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This thesis explores the complex voices of militants, associated with the capture of oil resources in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The persistent violent conflict involving militant groups in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria is a major concern for many within the country and the international community. Understanding the conflict in the Niger Delta has triggered a wide range of discussions and debates among researchers, politicians and policy makers. However, these debates have overlooked the views of the militants, who are actively engaged in the conflict over resource governance in the region. Moreover the ideology of self-determination and resource control, which these militants use to legitimise their actions, seem to generate different meanings and labelling that tend to cloud an understandings of the conflict in the region. In this thesis, I adopt the theoretical assumptions of the New Social Movement literature and the epistemological views of the Interpretivist Social Constructionist approach to explore (a) what features shaped the emergence of militancy and its diverse forms (b) how do militias make sense of their role as militants? (c) how does the role of militias impact on the politics of oil governance in the Niger Delta? I argue that militia actions that appear to challenge the legitimacy and authority of the Nigerian state to control oil resources, are embedded in complex webs involving formal and informal interactions of political elites and militia leaders. From analysis of this research, key dominant concepts such as Identity, opportunism and competition, emerged to give insight as to why and how militancy has become significant in the region.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho tem como objeto investigar o movimento estudantil universitÃrio, buscando identificar as caracterÃsticas dessa praxis da juventude, partindo da hipÃtese de que rituais, sÃmbolos, discursos, manifestaÃÃes pÃblicas e disputas eleitorais expressam nÃo apenas a dinÃmica desse movimento social, mas se constituem como estratÃgia de propaganda e de reproduÃÃo do mesmo. Para tanto, foi realizada a anÃlise do discurso produzido pelas direÃÃes estudantis em seus materiais impressos. A elaboraÃÃo do conceito de juventude foi abordada, a partir do entendimento de vÃrios autores. O fenÃmeno da GlobalizaÃÃo e suas consequÃncias no campo da aÃÃo polÃtica foram tratados para contextualizar a temÃtica da militÃncia estudantil na dÃcada de 1990. à pertinente afirmar que o movimento estudantil à um tipo de organizaÃÃo da juventude, que se distingue por sua dimensÃo ideolÃgica e pelo exercÃcio da polÃtica. Embora os rituais que caracterizam o movimento ainda se mantenham, as manifestaÃÃes pÃblicas vÃo se transformando, conforme as exigÃncias do momento histÃrico. Foram observadas aÃÃes voltadas para o recrutamento de militantes e para a manutenÃÃo da hegemonia na direÃÃo entidades estudantis. Contudo, os dirigentes negam a adoÃÃo dessas estratÃgias. Para os militantes, tanto no passado quanto no presente, a despeito da recorrÃncia do discurso da âcriseâ, o movimento estudantil à um terreno fÃrtil para o cultivo da utopia da transformaÃÃo social e de suas âreinvenÃÃesâ. / This study has the object of investigating the university student movement, seeking to identify the characteristics of this youth praxis from the hypothesis that rituals, symbols, discourses, public demonstrations, and electoral disputes express not only the dynamics of this social movement but also constitute a propaganda strategy and a reproduction of it. In order to do so, the analysis of the discourse produced by the boards of students in their print materials was employed. The concept of youth was approached from the perspective of various authors. The Globalization phenomenon and its consequences to political action were taken into account to contextualize the student militancy in the 1990s. It is pertinent to say that the student movement is a type of youth organization, which is distinguished by its ideological dimension and political exercise. Although the rituals that characterize the movement still remain, the public demonstrations are in transformation, in accordance with the demands of the historical moment. Actions aimed at recruiting militants and maintaining the hegemony in the boards of students were observed. However, the leaders deny adopting such strategies. For the militants, in the past and in the present, despite the recurrence of the âcrisisâ discourse, the student movement is a fertile territory to cultivate the utopia of social change and its âreinventionsâ.

Yes

Esta pesquisa pretende ser um estudo em psicologia social sobre os caminhos e perspectivas de militância de estudantes do Instituto de Psicologia da Universidade de São Paulo. A entrevista aberta com um roteiro norteador foi utilizada como método de pesquisa. Dois estudantes de graduação do Instituto de Psicologia da USP envolvidos de maneira profunda com algum tipo de militância estudantil foram entrevistados. O tema central destas entrevistas foi a militância e engajamento estudantil. A partir deste grande tema e de algumas perguntas norteadoras referentes à militância estudantil os entrevistados foram convidados a contar o percurso de envolvimento na militância estudantil. Os assuntos abordados pelos entrevistados foram divididos em três grandes eixos: Os caminhos: Onde relatam os fatos, memórias e lembranças pertinentes ao engajamento político que desembocaram na militância estudantil. A atuação: Contam aqui os caminhos percorridos na própria militância. Futuro e reflexões: Onde discorrem sobre a perspectiva de futuro para eles mesmos no movimento estudantil e na política em geral e trazem pensamentos e reflexões sobre a militância. A análise teórica dos relatos centra-se em acompanhar o percurso contado pelos militantes dentro de duas grandes perspectivas. A da memória e o do devir. A partir delas tentaremos mostrar as transformações de identidade dos entrevistados ao longo do caminho e as transformações conquistadas no espaço coletivo. Este estudo pretende contribuir para a reflexão da militância estudantil / This research intends to be a study in social psychology on the paths and perspectives of student militancy of the Institute of Psychology of the University of São Paulo. The open interview with a guiding script was used as a research method. Two undergraduate students from the Institute of Psychology at USP deeply involved in some kind of student activism were interviewed. The central theme of these interviews was militancy and student engagement. From this great theme and some guiding questions regarding student militancy, the interviewees were invited to tell the story of involvement in student militancy. The subjects addressed by the interviewees were divided into three main axes: The paths: Where they report the facts, memories and memories pertinent to the political engagement that led to student militancy. The performance: They count here the paths covered in the own militancy. Future and reflections: Where they discuss the perspective of the future for themselves in the student movement and politics in general and bring thoughts and reflections on militancy. The theoretical analysis of the reports focuses on following the path counted by the militants within two great perspectives. The perspectives of memory and of becoming. From these we will try to show the identity transformations of the interviewees along the way and the transformations conquered in the collective space. This study aims to contribute to the reflection of student militancy

Essa pesquisa, de caráter eminentemente qualitativo, trata dos processos de socialização política de mulheres militantes do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST) em São Paulo e tem por objetivos: (i) apreender de que modo tais mulheres adquiriram, ao longo de suas trajetórias de vida, disposições para o engajamento político e, no mesmo sentido, (ii) compreender como são interiorizadas e transmitidas, na experiência do próprio movimento, novas disposições para a defesa e ação em causas coletivas; (iii) analisar as especificidades das práticas educativas propiciadas pela dinâmica e organização do MTST e, finalmente, (iv) investigar a posição das mulheres militantes na organização desse movimento. A pesquisa volta-se, portanto, para as (pré)disposições resultantes de processos de socialização anteriores à entrada no movimento e que contribuíram para tal engajamento (tais como família, escola, bairro, igreja) de um lado e, de outro, para as novas disposições que se desenvolvem por meio de diferentes processos formativos e de socialização política dessas mulheres no interior do próprio movimento. O MTST embora seja identificado como movimento de luta por moradia, é um movimento social que defende transformações sociais mais profundas, que vão além da reforma urbana e da luta contra a especulação imobiliária. Atualmente, o MTST é constituído por cerca de 40 mil famílias que vivem em algum tipo de ocupação, além das famílias que, mesmo não vivendo em terrenos ou imóveis ocupados, participam das atividades do movimento, tais como manifestações públicas, assembleias e curso de formação política, tendo em vista conquistar também sua casa própria. Praticamente a totalidade dessas famílias apresentam propriedades sociais que, num primeiro momento, poderiam ser consideradas desfavoráveis à participação e ação política dado as precárias condições de vida a que estão submetidas. Porém, tais características não parecem ser definidoras do engajamento haja visto que muitos dos movimentos sociais têm sua origem em parcelas empobrecidas da população. Os procedimentos metodológicos foram constituídos nas seguintes etapas: (i) observação das ocupações, das assembleias, cursos e reuniões, em especial, as atividades desenvolvidas no Casarão (sede do MTST em São Paulo); (ii) escolha dos depoentes para realização de entrevistas em profundidade e (iii) análise dos dados tendo em vista desvendar as especificidades das dimensões educativas envolvidas nos processos de socialização e engajamento político. / This research, eminently qualitative, deals with political socialization processes Movement militants women of landless Workers (MTST) in São Paulo and aims to: (i) apprehending that such women so acquired, along its life trajectories, habitus for political engagement and, in the same direction, (ii) understand how they are internalized and passed on the experience of the movement itself, new habitus for the defence and action in collective causes; (iii) analysis the specifics of educational practices afforded by the dynamics and organization of MTST and finally (iv) to investigate the position of women activists in the organization of this movement. The research turns therefore to the (pre) habitus from previous socialization processes to entry and movement that contributed to such engagement (such as family, school, neighbourhood, church) on one side and on the other, to the new habitus that develop through different training processes and political socialization of these women within the movement itself. The MTST although it is identified as housing for fight of movement is a social movement that advocates deeper social transformations that go beyond urban reform and the fight against property speculation. Currently, the MTST consists of about 40 thousand families living in some kind of occupation, beyond the families that even not living in land or buildings occupied, participate in the activities of the movement, such as public manifestation, meetings and training course policy, with a view also to conquer your own home. Substantially all of these families have social properties that, at first, could be considered unfavourable to political participation and action given the precarious living conditions to which they are subjected. However, these characteristics do not seem to be defining engagement given the fact that many of the social movements have their origin in impoverished parts of the population. The methodological procedures will be made in the following steps: (i) observation of occupations, assemblies, courses and meetings, in particular the activities in the \"Casarão\" (MTST headquarters in São Paulo); (ii) selection of the deponents to conduct in-depth interviews and (iii) analysis the data in order to uncover the specifics of educational dimensions involved in the processes of socialization and political engagement.

The field of medieval gender studies is a growing one, and nowhere is this expansion more evident than the recent increase in studies which address the roles of medieval women in times of war. While this change in research has been invaluable in helping to reveal the many important wartime roles performed by medieval women, previous studies have been too narrowly focused. Scholars have examined particular aspects of women’s military activities without analysing the full extent and significance of their involvement, and their studies have focused geographically either on women in Western Europe or on women in the crusade movement without considering the relationship between these two areas. This thesis bridges the geographic and analytical gap by looking longitudinally at the female military experience from the late-eleventh to the early-fifteenth century in Western European society (predominantly France and England), on crusade, and in the Holy Land. An examination of medieval legal, philosophical, and political debates and discussions provides theoretical understanding of contemporary attitudes toward women and their perceived roles in war. Subsequent chapters focus on how women functioned as military leaders, supporters of military activity, and victims of wartime violence. Perceptions of these women in the writings of contemporary chroniclers are also evaluated. The disparity between theoretical attitudes toward women in war and the realities of medieval women’s military experiences is revealed through discussion of their extensive, though largely unstudied, participation in wars of the period. It is argued that historians must adopt a broader understanding and awareness of not only women’s ‘involvement’ in war, but also the importance of their contributions to medieval military history.

This thesis addresses the campaign of militant activism which Wales witnessed between 1963 and 1969. It demonstrates that the unprecedented period of violence was fuelled by both the contentious flooding of Cwm Tryweryn and crucially, the failure of Plaid Cymru to prevent the valley's drowning through constitutional means. By not taking passive and timely protest action, Plaid Cymru ensured that militancy, as predominately undertaken by Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru, became a feature of the Welsh geo-political landscape. Moreover, had the party taken a more sharpened approach during the earlier stages of the proposal, it is likely that the emergence of the so-called Free Wales Army, which campaigned along the lines of using 'propaganda against the Establishment', may well have been avoided. However, this is a view which is challenged by, among others, former members of the displaced community, who maintain that Plaid Cymru - and most notably its president - did all they could to prevent the Tryweryn Reservoir Bill becoming law. Nonetheless, the escalation in militant strategy came in response to the impending Royal Investiture of Charles Windsor as Prince of Wales. In retaliation, the authorities established the so-called Shrewsbury Unit. This was borne of an increasingly desperate attempt to apprehend those responsible, in order to ensure the safety of the Royal Party and the success of the ceremony. By considering the publicity conscious Free Wales Army, the thesis demonstrates that the group undertook one failed militant strike. It also establishes that the militant offensive undertaken by MAC comprised two distinct phases. The first in 1963 was predominately marshalled by Emyr Llywelyn Jones. The second period of hostilities, between 1966 and 1969, was orchestrated by John Jenkins; who critically, was a Sergeant in the British Army Dental Corps. This thesis seeks to reinstate the importance of the militant campaign in Welsh history, neither by judging it nor dismissing it, but by establishing the importance of these protests to both the nation's history and its cultural and political advance. It also establishes the detail of what happened, while seeking to tell the story in a balanced way, paying full attention to the perspective of the perpetrators and those actively engaged in their detection.