggère d’appréhender la fabrique de la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » en tant que processus de traduction multi-niveaux engendré par les logiques positionnelles (institutions) et les logiques interprétatives (idées) d’acteurs en interactions. Pour ce faire, je développe les notions de « configuration des arènes de traduction » et de « paradigme de traduction » qui me permettent de capturer et de suivre les logiques positionnelles et interprétatives des acteurs tout au long du processus de traduction (genèse, stabilisation et verrouillage). La configuration des arènes de traduction correspond à la somme des institutions formelles et informelles qui contraignent les acteurs dans les trois arènes où s’opère la traduction de la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » :l’arène administrative, l’arène associative et l’arène judiciaire. Le paradigme de traduction correspond à l’espace de sens à travers lequel les acteurs impliqués dans le processus de traduction interprètent la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI ». Il est composé de trois éléments :la définition du problème, la solution politique et l’univers de discours. La démarche proposée permet quatre principaux apports, à la fois d’ordre empirique et analytique. D’une part, pour ce qui est des apports empiriques, mon approche permet d’articuler plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement (international, européen et national). Elle permet également d’apporter une profondeur historique à l’analyse. D’autre part, pour ce qui est des apports analytiques, ma démarche permet d’articuler plusieurs niveaux d’analyse (institutions et idées). Elle permet également d’articuler plusieurs temporalités du changement de l’action publique (moyenne et longue). La présente recherche fait deux principales contributions :à la littérature en politiques publiques sur le changement et à celle en études migratoires queer sur l’homonationalisme. D’une part, en proposant de saisir le changement en tant que processus de traduction, ma démarche permet de dépasser les dichotomies latentes entre changements lents et marginaux versus changements radicaux et rapides. Elle permet également de dépasser la dichotomie entre pressions exogènes et pressions endogènes du changement. D’autre part, en prenant au sérieux l’interdépendance entre les institutions et les idées dans la constitution d’une communauté nationale qui intègre les minorités sexuelles, elle suggère de regarder au-delà de l’homonationalisme tel que conceptualisé aujourd’hui pour comprendre la manière dont la frontière entre « nous » et « eux » s’érige. Cette frontière n’est pas la même d’un État à l’autre et se révèle être peu stable, évoluant d’une phase à l’autre du processus d’action publique. Une telle perspective propose ainsi une troisième voie analytique qui se distingue d’une part des tenants du discours de la libération sexuelle et d’autre part de ceux de l’impérialisme sexuel. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The aim of this study was to investigate potential mental health disparities in terms of self-rated depressive symptoms in between groups of LGBTI populations in Sweden and whether age, household income and long-standing illness could explain the possible differences. METHOD: A quantitative study with cross-sectional design was performed among the participants of the EU-LGBTI-II study (n = 2502) in a non-probability sample. Depression symptoms were measured by “Have you been feeling downhearted or depressed over the last two weeks?” and dichotomized into “depressive symptoms” and “no depressive symptoms” through the sample median value. A multivariable logistic regression analysis was performed, adjusting for household income, age and chronic illness. RESULTS: Prevalence of depressive symptoms was highest among trans (59.8%) and intersex individuals (58.3%) and lowest among gay (30.8%). Associations between sociodemographic factors and both LGBTI subgroups and depressive symptoms were also found. In the model, odds of having depressive symptoms were higher in Trans and Intersex (OR=1.76, 95CI 1.32-2.34) and lower in Gay individuals (OR=0.75, CI 0.57-0.99) as compared to lesbians (reference group). There was no statistically significant difference in depressive symptoms between bisexuals and lesbians. DISCUSSION: Depressive symptoms were more common among trans and intersex people. The results are mostly aligned with previous research of LGBTI mental health.

Despite legal and policy advancements in South Africa, prejudice, discrimination and victimisation are still a reality for many lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) people in the country. The Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA) has embarked on a process to develop lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) affirmative practice guidelines for psychology professionals, when working with these client populations. As a part of the larger objective, this research study highlights LGB people’s experiences of psychotherapy and counselling in South Africa as possible inputs for the mentioned practice guidelines. Qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted with selected participants. The results indicate that some aspects of LGB people’s experiences are similar to those of anyone in psychotherapy or counselling, but also that there are distinct differences. Negative experiences were almost exclusively due to the counsellor being disaffirming of the client's sexual orientation. Self-acceptance and the development of alternative perspectives of sexuality were more prominent outcomes of counselling compared to studies among broader populations. The participants’ feedback on a list of affirmative statements provides a potential basis for future affirmative practice guidelines. / Psychology / M. A. (Clinical Psychology)

Research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Studies. March 2015 / This paper examines race and class schisms among South African LGBTI persons using the lens of hate crimes legislation. While much praise is given to South Africa’s constitutional framework which provides for non-discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation, LGBTI persons still face unacceptably high levels of violence and victimisation. An ongoing trend of violent murders of black lesbian women in particular has mobilised advocacy by LGBTI organisations and other civil society actors to call for hate crimes legislation. This paper takes a critical look at hate crimes legislation and the potential problems of its application in a society with gross inequality and power discrepancies. This critique has as its foundation an acknowledgement that action needs to be taken to address the scourge of violence, while at the same time understanding the intersectionality of oppression and the uneven results achieved by liberal legal reform.

South African institutions of higher learning remain unfriendly and hostile environments for queer students who reportedly continue to experience homophobia, biphobia and transphobia in these spaces. This qualitative enquiry explored the experiences of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersexed (LGBTI) students in accessing healthcare in a contact higher education institution. The findings suggest that LGBTI issues are silenced within the university spaces and this blocks the availability of a targeted and strategic approach to deal with the healthcare issues of queer students. Furthermore, it was found that the healthcare services are heterocentric in nature, mainly targeting heterosexual students and deliberately excluding LGBTI students from accessing these services. In addition, the heteronormative attitudes held by healthcare professionals create added barriers for LGBTI students to access healthcare services. Religiously motivated stigma and discrimination prevented healthcare professionals from providing culturally appropriate healthcare services to LGBTI students, thereby excluding them from accessing these services. This research concludes that university management should take decisive action in supporting a human rights framework in order to protect the rights of LGBTI students. Sensitization training as well as the training curriculum of healthcare professionals should include aspects of sexual orientation and gender identity. / Health Studies / M.A.(Social Behaviour Studies in HIV-AIDS)

Despite legal and policy advancements in South Africa, prejudice, discrimination and victimisation are still a reality for many lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) people in the country. The Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA) has embarked on a process to develop lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) affirmative practice guidelines for psychology professionals, when working with these client populations. As a part of the larger objective, this research study highlights LGB people’s experiences of psychotherapy and counselling in South Africa as possible inputs for the mentioned practice guidelines. Qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted with selected participants. The results indicate that some aspects of LGB people’s experiences are similar to those of anyone in psychotherapy or counselling, but also that there are distinct differences. Negative experiences were almost exclusively due to the counsellor being disaffirming of the client's sexual orientation. Self-acceptance and the development of alternative perspectives of sexuality were more prominent outcomes of counselling compared to studies among broader populations. The participants’ feedback on a list of affirmative statements provides a potential basis for future affirmative practice guidelines. / Psychology / M. A. (Clinical Psychology)

Cotutelle avec l'Université libre de Bruxelles / Depuis l’adoption de la Directive Qualification en 2004 et de sa refonte en 2011, l’Union européenne reconnaît explicitement les persécutions du fait de l’orientation sexuelle et de l’identité de genre en tant que motif d’octroi du statut de réfugié∙e, selon le critère de l’appartenance à un certain groupe social. Cependant, il existe toujours des différences considérables dans la manière dont les États européens examinent les demandes des personnes invoquant ce type de persécutions, ce qui contrevient à la volonté marquée de l’UE d’atteindre un Régime d’asile européen commun. Dans cette thèse je propose de suivre le processus de fabrique de la nouvelle catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » en Belgique, en France et au Royaume-Uni afin d’apporter une explication au fait que malgré les pressions d’harmonisation de l’Union européenne, les contours de cette catégorie de réfugié∙es diffèrent d’un État européen à l’autre. M’inscrivant dans la suite des travaux qui proposent d’aborder le processus d’action publique à partir de l’interdépendance entre les institutions et les idées, je suggère d’appréhender la fabrique de la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » en tant que processus de traduction multi-niveaux engendré par les logiques positionnelles (institutions) et les logiques interprétatives (idées) d’acteurs en interactions. Pour ce faire, je développe les notions de « configuration des arènes de traduction » et de « paradigme de traduction » qui me permettent de capturer et de suivre les logiques positionnelles et interprétatives des acteurs tout au long du processus de traduction (genèse, stabilisation et verrouillage). La configuration des arènes de traduction correspond à la somme des institutions formelles et informelles qui contraignent les acteurs dans les trois arènes où s’opère la traduction de la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » : l’arène administrative, l’arène associative et l’arène judiciaire. Le paradigme de traduction correspond à l’espace de sens à travers lequel les acteurs impliqués dans le processus de traduction interprètent la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI ». Il est composé de trois éléments : la définition du problème, la solution politique et l’univers de discours. La démarche proposée permet quatre principaux apports, à la fois d’ordre empirique et analytique. D’une part, pour ce qui est des apports empiriques, mon approche permet d’articuler plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement (international, européen et national). Elle permet également d’apporter une profondeur historique à l’analyse. D’autre part, pour ce qui est des apports analytiques, ma démarche permet d’articuler plusieurs niveaux d’analyse (institutions et idées). Elle permet également d’articuler plusieurs temporalités du changement de l’action publique (moyenne et longue). La présente recherche fait deux principales contributions : à la littérature en politiques publiques sur le changement et à celle en études migratoires queer sur l’homonationalisme. D’une part, en proposant de saisir le changement en tant que processus de traduction, ma démarche permet de dépasser les dichotomies latentes entre changements lents et marginaux versus changements radicaux et rapides. Elle permet également de dépasser la dichotomie entre pressions exogènes et pressions endogènes du changement. D’autre part, en prenant au sérieux l’interdépendance entre les institutions et les idées dans la constitution d’une communauté nationale qui intègre les minorités sexuelles, elle suggère de regarder au-delà de l’homonationalisme tel que conceptualisé aujourd’hui pour comprendre la manière dont la frontière entre « nous » et « eux » s’érige. Cette frontière n’est pas la même d’un État à l’autre et se révèle être peu stable, évoluant d’une phase à l’autre du processus d’action publique. Une telle perspective propose ainsi une troisième voie analytique qui se distingue d’une part des tenants du discours de la libération sexuelle et d’autre part de ceux de l’impérialisme sexuel. / Since the adoption of the Qualification Directive in 2004 and its recast in 2011, the European Union has explicitly recognized persecutions on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity as a ground for granting refugee status, according to the criterion of membership of a particular social group. However, there are still considerable differences in the way European states deal with applications from those who claim this kind of persecution, which goes against the EU’s strong desire to achieve a Common European Asylum System. This dissertation follows the “fabrique” of the new category of “LGBTI refugee” in Belgium, France, and the United Kingdom. It provides an explanation for the fact that in spite of pressures to harmonize the European Union, the contours of this category of refugees differ from one European state to another. Following an approach that focuses on the public policy process with an emphasis on the interdependence between institutions and ideas, I suggest apprehending the “fabrique” of the category of “LGBTI refugee” as a multi-level translation process, generated by the logics-of-positions (institutions) and the logics-of interpretations (ideas) of actors in interactions. To this aim, I develop the notions of “configuration of translation arenas” and of “translation paradigm” which allow me to capture and follow the positional and interpretative logics of actors throughout the translation process (genesis, stabilization and lock-in). The configuration of the translation arenas corresponds to the sum of the formal and informal institutions that constrain actors in the three arenas where the translation of the category of “LGBTI refugee” takes place: the administrative arena, the associative arena and the judicial arena. The translation paradigm corresponds to the space of meaning through which the actors involved in the translation process interpret the category of “LGBTI refugee”. It is composed of three elements: the problem definition, the political solution, and the discursive universe. The proposed approach gives rise to four main contributions, both empirical and analytical. On the one hand, in terms of empirical contributions, this approach allows for the articulation of several levels of government (international, European, and national). It also provides historical depth to the analysis. On the other hand, with regard to the analytical inputs, this approach facilitates the articulation of several analytical levels (institutions and ideas). It also makes possible the articulation of several temporalities of public action change. Overall, this research makes an important contribution to two literatures, namely the literature on public policy and the literature on queer migration studies. First, by proposing to capture change as a translation process, my approach overcomes the latent dichotomies between slow and marginal changes versus radical and rapid changes. It also overcomes the dichotomy between exogenous pressures and endogenous pressures that explain change in public policy. Second, considering the interdependence between institutions and ideas in the constitution of a national community inclusive of sexual minorities, it suggests looking beyond homonationalism, as it is conceptualized today, for understanding the construction of “us” and “them”. This construction is not the same from one state to another and does not appear to be very stable, as it evolves from one phase to another during the entire public action process. Such a perspective thus offers a third analytical path which differs from the discourse on sexual liberation and the discourse on sexual imperialism.

[pt] O trabalho investiga a discussão sobre a orientação sexual na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988 (ANC). Um dos objetivos da pesquisa é descrever as discussões sobre a temática, com especial atenção às menções a pessoas lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, trans, intersex e demais dissidentes de gênero e sexualidade (LGBTI+). O segundo objetivo da dissertação é realizar uma análise crítica dos discursos levantados, com atenção para o poder produtivo do discurso. A pesquisa adotou como marco teórico a noção de performatividade de gênero, desenvolvida por Judith Butler, e seus desdobramentos críticos relativos ao processo de construção do sujeito. A principal técnica de investigação empregada foi a análise documental, que auxiliou na obtenção de dados primários a partir dos Anais da ANC e dos documentos disponibilizados no Fundo João Antônio Mascarenhas do Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth. Os métodos que orientam o exame são a análise foucaultiana do discurso e a teorização fundamentada nos dados. Os resultados mostram como foi a articulação da incidência política encabeçada pelo Triângulo Rosa na Constituinte, suas limitações em relação à representatividade do grupo social e os processos de hierarquização de identidades que constituem a base do Movimento LGBTI+, com especial alijamento de pessoas travestis e transexuais. Além disso, demonstrou-se a persistência de certas formações discursivas contemporaneamente, sobretudo por meio da oposição, de parlamentares ligados a setores religiosos, às demandas de pessoas LGBTI+; e constatou-se, a partir de evidências empíricas, que a proteção contra discriminação com base em orientação sexual está abarcada pela vedação geral prevista na atual Constituição. / [en] The work investigates the debate regarding sexual orientation in the 1987-1988 National Constituent Assembly (ANC). One of the objectives of the research is to describe the discussions on the theme, with special attention to the mentions of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex and other gender and sexuality dissidents (LGBTI+). The second objective of the thesis is to conduct a critical analysis of the discourses, with attention to the productive power of discourse. The research adopted as a theoretical framework the notion of gender performativity, developed by Judith Butler, and its critical outcomes concerning the process of subject construction. The main research technique employed was document analysis, which helped in obtaining primary data from the proceedings of the ANC and the documents made available in Fundo João Antônio Mascarenhas of the Edgard Leuenroth Archive. The methods guiding the examination are Foucauldian discourse analysis and grounded theory. The results show how was the articulation of the political advocacy coordinated by Triângulo Rosa in the Constituent, its limitations in relation to the representation of the social group, and the processes of hierarchization of identities that constitute the base of the LGBTI+ Movement, with particular exclusion of transvestites and transsexuals. In addition, the work demonstrated the contemporary persistence of certain discursive formations, especially through the opposition of congressmen linked to religious sectors to the demands of LGBTI+ people; and found empirical evidence that protection against discrimination based on sexual orientation is covered by the general prohibition provided for in the current Constitution.