Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CARLOS LUIZ DAMACENA.pdf: 1834605 bytes, checksum: c68500fbee24a7adcafb6cbf627de3b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-02 / This dissertation analyses the mismaches of the European Integration process, after the rejection of the first Constitucional Treaty in 2009 by the French and Dutch electorates, interrupting a constitutional process of political union, which was happenning then. We base on the theoretical approach of Postfuncionalism, which considers classical schools, as Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernamentalism, unable to respond to the new facts that are happening in the European Union, as well as their questionings. The subject leads to a discussion about the deepening of the economic block in the direction of a political union, which has been led by elections and referendums,besides the mobilization of public opinion and political parties, showing that the crisis in the regional integration is caused not only by economic problems, but also by political ones, caused by the absence of an European identity. In this debate, the elaboration of an European demos, in confrontation with national identities, constitutes a critical contestatory ingredient in Europe. / Esta dissertação analisa os descompassos ocorridos no processo de integração europeia, após a rejeição do Primeiro Tratado Constitucional em 2005 pelos eleitores da França e da Holanda, interrompendo o processo constitucional para uma União Política então em curso. Tem-se como embasamento a abordagem teórica do pós-funcionalismo, que considera escolas clássicas, como o Neofuncionalismo e o Intergovernamentalismo Liberal, incapazes de responder aos questionamentos dos novos fatos que têm ocorrido na União Europeia. O tema leva à discussão a respeito do aprofundamento do bloco econômico em direção a uma união política que tem sido conduzida por eleições e referendos, além da mobilização da opinião pública e dos partidos políticos, apontando que a crise na integração regional é provocada não somente por problemas econômicos, mas também políticos, devido à ausência de uma identidade europeia. Nesse debate, a elaboração de um demos europeu, em confronto com a identidade nacional, manifesta-se como crítico ingrediente contestatório na Europa.

Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région. / Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region.

Dissertation deals with the problem of polyethnisation of Western European nation states, which is defined as the increasing cultural and ethnic diversity as a result of increasing immigration. This development poses a challenge for cohesion and continuity of the historical nation states, as well as for the stability of the current system of international relations. The dissertation deals with analyzing the specific responses of three countries - France, Germany and Great Britain - in a comparative perspective. Theoretical background represents allochthonous theory of ethnic minorities. The author explores different aspects of immigration policy (economic immigration, asylum, family immigration, illegal immigration) and integration policy (especially the granting of citizenship - by birth or naturalization - and civic integration policy). The results are placed within the theoretical scheme, working with 4 model approaches - exclusionism, segregationism, assimilationism and multiculturalism. The dissertation also gives the answer to the prospect of European integration and to question of the future of nation states in Europe.

民族主義在19世紀末到20世紀中期發威，民族國家在第二次大戰後成為國際社會的主流政治組織，聯合國為維持國際和平與安全，訂定憲章，其中具重要關鍵的是具有領土性與排他性的主權原則，確立民族國家成為國際社會的基本單位。民族國家對內制訂國家根本大法-憲法建立起憲政秩序，主權在民，憲法不僅保障人民權利義務，並賦予政府執行主權賦予之職權，在其領土之內運用國家資源發展國民經濟、繁榮社會與福國利民。 然而，對處在二戰後、美蘇兩極對立的冷戰格局中的歐亞中小型國家而言，既要促進國家之經濟成長和發展，又要維護國家安全，遂各自形成其區域安全與經濟貿易間之合作經驗，以因應內外部情勢之變動與需求，尤其是自1980年代以來的愈趨明顯的全球化浪潮。 本論文以歐盟與東協兩大區域組織經驗為案例，以民族主義研究途徑、歷史與文獻研究法，分由主權與政府、主權與領土、主權與人民三方面，討論民族國家以區域整合方式回應經濟全球化衝擊的發展，併同探討全球化其他浪潮之衝擊的作為，如網際網路發展與生態環境危機。 本研究發現歐盟與東協的區域整合經驗顯示，前者已走向部分的超國家結構，各會員國轉移部份主權到歐盟，然其最終決策權仍掌握在各會員國手上；東協則仍是以政府間會議為主。兩者仍有共通之處就是，經由民族國家間較緊密的區域整合，共同因應全球化浪潮之衝擊，獲取更大的生存能力與國際談判籌碼。 簡言之，民族國家係經由區域化來回應全球化之挑戰，並不會因此而喪失國家主權，民族國家主權並未衰退，民族國家長存。而在區域整合之外的事實，網際網路方面，需依賴各民族國家的基礎設施與投入資源來維持其品質與提昇其效率；至於地球生態議題的全球性，各國的「互賴」關係非常明確，各民族國家在聯合國的多邊機制下，協商因應措施，最後仍須回到各民族國家的配合度上。不可否認，國家主權的排他性與暴力若能適度調整，將會有助於地球環境的友善發展。 / Nationalism started being influential from the end of 19th century to the middle of 20th century. The political organization as nation-state becomes the mainstream of international society after World War II. In order to maintain international peace and security, United Nations established the Charter of the United Nations. The most important part is the sovereign principal involved territorial integrity and inviolability. Sovereignty makes the nation-state become the basic unit in international society. Nation-states established constitution to maintain the order and popular sovereignty. Constitutions not only protect people’s rights, but also give the government the power to execute its authority. Within the territory, government can utilize its resources to develop economy, enrich the society and create benefit for its people. However, after World War II , small and medium countries in Europe and Asia want to develop economic growth and protect national security. Therefore, especially for the clear tendency of globalization in 1980s, small and medium countries gain the cooperate experience from regional security and business cooperation to meet the changes and needs from the world. This thesis uses the case studies of European Unions and ASEAN, nationalist approach and research methods of history to argue the main topic in three aspects of sovereignty and government, sovereign and territory, sovereignty and people. The main idea is to discuss how nation-state uses regional integration to respond the impact of economic globalization and other impacts on internet and the crisis of ecological environment. This study discovered that the EU members have transferred parts of sovereignty to EU, but the power of final policy-making is still in every country’s hand; as for ASEAN, decision-making is still among intergovernmental meetings. The same part in both EU and ASEAN is that both of them gain more ability to survive under the wave of globalization and obtain more chips in international negotiation by the experience of regional integration, In short, nation-state will not lose sovereignty through regionalization to respond the challenge of globalization. Sovereignty of nation-sates does not decrease but lasts forever. Beyond the regional integration, it is nation-state that maintain the quality and effectiveness of the internet services. As for the issue of ecological environment, it depends on the interdependence of each country, the multilateral cooperation system of the United Nations and negotiations among countries. We cannot deny that if the exclusiveness and violence of sovereignty can be modified reasonably, it will be friendlier to the ecological environment.

Since the latter half of the twentieth century patterns of economic flows and the deployment of systems of production have encouraged greater political and social integration between nation states. This phenomenon, called globalisation, has reinvigorated debate about the nation state as a mode of organisation, and created the conditions for an ongoing natural experiment concerning state adjustment. This experiment, while on a global scale, has led to different responses from national governments, as each grappled with how best to accommodate both domestic and international interests. One neglected aspect of analysis in these processes is the role played by national bureaucracy in state adjustment as a means to move with globalising pressures or to resist their impact. This thesis presents a qualitative analysis of the interaction of one globalising process, foreign direct investment (FDI), and the workings of the nation state, as a means of assessing the way in which the national government has used regulatory processes and its bureaucracy to control FDI. An extended historical case study is used to examine changes in policy, regulation and the organisation of the national bureaucracy concerned with FDI in Australia. The period examined is from 1968 to 2004 enabling comparisons to be made across the experience of seven successive national governments (those led by prime ministers Gorton, McMahon, Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating and Howard) in the way they managed the domestic and international circumstances that impacted on FDI. This thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the interaction of globalising processes, the nation state and the role played by national public bureaucracies where national and transnational interests intersect. In particular, this thesis identifies the national bureaucracy as a key agent for government in enabling and domesticating the processes of globalisation. This finding demonstrates that national bureaucracy is significant as both a facilitator and the inhibitor of processes of globalisation, and therefore is a key factor in understanding the issues of state adjustment in studies of globalisation.

This essay aims to emphasize and clarify the positions that exist within the current globalization debate. The positions are the neo-liberal, the opponents, the pragmatists and the skeptics. The text presents and explains their ideological, moral and political positions and beliefs about the world, the nation state, the society and the individual; in light of Steven Lukes’ and Antonio Gramsci's theories regarding the interaction and the relationship between power and hegemony. The methodological starting point is the ideology-critical analysis; in which their arguments in the current globalization debate is highlighted and categorized. The neo-liberals consider globalization as a tool to legitimize the notion of the free, rational and autonomous individual – who in a free market chooses to contract, interact and relate to each other without facing any government intervention. Opponents see that globalization does not necessarily have to mean the spread of neoliberal economic doctrines – or government deregulation or privatization – but instead may represent a path towards a more just, democratic and inclusive world. Between these two diametrically opposed positions are the pragmatists; who argue that there must be a balance between political and economic freedom and government regulation and their institutional powers. Only then will globalization have the desired effects needed to be able to lift nations out of poverty, bring well being and evoke a greater temporal coherence at the global level. Finally, the skeptics’ viewpoint is that the concept of globalization is misleading and is used mainly as a diversion to hide the real interests – namely the U.S. ambitions to maintain its hegemonic position to continue to spread their neo-liberal ideology through the principles of free trade and democratization through the abolition of the welfare state. The analysis shows that the globalization debate is not primarily about what arguments are discussed at the present time, but instead deals with the political and ideological beliefs concerning how society should be designed and how the world should be comprehended and understood. The globalization debate is really about the individual and collective consciousness created by the liberal hegemonic exercise of power, and how this influence is manifested through the intellectual and moral leadership of the ruling class in the world today.

La pregunta por la identidad cultural puertorriqueña se ha formulado en el pasado y se sigue formulando en la actual literatura de un país que ha creado una literatura nacional a pesar de no haberse constituido como nación independiente. Si tal interrogante se repite con insistencia a lo largo del pasado siglo XX , sus respuestas en cambio se articulan desde la pluralidad de enfoques, aunque en ellas se pueda percibir también una preocupación común que se fundamenta en la condición colonial vigente hoy en día en la isla, estrechamente vinculada al problema de la identidad nacional. A contramarcha de los acercamientos teóricos que proponen el desmantelamiento de la idea de la nación mediante conceptos tales como globalización, transnacionalización, postnacionalidad, en Puerto Rico la pregunta por la identidad nacional sigue generando todavía discusiones, debates, polémicas y, desde el eje de la producción literaria, articulando diversas "ficciones de la puertorriqueñidad", algunas de las cuales procuro analizar en mi trabajo. A lo largo de este estudio me centro particularmente en la compleja relación entre nacionalismo y representación literaria atendiendo a la construcción discursiva y textual de un imaginario de lo puertorriqueño que, en este caso, implica asimismo considerar el peculiar contexto histórico colonial del país. Para concretar el análisis de esta cuestión me detengo en la narrativa de dos autores centrales cuyas ficciones de la puertorriqueñidad pretendo indagar: Edgardo Rodríguez Juliá y Manuel Ramos Otero. Ambos escritores coinciden en comenzar a publicar a comienzos de la década de los años setenta, en un momento de intensa ruptura cultural en las letras puertorriqueñas, como lo testimonia la novela de Luis Rafael Sánchez, <i>La guaracha del Macho Camacho</i> (1976), obra que proyectó de manera significativa la rica literatura puertorriqueña hacia el ámbito latinoamericano. Asimismo tanto Rodríguez Juliá como Ramos Otero se reconocen marcados por el peso histórico que tuvo en Puerto Rico el desarrollo del Partido Popular Democrático liderado por Luis Muñoz Marín, responsable en gran parte del establecimiento del Estado Libre Asociado. Sus historias vitales y textuales están atravesadas por la utopía populista pero también fuertemente signadas por su fracaso, una de cuyas consecuencias más dramáticas lo constituye la emigración forzada de miles de puertorriqueños a Nueva York desde 1952. En este sentido me interesó particularmente analizar los diferentes lugares de enunciación postulados por cada autor, ya que mientras Rodríguez Juliá escribe desde la Isla, Ramos Otero en cambio lo hace desde Nueva York, cuestión que plantea entonces la ampliación de las fronteras nacionales a la hora de pensar qué textos forman parte de la literatura puertorriqueña actual.

Ce mémoire traite de la diversité culturelle sous l’optique de la notion d’exception culturelle. Dans la Convention sur la protection et la promotion de la diversité des expressions culturelles, la diversité culturelle acquiert le statut de notion pivot entre les politiques culturelles promulguées à l’échelle nationale, européenne et internationale. L’objectif de ce mémoire a été de déterminer la conception de la diversité culturelle dans l’intention de montrer les tensions qui résultent de la formulation du rôle des États-nations et du pouvoir dévolu à la libre circulation des biens et produits culturels à l’échelle supranationale. D’où l’hypothèse que la notion de diversité culturelle est sujette à des glissements de sens afin de rallier les parties en présence. Selon ces constats et l’hypothèse de Bourdieu selon laquelle on assiste à l’homogénéisation des cultures, nous avons répondu aux questions suivantes : comment la Convention peut-elle concilier l’ouverture des marchés des biens et services culturels et la protection de la diversité culturelle ? Comment la diversité culturelle s’orchestre-t-elle sous l’égide de la Convention de l’UNESCO ? Sous la tutelle de l’État-nation chargé de défendre les couleurs de la culture nationale ? Ou par l’intermédiaire du marché capable de réguler l’offre et la demande en matière de culture ? La Convention a donc fait l’objet d’une analyse de discours dans l’intention d’exhiber les tensions sous-jacentes à la conception de la diversité culturelle. En effet, la diversité culturelle est sujette à des glissements de sens, car elle est orchestrée en partie par le droit souverain des États-nations qui sont en mesure de protéger et promouvoir la diversité des expressions culturelles sur leur territoire, mais aussi, elle est basée sur des principes de libre échange et de libre circulation des produits, activités, biens et services culturels découlant de la coopération régionale, bilatérale et internationale mise de l’avant par la Convention. La Convention permet jusqu’à un certain point une conciliation entre l’ouverture du marché des biens et services culturels et la protection de la diversité culturelle grâce à ces mécanismes et ces organes. / This research treats about cultural diversity under the perspective of the “exception culturelle”. In this Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, cultural diversity gains a central position in regard to the cultural policies applied at the national, European and international levels. The objective of this research was to outline the meaning of cultural diversity in order to reveal the different tensions between the role of the nation-state and the power devolved to the open market of goods and cultural products on a supranational level. Thus, we hypothesize that the concept of cultural diversity takes different meanings in order to rally the different parties in the best interest of the Convention. Based on these evidences and Bourdieu’s hypothesis underlining the present homogenization of cultures, we ask ourselves : how can the Convention reconcile the open market of cultural goods and services and the protection of cultural diversity ? Who orchestrates cultural diversity in the Convention ? Is cultural diversity organized by the nation-state in charge of defending its own cultural expressions ? Or is cultural diversity organized by the open market that controls the market of cultural expressions based on the principle of supply and demand ? To answer those questions, we did a discourse analysis of the Convention in order to expose the underlying tensions in the concept of cultural diversity. We noticed that the concept of cultural diversity usually refers to the diversity of cultural expressions. Therefore, the concept of cultural diversity implies different perspectives. Nation-states do have the right to take measures and adopt cultural policies in order to protect their own cultural products and cultural expressions, but at the same time, the Convention promotes regional, bilateral and international cooperation between Parties. Cooperation is based on free trade, free movement and unlimited access of cultural activities, goods and services. Therefore, cultural diversity is directed at the same time by nation-states and relies upon the laws of the open market. The different mechanisms of the Convention try to ensure a certain balance between these dual perspectives of the Convention.

This thesis seeks to trace the process of Germany&rsquo / becoming a multicultural society through the politico-historical analysis of the matter of immigration to Germany. The working assumption while projecting this study is as follows / there is a close relation between the policies and implementations of Germany in practice and becoming a multicultural society during the process in question. Germany became a multinational society with its composition of different ethnic, religious and cultural groups / but it is clearly seen that Germany is not moving toward becoming a multicultural society, at least in the near future, considering its policies and implementations in practice. At the same time, considering the main arguments and effects of these new immigration and citizenship laws concerning immigrants will provide an essential ground for recognizing whether Germany is a multicultural society or not.

Orientador: José Carlos Barreiro / Banca: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Heloisa de Faria Cruz / Resumo: Este trabalho analisou o pensamento jurídico penal no Brasil e sua historicidade durante o século XIX, atentando para a produção do discurso em documentos processuais denominados termos de bem viver, uma das fontes documentais da pesquisa. Foi possível, por meio da análise dessa documentação, acompanhar o percurso da produção do vadio enquanto indivíduo passível de conhecimento do saber/poder. Refletiu-se ainda sobre a produção do Código Criminal de 1830, base para o nascimento legal do poder disciplinar no Brasil. Com essa nova estrutura jurídica, a polícia ganhou embasamento legal para agir no cotidiano dos indivíduos pobres livres, seu alvo preferencial. Esse novo tipo de controle e punição de comportamentos indesejáveis irá perpassar e irradiar-se por todo o corpo social em forma de rede, levando finalmente as informações até o Imperador. Portanto, este estudo analisou as formas de poder que nortearam o período imperial brasileiro de 1824 a 1889 e se constituíram em instrumentos utilizados pela elite agrária para inserir os pobres livres no modelo de nação pretensamente liberal e moderna. / Abstract: This dissertation broached the penal juridical thought in Brazil and its historical process during the 19th century focusing on the writing of discourse in processual documents, the so-called termos de bem viver (the propriety of conduct law), one of the documentary sources of the research at issue. By means of an analysis of such papers, one could trace the course of the expression idler as someone subject to the knowledge of the keepers of the law. One also pondered upon the working up of the disciplinary power in Brazil. Due to the new juridical framework the police attained legal power to act on the everyday life of the free poor, their preferred target. The new kind of control and punishment of undesired behavior will affect and spread about the whole "social body" like a network which eventually puts the information up to the emperor. Therefore, this dissertation analyzed the new ways of power which guided the Brazilian imperial period from 1824 to 1889 and which became a device used by the imperial agrarian elite meant to insert the free poor into an alleged liberal and modern nation model. / Mestre