Esta pesquisa pretende ser um estudo em psicologia social sobre os caminhos e perspectivas de militância de estudantes do Instituto de Psicologia da Universidade de São Paulo. A entrevista aberta com um roteiro norteador foi utilizada como método de pesquisa. Dois estudantes de graduação do Instituto de Psicologia da USP envolvidos de maneira profunda com algum tipo de militância estudantil foram entrevistados. O tema central destas entrevistas foi a militância e engajamento estudantil. A partir deste grande tema e de algumas perguntas norteadoras referentes à militância estudantil os entrevistados foram convidados a contar o percurso de envolvimento na militância estudantil. Os assuntos abordados pelos entrevistados foram divididos em três grandes eixos: Os caminhos: Onde relatam os fatos, memórias e lembranças pertinentes ao engajamento político que desembocaram na militância estudantil. A atuação: Contam aqui os caminhos percorridos na própria militância. Futuro e reflexões: Onde discorrem sobre a perspectiva de futuro para eles mesmos no movimento estudantil e na política em geral e trazem pensamentos e reflexões sobre a militância. A análise teórica dos relatos centra-se em acompanhar o percurso contado pelos militantes dentro de duas grandes perspectivas. A da memória e o do devir. A partir delas tentaremos mostrar as transformações de identidade dos entrevistados ao longo do caminho e as transformações conquistadas no espaço coletivo. Este estudo pretende contribuir para a reflexão da militância estudantil / This research intends to be a study in social psychology on the paths and perspectives of student militancy of the Institute of Psychology of the University of São Paulo. The open interview with a guiding script was used as a research method. Two undergraduate students from the Institute of Psychology at USP deeply involved in some kind of student activism were interviewed. The central theme of these interviews was militancy and student engagement. From this great theme and some guiding questions regarding student militancy, the interviewees were invited to tell the story of involvement in student militancy. The subjects addressed by the interviewees were divided into three main axes: The paths: Where they report the facts, memories and memories pertinent to the political engagement that led to student militancy. The performance: They count here the paths covered in the own militancy. Future and reflections: Where they discuss the perspective of the future for themselves in the student movement and politics in general and bring thoughts and reflections on militancy. The theoretical analysis of the reports focuses on following the path counted by the militants within two great perspectives. The perspectives of memory and of becoming. From these we will try to show the identity transformations of the interviewees along the way and the transformations conquered in the collective space. This study aims to contribute to the reflection of student militancy

The present study has several purposes in mind. First, the increasing teacher militancy from January, 1940, to July, 1968, will be delineated. Second, possible causes of increasing militancy since World War II will be evaluated. Special emphasis will be given to the current period of teacher strikes. Third, the historical roles of the NEA and AFT, with emphasis on their respective positions with respect to the improvement of teacher welfare, will be surveyed. Fourth, the impact of increasing teacher militancy on the NEA and AFT, will be investigated.

Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) In the Department of Development Studies, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2019. / This study critically explores, in comparative terms, the socio-economic dimension (drivers and effects) of Niger Delta Militancy and Boko Haram insurgency, within the ongoing debate on the nexus between security and development. Using the mix of Root Cause and Rational Choice theories (2RCs), the study through qualitative methods, demonstrates the relative implication of socio-economic causes and effects of both insurgencies, based on evidence from interviews, available video documentaries and literatures. Acknowledging the weak, however irrefutable, connection between security and development, the study underscores that the social and economic dimension of both insurgencies must be factored into a long-term recovery plan, despite the seeming religious façade of Boko Haram. The study demonstrates that while poverty, for instance, is necessary but insufficient in explaining conflict, its persistence amidst affluence and economic growth suggest that it significantly determines the hopelessness, angst and lack of trust in the system that often nudges some citizens to seek alternative means of redress. Such means may be ethnonationalism or religion as suggestive of the Niger Delta militancy or Boko Haram insurgency respectively. In addition, both insecurities have been hijacked by certain individuals for self-benefiting ends. This hijack is somewhat driven by personal rational calculus and oiled by the pan-Nigeria “socio-economic neediness” among the masses. In this regard, while the masterminds manipulate this ‘socio-economic neediness’, the lower ranks (of these insurgencies) derive immediate economic or political benefits from participation through criminality. Meanwhile, the study found that socio-economic causes are more easily identifiable in the Niger Delta insurgencies as compared to Boko Haram’s, especially from the standpoint of legitimate grievances. For the Boko Haram insurgency, the socio-economic underdevelopment in the northern region are ideologically manipulated to mobilise wide support for the insurgency through monetary inducement, leveraging on the vulnerability of the populace. This is especially compounded by the lower level of education among it ranks of foot soldiers and general level of human underdevelopment across the region. The implication of Nigeria’s mono-cultural economy for the country’s development trajectory and the current instabilities are explored to illuminate what, why, and how the resultant socio-economic underdevelopment could be related to both insurgencies. Accordingly, the popular criticism of the socio-economic dimension that often allude to the relatively higher level of vii poverty in other parts of the north compared to Borno is critically revisited. This is done by demonstrating that Boko Haram is hardly a Borno or North-east phenomenon exclusively. Indeed, the historical and ideological resonance of Islamic extremism of Boko Haram, across the entire northern region, strongly reinforces this view. The study further demonstrates how the protracted insurgencies, among other agitations in the country continue to inhibit Nigeria’s overall development, creating an endless circle of conflict. Hence, in contributing to the attainment of a durable and sustainable resolution, this study advocates that adequate and improved redress of the socio-economic dimension, among the other notable undeniable dimensions must take place. In this regard, the study critically engages the mix of defence, diplomacy and development (the 3D) as used in other conflict regions in the world, to decipher possible ways forward. Minding context dependence of such policy frameworks and the difficulty with transferability however, the study ultimately seeks only to draw adaptable lessons, especially its accents on inter-agency cooperation (human and material resource) in comparable insurgencies. Herein lies the security-development nexus in Nigeria, given the deepening human insecurity and underdevelopment spawned by both insurgencies

Militancy in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria is a problem that affects government, private organizations, and individuals. The government's Amnesty and Reconciliation Program encouraged individuals to denounce militancy in return for skills training and a monthly allowance. However, the amnesty program has not yielded the desired result of ending insurgent militancy. The purpose of this research was to better understand factors that cause individuals to join militant groups in the Niger Delta region, in order to proffer plausible solutions to address the causes of militancy. Using the root cause conceptual framework in this phenomenological research, I explored the causal factors of militancy in the Niger Delta region for an in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. The key research questions focused on the motivating factors that spur individuals to participate in militant terrorism in Nigeria's Niger Delta region and whether the implementation of the Amnesty and Reconciliation Program mitigated the problem of militant terrorism in Nigeria's Niger Delta. Data were collected from 10 individuals through in-depth face-to-face interviews, while concept mapping was applied in completing the analysis of interview data. Key results revealed 8 core areas as causes of militancy: the lack of local control of resources, underdevelopment, relocation of local government headquarters, poverty, marginalization, environmental pollution, education opportunities, and poor implementation of the amnesty program. Implications for positive social change include using the findings to develop more effective programs and policies for addressing the problem of militancy and to implement strategies that will reduce or eradicate militancy and associated problems.

Cette thèse traite de la période durant laquelle les Cahiers du Cinéma ont appliqué une lecture idéologique aux films populaires. Elle met en exergue les débats et les différentes théories critiques développées autour de la représentation de l’histoire des luttes populaires au sein du cinéma français, italien et américain de 1973 à 1978. Ce travail analyse les articles parus dans la revue à partir de la prise en charge de la rédaction par Serge Daney et Serge Toubiana. Le changement qui intervient alors au sein de la revue est indissociable d’un désir de retour à une critique renouant avec le cinéma après une période marquée par l’engagement politique de la rédaction depuis 1968. Les retrouvailles avec cette critique filmique encore empreinte de militantisme passent par une lecture des intentions idéologiques que recouvrirait le cinéma populaire. Les films sont appréhendés par la revue tels des moyens pour la classe bourgeoise de rendre naturelle sa conception du monde, de la société et de l’Histoire. C’est aux côtés des philosophes Michel Foucault, Jacques Rancière et de l’historien Marc Ferro que les critiques des Cahiers vont affiner une approche historiographique de la représentation des masses populaires au cinéma. De la France de Charles de Gaulle au programme socialiste de François Mitterrand en passant par l’arrivée au pouvoir de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, la rédaction des Cahiers du Cinéma focalise son analyse sur les mutations et les ruptures qui caractérisent les gouvernements se succédant. Ce travail revient sur les différentes lectures que les critiques développent à l’endroit du découpage de films historiques et documentaires traitant de mouvements révolutionnaires tels que mai 68, sur les films ayant recours à des images d’archives, sur la décontextualisation politique du discours tenu par le militantisme ainsi que sur la fonction sociale et historique que les critiques des Cahiers du Cinéma ont théorisée en s’appuyant sur des films tels que Moi, Pierre Rivière..., Le petit Marcel, Milestones ou encore Jonas qui aura 25 ans en l’an 2000. / This thesis concerns the period in which the Cahiers du Cinéma applied an ideological reading to popular film. It highlights the debates and various critical theories concerning social struggles within French, Italian and American cinema from 1973 until 1978. This work analyses the articles published in the Cahiers after Serge Daney and Serge Toubiana began managing the magazine. The changes which then occurred showed an intrinsic desire to revive film criticism after a period marked by the political commitments of the editorial staff (dating back to 1968). This merging of film criticism with a militant approach was achieved through a reading of the ideological intentions hidden within popular cinema. Film was understood by the magazine as a way for the bourgeois class to normalize its conception of the world, society and history. Along with the philosophers Michel Foucault, Jacques Rancière and the historian Marc Ferro, the critics of the Cahiers would go on to refine a historiographical approach of the representation of the working-class masses. From Charles de Gaulle’s France to Valéry Giscard d’Estaing’s election and to François Mitterrand’s socialist program, the editorial staff of the Cahiers du Cinéma focused its analysis on the transformations and fractures which characterized successive governments. This work reflects on the different readings that the critics developed, regarding the editing of historical and documentary films which recorded revolutionary movements like the May 1968 events. It also looks at the way films resorted to archive images, and the political decontextualization of the militant discourse, as well as the social and historical function that the critics of the Cahiers du Cinéma theorized, drawing from films such as Moi, Pierre Rivière..., Le petit Marcel, Milestones or Jonas qui aura 25 ans en l’an 2000.

Este trabalho pretende investigar a diáspora palestina no Brasil, através do olhar dos integrantes\\simpatizantes da Federação Árabe Palestina do Brasil (FEPAL). A entidade, fundada em novembro de 1980, uniu e politizou a comunidade palestina do Brasil, no mesmo momento em que o Brasil acompanhava o esgotamento do regime militar. A presença de manifestações políticas pelas Diretas Já! foi a oportunidade encontrada pelos imigrantes palestinos e descendentes de difundirem a causa palestina para o público brasileiro. Mais adiante, o aumento da violência contra os refugiados palestinos no Líbano na década de 1980 foi fundamental para a formação de uma segunda entidade, a Associação Cultural Sanaúd, em 1982, criada pelos jovens da comunidade síria, libanesa e palestina a fim de se manifestarem pela causa palestina em muitos eventos promovidos em São Paulo. A efervescência política em apoio à questão da Palestina durou até meados da década de 1990, o desânimo gerado pelos Acordos de Paz de Oslo interrompeu a militância política palestina até a sua retomada em 2000, quando estourou a segunda Intifada. Foi nessa ocasião em que foram formadas novas organizações nacionalistas: o Shalom, Salam, Paz (2000), uma associação entre a comunidade judaica e palestina; o GT Árabe (2010) e o comitê Estado da Palestina Já! (2011). Foi através da observação participante nas reuniões do GT Árabe e do comitê Estado da Palestina Já! e através das entrevistas realizadas com 13 colaboradores que foi possível compreender as relações entre a FEPAL e o Hamas; o aumento da oposição às diretrizes da FEPAL em São Paulo e sobre as impressões da política externa entre o Brasil e a Palestina durante o governo Lula (2003-2010) e o início do governo Dilma Rousseff (2011-2012). O recorte para esta pesquisa começa desde o ano 2000, início da segunda Intifada e vai até a votação pelo reconhecimento do Estado da Palestina na Assembleia da ONU, em 2012. No mesmo ano que acontecia o Fórum Social Mundial Palestina Livre, na cidade de Porto Alegre-RS. / This work intends to investigate the Palestinian diaspora in Brazil, through the eyes of the members\\ sympathizers of the Palestinian Arab Federation of Brazil (FEPAL). The entity, founded in November 1980, united and politicized the Palestinian community of Brazil, at the same time that Brazil was following the exhaustion of the military regime. The presence of political demonstrations for the Diretas Já! was the opportunity found by Palestinian immigrants and descendants to spread the Palestinian cause to the Brazilian public. Further, the increase of the violence against Palestinian refugees in Lebanon in the 1980s was the key to the formation of a second entity, the Sanaúd Cultural Association, in 1982, created by the youngers from the Syrian, Lebanese and Palestinian communities to demonstrate the Palestinian cause in many events promoted in São Paulo. The political effervescence in support of the Palestine question lasted until the mid-1990s, the dismay generated by the Oslo Peace Accords interrupted the Palestinian political militancy until its resumption in 2000, when the second Intifada broke out. It was at this time that new nationalist organizations were formed: Shalom, Salam, Paz (2000), an association between the Jewish and Palestinian community; the GT Árabe (2010) and the committee \"Estado da Palestina Já! (2011). It was through participant observation at the meetings of the GT Árabe and at the committee Estado da Palestina Já! and through the interviews with 13 collaborators that it was possible to understand the relations between FEPAL and Hamas; the increasing opposition to the directives of FEPAL in São Paulo and on the impressions of the foreign policy between Brazil and Palestine during the Lula government (2003-2010) and at the beginning of the Dilma Rousseff government (2011-2012). The clipping for this research starts from the year 2000, at the beginning of the second Intifada and goes until the vote for the recognition of the State of Palestine in the Assembly of the UN, in 2012. In the same year that the Free Palestine World Social Forum took place, in the city of Porto Alegre-RS.

Esta dissertação analisa a trajetória política e intelectual do marxista brasileiro Jacob Gorender (1923-2013). O recorte temporal adotado detém-se no ano de sua prisão, em 1970, por motivo de suas atividades políticas, não obstante Gorender tenha uma rica militância e, especialmente, uma produção teórica muito vasta nos anos posteriores à sua experiência prisional. Esta escolha analítica decorre do fato deste período permitir acompanhar o seu itinerário militante em duas organizações políticas, o Partido Comunista do Brasil, renomeado em 1961 Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), e o Partido Comunista Brasileiro Revolucionário (PCBR). Por meio deste procedimento o objetivo foi compreender o processo de desenvolvimento do marxismo no Brasil, com as continuidades e rupturas que o caracterizaram, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1970, a partir de uma abordagem biográfica. / This thesis is on the political and intellectual trajectory of the Brazilian Marxist Jacob Gorender (1923-2013). The adopted time frame is held until his prison, in 1970, due to his political activities, regardless Gorender had a rich militancy and, specially, theoretical production in the years after his prison experience. This analytical choice results that this period allows to follow his militant itinerary in two political organizations, Communist Party of Brazil, renamed in 1961 Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), and Brazilian Revolutionary Communist Party (PCBR). Through this procedure the goal was to understand the development process of Marxism in Brazil, with the continuities and raptures that characterized it, between the 1940s and the 1970s, from a biographical approach.

Este estudo tem por objetivo contribuir para o desenvolvimento da produção acadêmica, elegendo como objeto de estudo a linguagem do teatro de militância. Para tanto, procedemos à investigação da atuação de três grupos, considerando o contexto sociopolítico e a estética, ambos como norteadores intrínsecos para a compreensão da linguagem. Abordamos estruturas desta prática, que vai além de disponibilizar-se como instrumento de debate ideológico, para entrar na rota da educação em processos educativos de vida, formais ou informais, com vistas à formação social do cidadão. O método de amostragem intencional elegeu o Teatro União e Olho Vivo (TUOV) e o Ventoforte (SP), que ideológica e historicamente relacionam-se ou identificam-se na figura de seus idealizadores César Vieira e Ilo Krugli e o Grupo Teatral Amador Campograndense (GUTAC) (MS), que igualmente comunga com os dois primeiros. No procedimento de amostragem de fontes, selecionamos para análise espetáculos que utilizam dramaturgia própria e recursos do teatro de animação na encenação. Ambas atingem resultados simbólicos e o estado dialógico entre as criações teatrais na busca de relação definida entre forma e material. Este processo promove a elaboração de uma linguagem que atua como elemento transformador do indivíduo e do meio social, constituída pelos componentes políticos e estéticos de um projeto teatral, tomados como inseparáveis, o que confirma nossa hipótese. / This research aims to contribute with the development of academic production by taking the militant theater language as main object. We investigate the activity of three theater groups considering the aesthetical and sociopolitical background as guiding factors for the comprehension of the language examined. Therefore, the structures of their practices, which are not only instruments available for ideological debate, are approached as education routes that take part in formal or informal learning processes towards citizens social education. Deliberate sampling method elected Teatro União Olho Vivo (TOUV) and Ventoforte (SP) both ideological and historically identified in the persons of Cesar Vieira e Ilo Krugli, who created the groups and Grupo Teatral Amador Campograndense (GUTAC) (MS), which also communes with the former groups. For the source sampling, we selected performances that put into practice their own dramaturgy and make use of animation theater resources in their staging. Both procedures lead to symbolical results and a dialogical condition that enable theater productions to seek a definite relationship between material and form. This process promotes the development of a language that works as a changing element for both individuals and social environment. This language is thus constituted by the political and aesthetical components of a theater project taken as indivisible, and this confirms our hypothesis.

Esta dissertação analisa a trajetória política e intelectual do marxista brasileiro Jacob Gorender (1923-2013). O recorte temporal adotado detém-se no ano de sua prisão, em 1970, por motivo de suas atividades políticas, não obstante Gorender tenha uma rica militância e, especialmente, uma produção teórica muito vasta nos anos posteriores à sua experiência prisional. Esta escolha analítica decorre do fato deste período permitir acompanhar o seu itinerário militante em duas organizações políticas, o Partido Comunista do Brasil, renomeado em 1961 Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), e o Partido Comunista Brasileiro Revolucionário (PCBR). Por meio deste procedimento o objetivo foi compreender o processo de desenvolvimento do marxismo no Brasil, com as continuidades e rupturas que o caracterizaram, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1970, a partir de uma abordagem biográfica. / This thesis is on the political and intellectual trajectory of the Brazilian Marxist Jacob Gorender (1923-2013). The adopted time frame is held until his prison, in 1970, due to his political activities, regardless Gorender had a rich militancy and, specially, theoretical production in the years after his prison experience. This analytical choice results that this period allows to follow his militant itinerary in two political organizations, Communist Party of Brazil, renamed in 1961 Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), and Brazilian Revolutionary Communist Party (PCBR). Through this procedure the goal was to understand the development process of Marxism in Brazil, with the continuities and raptures that characterized it, between the 1940s and the 1970s, from a biographical approach.

Esta dissertação constrói a biografia da brasileira Flávia Schilling (1953- ) desde a sua infância, passando pelo seu exílio no Uruguai em 1964, até o seu retorno ao Brasil em 1980. Seu objetivo principal é reconstruir parte da trajetória de Flávia e, em termos mais amplos e abstratos, problematizar, por meio de sua biografia, as formas de constituição do indivíduo na história, buscando respostas para questões como: como se dá a construção do indivíduo – por si e pelo outro? Como se forma a sua identidade? Quais os elementos, escolhas e condicionamentos precisam ser analisados nesse processo? Pretende-se, assim, repensar e discutir como o indivíduo pode ser percebido pelas diversas óticas que o constituem e como ele interage – ativa e passivamente – com o meio em que vive, e aqui mais especificamente, relacionando-o com o período das ditaduras de segurança nacional na América Latina. O exílio, a militância, a clandestinidade, a prisão e a campanha de libertação da referida personagem, juntamente com as ditaduras iniciadas com os golpes civis-militares do Brasil em 1964 e do Uruguai em 1973, são temas analisados ao longo do trabalho. / This dissertation builds the biography of Brazilian Flavia Schilling (1953-) from her childhood, through her exile in Uruguay in 1964, until her return to Brazil in 1980. Its main objective is to reconstruct part of the trajectory of Flavia and, in terms broader and more abstract problematize through her biography, the forms of the constitution of the individual in history, seeking answers to questions such as: how is the construction of the individual - for themselves and for each other? How is your identity? Which elements, choices and constraints need to be analyzed in this process? It is intended, therefore, to rethink and discuss how the individual may be perceived by many that the optics are and how it interacts - actively and passively - with the environment they live in, and here more specifically, relating it to the period of dictatorships national security in Latin America. Exile, the activists, underground, imprisonment and release of that campaign character along with dictatorships began with the civilian-military coup in Brazil in 1964 and Uruguay in 1973, are themes explored throughout this research.