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The “forgotten war” is the label most frequently used to recall the conflict that took place in Korea from June 25, 1950 to July 27, 1953, with variations of this phrase found in museum exhibitions and monuments across the country. Since the widespread presence of so many mentions of Korea clearly demonstrates that the Korean War is not forgotten, this project critically evaluates several forms of public memory (including museum exhibitions, historical scholarship, films and television shows, state and local monuments, and memorial infrastructure including bridges, highways, buildings, and trees) in order to explore how the war has come to be called forgotten. This project also seeks to examine the foreign policy issues of labeling the Korean War as forgotten, by exploring how it is recalled globally and why it is essential to remember details about the war. This project also seeks to fill a niche in the scholarly literature on public memory of American wars by examining Korea as prior studies have both WWII and Vietnam. In addition, this project intervenes in several more scholarly conversations ranging from the argument that the television series M*A*S*H was not primarily an allegory for Vietnam, as is often alleged, to the contention that a Korean Anti-War Movement was much more widespread than has been appreciated by academics interested in the history of activism. This dissertation is designed to highlight the ongoing need to remember the Korean War in detail, given the threats to world peace made by North Korea, and to make clear that it is vital to understand the enduring legacy of the war for twenty-first century diplomacy, which can only be done by examining how the war has been publicly recalled and why the forgotten war label persists despite evidence that Korea has been widely remembered. / History

Understanding how wildlife utilize habitat at varying scales is important for understanding and predicting potential impacts of landscape changes (e.g., habitat loss and fragmentation, restoration efforts, climate change, etc.) and in determining effective strategies for conservation and management. This research examines fine-scale and landscape-level habitat use of black bears in Canyon de Chelly National Monument (CACH), Arizona, USA in the context of large-scale landscape change. Currently, CACH is undergoing a large-scale restoration effort to remove all of the non-native Russian olive (Elaeagnus angustifolia) and tamarisk (Tamarix ramosissima and T. chinensis) within the monument. As black bears rely on the Russian olive as a primary food source, a major goal of this research was to evaluate how bears currently use this resource and how its removal might affect bear habitat use and bear-human interactions within the monument. I developed a model of 3rd order (fine-scale) black bear habitat use in CACH using an occupancy modeling approach. Model results indicated that fine-scale habitat selection by bears in CACH is being driven by the presence of non-native Russian olive as well as native food sources. Thus availability of native foods may be sufficient to maintain the bear population in CACH, and bears may quickly adapt to the loss of the non-native food source. Similarly, results showed that bears avoid human areas and farmsteads and prefer higher elevations, suggesting that once olive is removed in the lower canyons near human areas, bear-human interactions may become less of a problem over the long term. I also developed a model of 2nd order (landscape-level) habitat use and evaluated movement patterns of black bears in CACH using location data collected from GPS collars. Model results showed that bears selected areas with higher tree canopy cover and terrain ruggedness, indicating that forest cover and escape cover are primary factors driving black bear habitat selection at the landscape scale in this region. Movement patterns revealed large mean daily movements and low average turning angles, indicating long, linear movements designed to take advantage of the mosaic of available habitats and food resources available over larger areas. I extracted DNA from hair samples collected throughout the study area to examine genetic variability and population structure of black bears in the region. Analyses revealed a relatively healthy, panmictic population across the wider landscape. No substantial genetic structuring was observed in multiple analyses, though I did find evidence of a slight isolation-by-distance pattern within the population. Measures of both current (Nb = 24) and long-term (Ne = 579) effective population size indicated a relatively high number of breeders in the current population and a sufficient amount of gene flow within the larger "superpopulation" to maintain long-term genetic viability. I focused the final portion of my dissertation research on understanding the factors that influence stakeholder acceptance capacity for black bears, which plays a central role in contemporary wildlife management issues, including human-wildlife conflict. I used data from telephone interviews of 1,546 residents in Virginia to develop conceptual models of black bear acceptance capacity at both county and state levels. Model results suggested that more deep-seated and less easily influenced factors (e.g., values and risk perceptions) are at the heart of stakeholder attitudes and perceptions of wildlife, making influencing these perceptions more difficult. Agencies can indirectly affect these attitudes and perceptions, however, by targeting more potentially pliable factors related to wildlife acceptance capacity such as knowledge, personal experience with wildlife, and trust in management agencies. / Ph. D.

No / Iron Age studies in northern Britain have been dominated by one monument form, the broch. This focus on these monumental towers of the Atlantic Scotland, perhaps at the expense of other archaeological evidence, has brought about a strong division in the archaeological community. MacKie and Armit have both recently summarized the development of broch studies detailing the opposing arguments for the date of construction. In recent years archaeological evidence for these monuments has indicated an indigenous development rather than being associated with the movement of Iron Age peoples. This paper presents new chronological data for the construction of a Shetland broch and examines the archaeological repercussions for the 'early' chronology provided by these dates. Excavations at Old Scatness in the South Mainland of Shetland have revealed new evidence for a broch and defended Iron Age Village.

La recherche se donne pour objectif de définir comment la construction des régimes de valeurs artistiques, mémorielles et historiques du Guernica - œuvre d’art réalisée par Pablo Picasso en 1937 - participe à l’écriture patrimoniale du tableau-monument, d'une part, et devient opératoire dans la réactivation ou l’actualisation de la mémoire des événements auxquels il réfère, dans le cadre de la visite muséale, d'autre part. Trois niveaux de recherche ont été pensés. Le premier a été de circonscrire l’objet Guernica en tant qu’objet d’art en posant un socle d’analyse de l’objet détaché de tout contexte, et ce, afin de mieux appréhender ceux par lesquels il existe en tant qu’objet culturel signifié dans des contextes temporels et géographiques. Dans un deuxième temps, l’analyse des différentes mises en exposition du Guernica ont permis de saisir les différentes valeurs d’usage qui lui ont été attribuées et comprendre ainsi comment il s'est construit en tant qu’objet patrimonial. Enfin, dans un troisième temps, au regard d’une analyse détaillée de la mise en exposition du Guernica au MNCARS en 2009 et 2013, 60 entretiens menées selon une méthodologie qualitative après la visite ont été analysé afin de comprendre les valeurs d’usage que mobilisent les espagnols lors de la réception et pour quelles raisons. L’intérêt de l’enquête est d’avoir révélé qu’il existait un éventail de mémoires et d’appréhensions afférentes à l’objet Guernica. Les enquêtes ont été analysées sous le prisme de la sensibilité politique (Républicains et Nationalistes), mais surtout sous celui du prisme générationnel, et pour lequel quatre générations sont identifiées. Les résultats d’analyse par générations, permettent de distinguer deux types de rapport au Guernica : réactivation et actualisation. Les notions de réactivation et d’actualisation (Georgescu-Paquin, 2013) s’insèrent dans une logique de rupture-continuité, nécessaire à tout processus de patrimonialisation (Davallon, 2006). Dans ce cas d’étude, le MNCARS propose un cadre portant sur un versant de l’histoire qui, à défaut d’apaiser les tensions, les ravivent pour certains (Nationalistes) ; tandis que d’autres, se retrouvent dans un processus entamé depuis peu (Républicains), suite à la Loi dite de « mémoire historique » (2007). En revanche, les nouvelles générations présentent un regard apaisé et distancié qui leur permet de rendre opératoire l’écriture patrimoniale du Guernica. / The research aims to define how the construction of regimes of artistic, memorial and historical values ​​of Guernica - a work of art made by Pablo Picasso in 1937 - participates in the patrimonial writing of the painting-monument, on the one hand, and becomes operative in the reactivation or updating of the memory of the events to which it refers, as part of the museum visit, on the other hand. Three levels of research have been thought out. The first was to circumscribe the Guernica object as an art object by placing a base of analysis of the object detached from any context, and this, in order to better understand those by which it exists as a cultural object signified in temporal and geographical contexts. In a second step, the analysis of the different exposures of Guernica made it possible to grasp the different values ​​of use which were attributed to him and this to understand how it was constructed as a patrimonial object. Finally, in a third step, in the light of a detailed analysis of the exhibition of Guernica at MNCARS in 2009 and 2013, 60 interviews conducted according to a qualitative methodology after the visit were analyzed in order to understand the use values ​​that mobilize the spaniards at the reception and for what reasons. The interest of the investigation is to have revealed that there was a range of memories and apprehensions related to the Guernica object. The surveys were analyzed under the prism of political sensitivity (Republicans and Nationalists), but especially under that of the generational prism, and for which four generations are identified. The results of analysis by generations, allow to distinguish two types of report to Guernica: reactivation and actualization. The notions of reactivation and actualization (Georgescu-Paquin, 2013) are part of a logic of rupture-continuity, which is necessary for any heritage-making process (Davallon, 2006). In this case of study, the MNCARS proposes a framework on a side of the history which, if not soothing the tensions, revives them for some (Nationalists); while others, find themselves in a process started recently (Republicans), following the so-called law of "historical memory" (2007). On the other hand, the new generations present a calm and distanced glance which allows them to make operative the patrimonial writing of Guernica.

L’expression plastique des victoires navales opère tel un prisme à travers lequel s’observent les rites de célébration, les modes de commémoration et les desseins politiques de ses commanditaires. Il s’agit de s’intéresser à la naissance de cette image en remontant aux traditions grecques et romaines relatives au retour de guerre des soldats et à la célébration du succès. Ces coutumes à caractère cathartique ont inspiré les imagiers pour créer l’iconographie de la victoire navale. L’apparition des images et monuments pérennes exprimant la victoire, pourtant interdits dans la Grèce classique et réglementés à Rome par les valeurs républicaines, repose sur la prise de conscience du pouvoir politique de la revendication d’exploits militaires et sur des influences de pratiques orientales et macédoniennes qui accordaient la royauté à ses généraux pour des succès décisifs. L’expression de la victoire navale engendre une production artistique riche prenant des formes diverses, de la sculpture monumentale à la monnaie, en passant par la décoration privée, dans un but de diffusion massive. La confrontation des témoignages de la célébration et de la commémoration de la victoire sur mer, issus des deux mondes, sur tous les supports, permet de réunir l’ensemble des thèmes iconographiques qui appartient aussi bien aux domaines militaire, mythologique et religieux. L’examen des fonctions politiques de cet art démontre que ces manifestations ont été utilisées comme les supports de diffusion des idéologies. C’est ce détournement des succès militaires navals en propagande, devenu central dans la politique qui explique l’originalité et la subtilité des thèmes de la victoire navale. / The plastic expression of naval victories operates as a window through which can be observed the celebration rituals, commemoration modes and the political intentions of its bakers. The main purpose is to focus on the birth of this images dating back from the Greek and Roman traditions based on the returning soldiers and the celebration of success. These cathartic traditions were the artistic inspiration to create the iconography of the naval victories. Initially forbidden in the classic Greek era and regulated by Rome’s republican values and the influence based on the Eastern and Macedonian practices that gave kingship to his generals for decisive success, the appearance of images and monuments displaying victory started to show up as they realize the political power it implies to claim military achievements. Naval victory representations generated a rich artistic production in various and multiple forms, from sculptures to coins and even private home decoration; the goal was to be massively present. The Analogy between Roman’s and Hellenic’s celebration and commemoration of naval victories in all types of support allows a compilation of iconographic themes that belongs to the mythology, military and religious domains. The study of the political purpose of this art demonstrates that the representations were use as a broadcast support for ideologies. It’s the diversion of the naval military success into propaganda that became mainstream in politics and explains the originality and subtlety of naval victory themes.

This subject of interest in this paper is the ideas expressed and formulated in the making andinauguration of the Branting-monument at Norra Bantorget in Stockholm. The initiative for a monument honoring the late Social Democratic leader Hjalmar Brantingwas taken at the Swedish Social Democratic Party Congress in 1928. In 1935 the party board decided to give the task of designing the monument to the much renowned artist Carl Eldh. A national fund-raising campaign for the monument was also initiated. In1942 the model of the monument was completed, but because of the war it was stored in a shelter. On June 2, 1952 the monument was inaugurated with great ceremony. Old working movement songs and anthems were played and sung and speeches were made by the Prime Minister Tage Erlander, Stockholm City Council President Carl Albert Andersson, and three foreign guests: Salomon Grumbach, Camille Huysmans and Paul LöbeIn the Social Democratic daily press reporting on the inauguration and in the speeches from the inauguration one can track several important recurring themes. It is clear that they were eager to define Branting as a prudent reformist and anti-communist. It also points out that both Branting was a big Swede that the whole nation stood behind, but also a great European and internationalist. But it also adds time to let different people describe Branting on a personal level, thus both strengthening the heroic image of Branting and making the image of Branting more personal. Even liberal newspapers adopted much of this rhetoric. The only newspaper that in the true sense took a fairly critical stance in relationship to the inauguration was the communist Ny Dag.