This dissertation argues that Gyekye, in his idea of communitarianism, has a contribution to make towards the understanding of the socio-political structures of multicultural communities in Africa. Gyekye's construct of metanationality, in relation to his communitarian ethics, addresses the socio-political and cultural problems confronting multicultural communities, with particular reference to Nigeria. In an attempt to achieve his idea of a "metanational state", Gyekye claims that: (1) "personhood" is partially defined by a communal structure; (2) equal moral attention should be given both to individual interests and community interests; (3) it is necessary to integrate the "ethic of responsibility" with "rights"; (4) members of the nation-state should be considered equal; (5) in order to achieve nationhood in a multicultural community, it is essential to move beyond "ethnicity" and (6) in an attempt to form a national culture, attention should be drawn to "the elegant" aspects of cultures of various ethno-cultural communities. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M.A. (Philosophy)

Text in Afrikaans / Die basiese tese voortspruitend uit hierdie ondersoek is dat wetenskapsbeoefening binne bepaalde terreine van die regswetenskap ondemeem word ooreenkomstig 'n verswee staatlike paradigma wat deurlopend streef na die instandhouding van die politieke status quo. Die territoriale staat is die hoeksteen van die bestaande politieke orde en terselfdertyd die meester-konsep van die staatlike paradigma. Wetenskapsbeoefening volgens hierdie paradigma is gemik op die instandhouding van die territoriale staat en funksioneer dus as 'n defensief-konserwatiewe politieke projek. Uitsluitsel oor welke vrae en antwoorde as wetenskaplik ter sake kwalifiseer, word gegee aan die hand van die behoeftes van die bestaande territoriaalstaatlike orde. Antwoorde kwalifiseer as wetenskaplik houdbaar alleenlik indien dit met die belange van die bestaande territoriale staat vereenselwigbaar is en nie die staatlike status quo sal ontwrig nie. Intellektuele aktiwiteit wat nie die staatlike gebaseerde status quo ter wille is nie en dit moontlik mag ontwrig, haal in terme van hierdie paradigma moeilik die drumpel van wetenskaplikheid. In die ondersoek word die vestiging van die staatlike paradigma histories nagegaan en daama word die hoofmomente van die paradigma blootgele. Die belangrikste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening kragtens die staatlike paradigma word daama uitgepluis. Benewens die feit dat die produkte deurlopend die staatlike orde onderskraag, vervul dit ook die strategiese funksie om uitdagers van die staatlike orde te domestiseer en in die diens van die staatlike orde te plaas. Die prominentste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening volgens die staatlike paradigma word ontleed: - staatsbou, dikwels verkeerdelik voorgehou as nasiebou; - demokrasie wat onderhewig aan die dissipline van die staatlike paradigma tot staatlike demokrasie omvorm is; - menseregte wat burgerlike afhanklikheid van die staat bevorder en die staat sodoende teen opposisie vrywaar; - die misdaad, hoogverraad en die intemasionaalregtelike figuur van selfbeskikking wat deur die staatlike paradigma tot 'n staatsdienende staatlike selfbeskikking omvorm is. Die staatlike paradigma word egter onder toenemende spanning geplaas en daar bestaan die moontlikheid van 'n rewolusionere herwaardering van verskeie sleutel-konsepte wat deur die staatlike paradigma gevange gehou en in diens van die bestaande staatlike status quo gedomestiseer is. Die rewolusionere vrystel van hierdie konsepte kan die weg baan na 'n nuwe politokrasie anderkant die staatlike orde. / The basic thesis emanating from this research holds that scientific enterprises within certain fields of the legal science are undertaken in pursuance of a tacit statist paradigm which consistently preserve the political status quo. The territorial state is both the keystone of the existing political order and the master concept of the statist paradigm. Scientific activity according to this paradigm seeks to protect the territorial state and functions as a defensive conservative political project. The scientific relevance of questions and answers is determined by the exigencies of the existing order composed of territorial states. Answers are viewed as scientifically authentic only if they are compatible with the interests of the prevailing territorial state and when they do not pose a threat of disruption to the existing statist status quo. Intellectual activity that does not affirm the statist predicated status quo and which poses the risk of disruption of the this order would seldom qualify as scientific in terms of this paradigm. This study examines the historical establishment of the statist paradigm and debunks the main pillars of the paradigm. The foremost products of scientific activity in accordance with the statist paradigm are then analyzed. These products invariably safeguard the statist order and also succeed in domesticating the challengers of the statist order and placing them in the service of this order. The most outstanding developments of the scientific endeavour in pursuance of the statist paradigm are analyzed, which are: - state building, often inaccurately portrayed as nation building; -democracy which, subjected to the discipline of the statist paradigm, had been transformed into statist democracy; - human rights which cultivate civic dependence upon the state, thus safeguarding the state against opposition; -the crime ofhigh treason and the international law concept of self-determination which was transfigured by the statist paradigm into a state serving statist self-determination. The statist paradigm is however placed under increasing tension and there is a possibility of a revolutionary reappraisal of several key concepts which the statist paradigm has kept in captivity and which have been domesticated and placed in the service of the statist status quo. By releasing these revolutionary concepts, the way to a new politocracy, beyond the statist order, may be paved. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.

Apparu au milieu des années 1960 dans le Pacifique Sud, l’Etat associé est une forme de l’Etat singulière. A l’origine conçu par les Nations Unies comme une voie de décolonisation intermédiaire entre l’indépendance et l’intégration à un autre Etat, l’Etat associé est devenu une forme d’organisation politique pérenne choisie par cinq territoires de sorte à affirmer leur identité propre tout en partageant des liens privilégiés avec un autre Etat, l’Etat partenaire. Consubstantiel à l’Etat associé, ce rapport d’association n’est pas sans soulever des paradoxes au regard des canons de la forme dominante de l’Etat qu’est l’Etat-nation. L’étude de l’Etat associé permet alors de mettre en perspective les catégories classiques de la théorie générale de l'État. De fait, si l’Etat associé est un Etat à part entière, il est surtout une forme de l’Etat à part dans la mesure où il est construit pour un peuple complexe, caractérisé par une souveraineté déléguée et institutionnalisé par une constitution associative. Penser l’Etat associé est donc une voie pour ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives afin de réfléchir aux évolutions de l’Etat dans un monde globalisé marqué par des interdépendances croissantes. / Used for the first time during the sixties in the South Pacific, the notion of Associated State is a singular form of State. Originally conceived by the United Nations as a path between the independence from another State on the one hand and the integration into this State on the other hand, the Associated State became a sustainable form to organize the political power. This form of political organisation has been chosen by five territories to assert their own identity but also, to establish a particular link with another State, the Partner State. Induced by the notion of Associated State, the relationship between the Associated State and the Partner State questions our classical representation of the State: the Nation-State. Because the Associated State is a fully form of State but a singular one, a research, centred on this singular form of State, is the occasion to put into perspective the categories classically used in a General theory of the State. Indeed, it has been built for complex societies where the sovereignty is a delegated one and where it is institutionalized by an associative constitution. Hence, thinking the Associated State is a way to open new fields of thought and discussion to think the evolution of the State in a globalized world heavily influenced by increasing interactions.

Le but de cette recherche doctorale est de mettre au jour une conception spécifique du libéralisme au XIXè siècle qui rendait possible la cohabitation des exigences libérales de respect de l’individu et de ses droits ainsi que des exigences nationales de vie en communauté et d’identité. Partant du principe que de nombreux auteurs ne considéraient pas que le concept de nationalité entrait en contradiction avec les valeurs libérales à cette époque, nous estimons qu’Alexis de Tocqueville, ainsi que John Stuart Mill, proposent la forme la plus cohérente et aboutie de réflexion en la matière, et ce à travers un libéralisme dit « d’esprit » que nous extrairons de leur pensée commune. En effet, alors qu’ils cherchent à contrecarrer les effets néfastes du matérialisme qui aurait comme principale conséquence d’abaisser l’âme des individus et de les priver de liberté, ils mettent au point une approche qui empêche la matérialisation ou la cristallisation complète des références proposées comme point de repère aux citoyens. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis deals with political-economic globalization from the view of International Political Economy. The first chapter represents a theoretical framework and focuses, especially, on theoretical approaches towards globalization, role of nation state in a globalised environment, and global governance. The second chapter elaborately analyses the state of political-economic globalization during the Great Depression and the Great Recession at the outset of the 21st century, and examines the development of its economic and political aspects. In the end of the second chapter, these crises are compared to answer the research question, i.e. if and to what extend there has been a progress in the process of political-economic globalization since the Great Depression up to the present time.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T05:15:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_ArielRolim_M.pdf: 2189699 bytes, checksum: 933089fd3c1ecc008020db1de7a1c9bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O líder político Jonas Savimbi ocupou uma posição privilegiada de observação dos entrecruzamentos das linguagens segundo as quais se lutou a guerra em Angola. O nexo entre as esferas global e local do conflito, incluindo aí seus diferentes códigos de reportagem, pode ser apreendido a partir da análise das lideranças - entendidas aqui, não como indivíduos, mas como catalisadores de "comunidades imaginadas". Atento ao plano das estratégias dos agentes que, mesmo se relacionando a referências discursivas inconciliáveis e irredutíveis umas às outras, na prática, conformaram uma rede de inimizades produtiva - e aí surge uma dimensão completamente desvinculada dos modelos e discursos. A questão que coloco aqui é em que medida a noção de "inimigo" como categoria de alteridade no plano das relações práticas, entrevista nos discursos de Savimbi, pode nos ajudar a compreender o cenário de disparidades e a multiplicidade de formas de conflito que o caso angolano comporta. Volto-me aos códigos mobilizados por cada um dos contendores na significação da luta como condição para que, fugindo dos preceitos dos modelos a que cada um se reporta nesse processo, possamos ver a guerra como uma arena de interações onde os atores se comunicam ou, ao menos, se reconhecem (no duplo sentido do termo) para melhor lutar. Sigo a hipótese de que a guerra tenha sido uma rede prática de trocas violentas (jamais simétricas) não só de projéteis, mas também de nomes e códigos entre os contendores que iriam moldar de forma decisiva o imaginário nacional angolano - um país cujas fronteiras mais ou menos arbitrárias haviam sido herança direta do colonialismo português. Nesse sentido, cada umas das partes em disputa necessitavam criar um discurso nacional unificador - concorrente ao rival. Os beligerantes mantinham uma esfera de aliança tácita, mas não expressa, em torno da construção e manutenção da plausibilidade nacional / Abstract: The political leader Jonas Savimbi has occupied a privileged observing position of the language crossings according to which the war in Angola was fought. The nexus between global and local dimensions of this conflict (the different codes of report there included), can be apprehended from the analysis of the leaders - understood, here, not as individuals, but as catalyzers of "imagined communities". I focus on the plan of the agents' strategies that, even if in relation to irreconcilable references of discourse to one another, in practice, comprehend a productive net of enmity. Therefore a dimension completely detached from models rises. The question I pose here is: in which measure the notion of "enemy" as a category of alterity on the plan of practical relations - glimpsed in the speeches of Savimbi - can help us to understand the set of disparities and multiplicity of ways of conflict that the Angolan case bears? I turn myself to the codes mobilized by each of the contenders to ascribe meaning to the fight as a condition - escaping the tenets of the models to which each one reports in this process - for us to see the war as an arena of interaction where de actors communicate or, at least, acknowledge (in the double meaning of the term) themselves to better fight. I follow the hypothesis that the war has been a practical net of violent (and never symmetrical) exchange not only of bullets, but also of names and codes between contenders who would engrave the imagery of Angola in a decisive way - a country which its more or less arbitrary borders had been a direct heritage from the Portuguese colonialism. In this sense, each part in the dispute needed to create a rival national unifying discourse. The belligerents kept a level of tacit alliance, though not expressed, around the construction e maintenance of national plausibility / Mestrado / Antropologia Social / Mestre em Antropologia Social

La présente étude se propose de revisiter la doctrine classique des droits fondamentaux des États, et cherche à vérifier si c’est à raison qu’elle fut rejetée, ou si elle trouve désormais quelque environnement juridique plus favorable à son redéploiement. Opposés trait pour trait aux droits dits relatifs ou accessoires qui trouvent leur source dans le droit conventionnel et coutumier, les droits de conservation, de souveraineté, d’égalité, de respect et de commerce, sont conçus comme fondamentaux dans un sens évidemment matériel – ce sont des droits constitutifs de l’État-nation et, inversement, des droits dont l’aliénation totale ou partielle anéantirait ou diminuerait la personnalité de l’État qui y consentirait –, mais également dans un sens formel – la violation d’un droit fondamental étatique emportant des effets juridiques spécifiques comme la nullité des traités et le recours à la guerre. Or, en raison de la contradiction entre l’horizontalité de l’ordre juridique international et la fondamentalité des droits étatiques, ainsi que du fondement très individualiste de la doctrine, celle-ci subit les attaques des écoles positivistes et néo-naturalistes durant l’entre-deux-guerres, et finit par être absolument rejetée au sortir du deuxième conflit mondial. Prenant toutefois acte du regain d’intérêt doctrinal que suscitent les droits étatiques, tant en droit international qu’en droit de l’Union européenne et en droit constitutionnel, dans le contexte d’une société internationale qui a beaucoup évolué, il s’agit de vérifier si certains droits étatiques, prétendus fondamentaux, répondent bel et bien aux critères matériel et formel de la fondamentalité d’un droit. Dans une perspective fédéraliste, c’est-à-dire d’une protection institutionnalisée des droits étatiques, les États obtiennent-ils par exemple une garantie de leur droit à la survie dans le cadre des Nations Unies ou d’un droit au respect de leur identité nationale dans le cadre de l’Union européenne ? Dans une perspective étatiste, c’est-à-dire d’une protection unilatérale des droits étatiques, si les internationalistes classiques théorisent à raison que l’aliénation des droits souverains et des droits identitaires portent atteinte à la qualité d’État-nation, la garantie de tels droits ne relève-t-elle pas alors davantage de l’ordre juridique national que de l’ordre juridique international, auquel il n’échoit pas de protéger l’État contre lui-même / This thesis revisits the classical doctrine of fundamental rights of States, and attempts to determine whether it was rightly rejected, or if it could now be redeployed within a more adequate legal framework. In contrast with the so-called relative or accessory rights, which find their source in customary and conventional law, the rights to self-preservation, sovereignty, equality, dignity and mutual commerce are conceived as fundamental in a material sense – because they are inherently linked to the Nation-State and, conversely, a Nation-State could not dispose of them without affecting its statehood –, but they are also conceived in a formal sense – because their violation implies specific legal effects as the rights of the affected State to invoke invalidity of rules found in contradiction of them and, ultimately, to resort to war. In that respect, while classical internationalists hand down to posterity a notable theory of fundamental rights of States, they paradoxically claim to deploy it in the international legal order, which is radically horizontal. Therefore, somehow resisting from doctrinal attacks, the theory of fundamental rights of States was finally abandoned in the second half of last century. Nevertheless, acknowledging the renewed doctrinal interest in state rights, both in international law, in European Union law and in constitutional law, in the context of an evolving international society, the point is to question whether these states’ rights meet the materiel and formal criteria of the fundamentality of rights. In a federalist perspective, namely an institutional protection of state rights, do States obtain, for instance, a protection of their right to survival within the United Nations and a protection of their right to respect for national identity within the European Union ? From a statist point of view, namely a unilateral protection of state rights, if classical internationalists correctly theorize that the alienation of sovereign and identity rights undermine the quality of a Nation-State, does the protection of such rights fall within the international legal order or rather within the national legal order ?

This paper analyzes the relationship between citizenship, civil society and nation state. It argues that citizenship is often viewed only in relation to the state and its active potential - arising from public activities mediated through communication media and civil society institutions - is neglected. As a result increasing number of permanent resident immigrants is in a long run denied full political rights which in turn endangers representative potential of liberal democracies. In the Czech Republic this situation concerns Vietnamese immigrant children who, though fully integrated into the Czech society and able to actively participate in public space, i.e. able to use the active citizenship element, usually do not enjoy Czech citizenship status (passive citizenship) and therefore they are not represented in public administration bodies. Current system of granting of Czech citizenship endangers representative character of our democracy and at the same time does not utilize the potential of young active people living in our territory for a long time.

The subject of this thesis is the question of immigration in contemporary (Western) European societies which is treated by detailed exposition of the concrete historical case of immigration from the Maghreb countries (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia) to France during the 20th century. The first part of the work consists of the brief history of immigration to France and of the wider theoretical context for the sociological inquiry of the phenomena linked with immigration, especially the paradoxical situation which results from the fact of immigration in the nation states and the logic of the formation of the interethnic relations. As a theoretical support for following analysis, several theories are presented: Goffman's theory of stigmatization, Becker's labelling theory, theory of the social representations of Moscovici and Merton's concept of self-fullfilling prophecy. In the second part, the particular case of immigration from Maghreb countries to France is examined with the special attention to the social representations made in French society in the context of this historical process. The main subject of this work is the situation of the descendants of immigrants from Maghreb countries in the French society, especially their position in its social structure - the third part therefore consists of the analysis...

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