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Bilden av Sverige i morgondagens EU : offentlig diplomati i en föränderlig värld / The Image of Sweden in the EU of Tomorrow : Public Diplomacy in a Changing WorldSejersen, Michelle January 2010 (has links)
Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this paper is to describe how a number of strategically selected employees at the Swedish Institute, with the purpose to promote Sweden in the world, look at the challenges facing Sweden concerning nation branding in the new era of cooperation within the European Union. I examine how these people look upon the work of public diplomacy and nation branding in order to actively participate and influence the EU's common communications platform. Material/Method: The method used in this thesis is qualitative interviews. The reason why I chose this method is because I consider it to be the most appropriate in order to collect information about how these selected employees at the Swedish institute regard the challenges that lay ahead in terms of nation branding within the European Union. Main results: On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the analysis, it can be concluded that it is of utmost importance to take the societal changes, which are a result both of the worldwide globalization and the EU cooperation, into consideration when designing a future communication strategy for the Swedish Institute. The nation-state continues to play an important role in Sweden, but its importance is declining as the EU cooperation is progressing. The citizens’ identity plays a crucial role in designing a nation’s communications strategy, and from the analysis I conclude that we move not from a Swedish to a European identity, but towards a pluralistic union where multiple identities meet under one umbrella; the EU. / <p>Författaren heter numera Michelle Bornestad. 131003</p>
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The Possibility Of Postnationality In The Case Of European Union CitizenshipAy, Ozgur 01 January 2003 (has links) (PDF)
Recent developments such as internationalization of labor markets, emergence of multi-level polities and a global discourse on human rights have influenced citizenship practices and challenged conventional definitions of citizenship. While conventional definitions of citizenship often presuppose the relationship between citizenship, nationality and nation-state, as an institution, citizenship is constituted and reconstituted by economic, political, social and legal practices. In this context, European Union citizenship (EU citizenship), which was formally introduced in 1993, has generated a discussion on its nature. As a reflection of its dynamic and ambiguous character, there is a variety of interpretations on EU citizenship that can be evaluated between postnational and national ends. In line with these interpretations, this thesis aims to provide an insight to the possibility of postnationality in the case of the European Union Citizenship. In this sense, the analysis of EU citizenship depends on two significant theoretical bases: the contemporary debates on citizenship and the theories of European integration. It is attempted to combine these theoretical frameworks in a critical
analysis in order to consider the postnational potentials and possibilities that the EU citizenship has. In the case study of EU citizenship a socio-historical analysis of the making of EU citizenship is carried out mainly with reference to the official documents of the institutions of European Union. In the light of this analysis, EU citizenship is critically examined according to designated discussion themes. Consequently, in this thesis, it is mainly argued that dynamic and evolving nature of EU citizenship create contradictory notions in its development process. This also reflects that possibilities for postnationality are inherent to the EU citizenship.
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Os pobres e os termos de bem viver: novas formas de controle social no império do BrasilMartins, Eduardo [UNESP] 18 August 2003 (has links) (PDF)
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martins_e_me_assis.pdf: 2413031 bytes, checksum: effe07d71e3fa1dd7f93b20222978acf (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Este trabalho analisou o pensamento jurídico penal no Brasil e sua historicidade durante o século XIX, atentando para a produção do discurso em documentos processuais denominados termos de bem viver, uma das fontes documentais da pesquisa. Foi possível, por meio da análise dessa documentação, acompanhar o percurso da produção do vadio enquanto indivíduo passível de conhecimento do saber/poder. Refletiu-se ainda sobre a produção do Código Criminal de 1830, base para o nascimento legal do poder disciplinar no Brasil. Com essa nova estrutura jurídica, a polícia ganhou embasamento legal para agir no cotidiano dos indivíduos pobres livres, seu alvo preferencial. Esse novo tipo de controle e punição de comportamentos indesejáveis irá perpassar e irradiar-se por todo o corpo social em forma de rede, levando finalmente as informações até o Imperador. Portanto, este estudo analisou as formas de poder que nortearam o período imperial brasileiro de 1824 a 1889 e se constituíram em instrumentos utilizados pela elite agrária para inserir os pobres livres no modelo de nação pretensamente liberal e moderna. / This dissertation broached the penal juridical thought in Brazil and its historical process during the 19th century focusing on the writing of discourse in processual documents, the so-called termos de bem viver (the propriety of conduct law), one of the documentary sources of the research at issue. By means of an analysis of such papers, one could trace the course of the expression idler as someone subject to the knowledge of the keepers of the law. One also pondered upon the working up of the disciplinary power in Brazil. Due to the new juridical framework the police attained legal power to act on the everyday life of the free poor, their preferred target. The new kind of control and punishment of undesired behavior will affect and spread about the whole social body like a network which eventually puts the information up to the emperor. Therefore, this dissertation analyzed the new ways of power which guided the Brazilian imperial period from 1824 to 1889 and which became a device used by the imperial agrarian elite meant to insert the free poor into an alleged liberal and modern nation model.
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Animê como recurso de soft power : comunicação e cultura na situação de globalizaçãoBrito, Quise Gonçalves 04 April 2013 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2013-04-04 / CAPES / Este estudo realiza uma análise dos fluxos e panoramas de comunicação e consumo
engendrados pelas animações japonesas (animês) e a sua potencialidade enquanto recurso
cultural de soft power japonês para a gestão da política nacional em um contexto marcado
pela intensificação dos processos de transnacionalização dos mercados e globalização da
economia. Os animês, produtos de uma efervescente cultura pop japonesa, tornam-se
conhecidos e reconhecidos mundialmente em meados da década de 1990. O consumo em
torno dessas produções mobiliza constantemente fluxos globais de símbolos, socialidades,
ideias, capital, produtos e serviços. O percurso e a dinâmica de circulação dos animês
revelam aspectos do processo de mundialização da cultura, bem como de uma nova economia
cultura global que sinaliza a crescente importância da gestão cultural para o exercício político
e a gestão econômica nacionais. O Soft Power, estratégia de gestão do poder através do uso
de fontes de atratividade, entre as quais a cultura, oferece uma ferramenta fundamental nesse
sentido. Os animês, tomados como recursos de soft power para o Japão, oferecem através dos
panoramas mobilizados grande potencial de colaborar na gestão de três itens que exigem uma
reconfiguração dos Estados-nação nesta situação de globalização: a hegemonia cultural,
soberania econômica e legitimidade política. / This study performs an analysis of flows and panoramas of communication and consumption
engendered by the Japanese animation (anime) and its potentiality as a resource for cultural
soft power to manage the Japanese national policy in a context marked by the intensification
of the processes of transnationalization of markets and globalization of economy. The anime,
products of an effervescent Japanese pop culture, become known and recognized worldwide
in the mid-1990s. The consumption around these productions constantly mobilizes global
flows of symbols, socialities, ideas, capital, products and services. The route and dynamic of
movement of anime reveal aspects of the globalization of culture, as well a new global
cultural economy that signals the growing importance of cultural management to exercise
political and national economic management. The Soft Power, power management strategy
through the use of sources of attractiveness, including culture, offers a fundamental tool in
this regard. The anime, taken as soft power resources to Japan, offers through mobilized
panoramas great potential to collaborate in the management of three items that require a
reconfiguration of the nation-states in this situation of globalization: cultural hegemony,
economic sovereignty and political legitimacy.
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La politique linguistique de la Turquie en vue d’une adhésion à l’Union européenne / Turkey's language policy for accession to the European UnionGulmez, Recep 05 December 2017 (has links)
La Turquie a connu un nouveau tournant dans les relations entre l'UE et la Turquie le 3 octobre 2005, lorsque les négociations pour la pleine adhésion ont débuté. Lorsque le gouvernement turc de coalition a commencé à améliorer les droits de l'homme et les droits des minorités en Turquie en 1999, l'Union européenne a commencé à adopter une perspective différente sur son adhésion à l'UE. L'objectif de cette étude est de mettre en lumière les progrès réalisés en matière de droits de l'homme et de droits linguistiques des minorités non officielles en Turquie compte tenu de l'adhésion à l'Union européenne. L'étude est basée sur une analyse documentaire, une méthode de recherche en sciences politiques, où nous avons examiné les rapports de progrès et les résolutions du Parlement européen sur les progrès réalisés par la Turquie ainsi que d'autres documents internationaux relatifs à la minorité et/ou aux droits de l'homme et les documents d’archive ottoman et turc. Ces documents ont été examinés sous l'angle des droits linguistiques. Nous avons découvert que la Turquie devrait élargir sa compréhension des minorités et que le turc doit être la langue officielle tandis que toutes les autres langues devraient être reconnues officiellement sans donner un statut de minorité. Donc, si un ressortissant turc veut avoir un emploi dans une unité gouvernementale, il doit connaître le turc alors que sa propre langue maternelle n'est pas interdite, comme en Angleterre et en France, où l'anglais ou le français sont obligatoires alors que toutes les autres langues sont libres à apprendre et pratiquer dans les médias, l'école et en public. / Turkey had a new turning point in EU-Turkey relations on 3 October 2005 when the negotiations for full membership started. When the Turkish government of coalition started to improve human rights and minority rights in Turkey, the European Union commenced to adopt a different perspective on the accession to the EU in 1999. The objective of this study is to shed light on the progress in human rights and linguistic rights of the unofficial minorities in Turkey in view of European Union membership. The study is based on document analysis, one of research methods in political science, where we examined the progress reports and European Parliament resolutions on the progress made by Turkey as well as other international documents related to the minority and/or human rights besides Ottoman and Turkish archives. These documents were examined from the perspective of language rights. We found out that Turkey should broaden its understanding of minorities and the language of the state should be Turkish while all other languages should be recognized officially. So, if one national wants to have a job in any government unit, Turkish must be the official language while their own mother tongue is not forbidden like in England and France where English or French respectively are obligatory while all other languages are free to be learned and practiced in media, school, and in public.
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Globalisering och miljöarbete inom multinationella företag / Globalization and environmental work within multinational companiesSangby, Katarina January 2002 (has links)
The environment became an established issue on the international political agenda after World War 2. How to preserve natural resources became an issue that concerned several powerful participants, affected by changed conditions in the environmental legislation. This paper is a study of the growing environmental work within the multinational Swedish corporations Boliden, IKEA and SAS and how it was affected by the globalization. The material studied is environmentally related information produced by the companies and also interviews with the Environmental Managers. The information provided has been analyzed and compared with well-known opinions of globalization, trying to find out how the process of globalization has affected the handling of environmental work within the companies. The conclusion is the globalization brings several disadvantages, but it also results in an international legislation and co-operation between different participants, something that does have a positive effect on the environment.
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Arquitetura do Estado Nacional: o estilo Art DÃco e o edifÃcio da EstaÃÃo FerroviÃria Central do Brasil. / Nation State Architecture: the Art DÃco style and the Railway Station Central do Brasil BuildingSolange Maria de Oliveira Schramm 26 May 2015 (has links)
nÃo hà / Esta tese consiste no empenho de construir sociologicamente uma anÃlise e interpretaÃÃo da arquitetura como expressÃo simbÃlica do Estado Nacional. Investiga a gÃnese e caracterÃsticas do estilo Art DÃco e seu uso como forma estÃtica adequada à modelagem da fisionomia da mÃquina estatal. O Art DÃco foi predominante em edifÃcios construÃdos para abrigar a administraÃÃo pÃblica, reorganizada e ampliada, entre os anos 1930 e 1945, no Brasil. A pesquisa propÃe, em especial, uma interpretaÃÃo sociolÃgica do imponente edifÃcio da EstaÃÃo FerroviÃria Central do Brasil, erguido na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, entre os anos de 1936 e 1943, concebido consoante aquele estilo. Esse marco arquitetÃnico à analisado como obra referencial do ideÃrio modernizante do Estado centralizador e autoritÃrio que entÃo emergia. / The purpose of this thesis is to sociologically construct an analysis and interpretation of architecture as a symbolic expression of the Nation State. The genesis and characteristics of the Art Deco style are investigated, as well as its use as an aesthetic form suited to modelling the physiognomy of the machine of state. Art Deco predominated in buildings constructed to house the public administration, which had been reorganised and extended between 1930 and 1945 in Brazil. In particular, this research proposes to formulate a sociological interpretation of the imposing edifice of the Central do Brasil Railway Station, constructed in the city of Rio de Janeiro between 1936 and 1943, which was designed in the Art Deco style. This architectural landmark is analyzed as a reference work of the modernizing thinking of the centralizing and authoritarian state that was emerging at the time.
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Crescimento econômico e desenvolvimento humano: uma análise mundial da eficiência social de Estados-nação / Economic growth and human development: a global analysis of social efficiency of Nation-statesEnzo Barberio Mariano 02 July 2012 (has links)
Mesmo sendo uma condição indispensável para que ocorra o desenvolvimento humano, o crescimento econômico nem sempre é convertido eficientemente em qualidade de vida pelos Estados-nação. Deste modo, o presente trabalho teve o objetivo de mensurar a eficiência social dos países, que expressa à capacidade de um Estado-nação converter sua riqueza produzida em qualidade de vida, e de determinar fatores que possam explicá-la. Como hipóteses de pesquisa para esses fatores, foram considerados: (i) a atuação do Estado, do Mercado e da Sociedade Civil; (ii) o estoque de capital físico, natural, humano, cultural, social e institucional; (iii) a presença de liberdades política, econômica e de expressão; (iv) o efeito do próprio desenvolvimento humano; e (v) outras características socioeconômicas dos países. Para que esse objetivo fosse alcançado, foram utilizadas as técnicas: (a) Análise Envoltória de Dados (DEA), em sua forma padrão, cruzada, invertida e tripla; (b) regressão linear simples; (c) clusterização por eficiência; (d) método k-means; e (e) testes estatísticos de diferença entre médias. Os principais resultados obtidos indicaram que as ex-repúblicas soviéticas e os países de passado socialista foram os que mais se destacaram na eficiência social; já os países desenvolvidos, apesar de apresentarem elevados indicadores sociais, sendo altamente eficazes, não se destacaram na eficiência; os países do sul da África, por sua vez, além de possuírem a pior condição social, foram também os mais ineficientes. Quanto aos fatores explicativos da eficiência social, concluiu-se que possuem impacto positivo: (1) a taxa básica de juros; (2) a taxa bruta de investimentos; (3) a taxa de estradas pavimentadas; (4) a taxa de alfabetização; (5) o número de médicos per capita; (6) a liberdade fiscal; (7) além de quase todos os outputs sociais utilizados na análise de eficiência, com exceção da inflação. Por outro lado, os fatores que se relacionam negativamente com a eficiência são: (a) o saldo da balança corrente; (b) a quantidade de reservas de petróleo; (c) o PIB per capita; (d) o nível de caridade; (e) a ausência de corrupção; (f) a liberdade de investimento e financeira; (g) a liberdade política e de expressão; (h) a taxa de fecundidade na adolescência; (i) a taxa de infectados com HIV; e (j) o nível de emissões de \'CO IND.2\'. Apesar de alguns resultados encontrados terem sido bastante polêmicos, afastando-se tanto do senso comum quanto de teorias estabelecidas, acredita-se que o presente trabalho contribuiu para lançar luz sobre um novo e fértil campo de pesquisa, denominado eficiência social. / Despite being a prerequisite for occurring development, economic growth is not always fully converted into welfare or quality of life, since countries have different levels of efficiency in carrying out this conversion. Thus, this study aimed to determine the efficiency of Nation-states to convert their wealth produced in quality of life (social efficiency) and, subsequently, to investigate the impact in this efficiency of the factors: (i) performance of the State, Market and Civil Society; (ii) stock of physical , natural, human, cultural, social and institutional capital; (iii) political , economic and expression freedoms; (iv) human development itself; and (v) other socioeconomic characteristics of the countries. To accomplish this goal, we have used: (a) Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) in its standard, cross, reversed and triple form; (b) simple linear regression; (c) clustering for efficiency; (d) k-means method; and (e) statistical tests of differences between means. The main results indicate that the ex-Soviet republics and the countries of the socialist past were most outstanding in social efficiency; whereas the developed countries, although having high social indicators, i.e., high efficacy, not were excelled in efficiency; the countries of southern Africa, in turn, have the worst social condition, and were also the most inefficient. As for the explanatory factors of social efficiency, it was concluded that had positive impact the variables: (1) prime rate; (2) gross rate of investment; (3) rate of paved roads; (4) literacy rate; (5) number of doctors per capita; (6) fiscal freedom; (7) and the most social indicators that were used in the analysis of efficiency, with the exception of inflation. On the other hand, the factors that are negatively related to efficiency are: (a) current account balance; (b) amount of oil reserves; (c) GDP per capita; (d) level of charity; (e) corruption absence; (f) freedom of investment and financing; (g) political freedom and expression; (h) adolescent fertility rate; (i) the rate of HIV-infected; and (j) level of \'CO IND.2\' emissions. Although some results have been quite controversial, away from both common sense and established theories, it is believed that this work has helped to shed light on a new and fertile field of research called social efficiency.
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Timor-Leste: RepresentaÃÃes dos Estudantes Timorenses, no Brasil, sobre o Estado do Timor-LesteSilvÃrio dos Santos Soares 31 March 2009 (has links)
CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Nos paÃses multiÃtnicos, de pÃs-conflito, que viveram processos de libertaÃÃo da dominaÃÃo estrangeira, as identidades culturais, invariavelmente, tÃm mergulhado num processo em que todos os grupos Ãtnicos dentro do prÃprio paÃs lutam para reafirmar a sua posiÃÃo no processo de formaÃÃo do Estado NaÃÃo. A afirmaÃÃo das identidades de grupos Ãtnicos, nos paÃses de pÃs-conflito, adquirem proporÃÃes cada vez maiores em Ãmbitos contemporÃneos e apresentam nuances semelhantes nas mÃltiplas representaÃÃes como sujeitos de pÃs-conflito. Esta dissertaÃÃo tem como centro dinamizador perceber como participantes de diferentes grupos Ãtnicos constroem representaÃÃes sobre a formaÃÃo do Estado-naÃÃo, no Timor-Leste, apÃs a independÃncia ocorrida em 20 de maio de 2002. Como recorte empÃrico, os sujeitos que foram envolvidos nesta pesquisa sÃo estudantes timorenses que residem atualmente no Brasil com o intuito de aqui realizarem a sua formaÃÃo de pÃs-graduaÃÃo em universidades brasileiras; mais especificamente, estudantes de duas Universidades Federais no Brasil: Universidade Federal do Cearà (UFC) e a Universidade Federal de GoiÃnia (UFG). O objetivo central à traÃar um paralelo entre as representaÃÃes sobre as identidades Ãtnicas e sobre a construÃÃo de identidades timorenses no processo de construÃÃo do Estado-naÃÃo, realizadas por sujeitos pertencentes a diferentes grupos Ãtnicos que existem no paÃs; grupos esses que participam ativamente em acontecimentos conflituosos no perÃodo pÃs-independÃncia. A metodologia utilizada foi a de narrativas de vida que compÃem o material empÃrico analisado na dissertaÃÃo / The cultural identities in post-conflict countries where a constant layer of a process among all ethnic groups within the country to reaffirm its position in the formation of the nation. The identities of an ethnic group in the post-conflict always buy some proportions increasing through nuances in contemporary fields such as subject in the multiple representations of post-conflict. This dissertation is to address these propellers proactive in ethnic groups that represent the identities of ethnic groups in East Timor after independence in twenty of May two thousand and two. To cut this research, the subjects who were involved in this interview are the entities Timorese living in Brazil for the training process of the study in two Federal Universities in Brazil: Universidade Federal do Cearà (UFC) and Universidade Federal de GoiÃnia (UFG).
In this sense, the goal is to draw a parallel between the Timorese authorities, of different ethnic groups that exist in the country that make the events of ethnic conflict in the country involving several entities of the ethnic groups after independence
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Presentes e ausentes: Os Sertões euclidiano no imaginário e na política de desenvolvimento do Brasil semiárido (2003 – 2014) / Presences and absences:Os Sertões, by Euclides da Cunha, in the imaginary and the barzilian's semiarid development policyPinheiro, Robinson Santos 04 February 2015 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2015-02-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The literary work Os Sertões (1902), by Euclides da Cunha, is considered a founder of Brazilian
nationality. In it, more than narrate and denounce the Canudos War (1896 – 1897), Euclides da
Cunha designed a future for Brazil. In his imagination, the future would be in the national
integration through the values and pratices of Western modern society. The Euclidean discourse in
a systematically way from 1930 to the early twenty-first century becomes the major project for
Brazilian State. Integrat the territory from Western modern precepts, is hegemonized as possibility
for a “great Brazil”, promoting economic growth and social development, while the second is
limited to the first. The thesis aimed to understand the contemporaneity of the Euclidean projetct.
For this, we sought to interpret the state of the imaginary form the National Policy for Regional –
PNDR – established in 2003. As analysis space, it was interpreted the socio-spatial transformations
in the semiarid region during 13 year of operation of the PNDR. Looking closer to “Os Sertões”
and the limited space for the study, there was the field and the analysis of Bahia’s micro-region of
de Euclides da Cunha, involving nine municipalities. Five municipalities (Euclides da Cunha – old
Cumbe -, Monte Santo, Tucano, Uauá, Canudos – old Belo Monte) are mentioned by Euclides da
Cunha. Thus, the choice of semi-arid and the micro-region of Euclides da Cunha comes from the
fact that these correspond physically and socially whith the space that through PNDR enabled us to
verify that the Euclidean project remains in its respective specificity, in the base of the State’s
action; thus concludes with the interpretation of modernizing integration imaginary, that this is a
process that is not ending. The spatial imagery analysis of Os Sertões and PNDR allowed to
understand that in the meeting points of yesterday with “today”, the history of state intervention
trought the modernizing integration served as instrument of a cicle for social strutctures (political
and economic) conservative. The state does not promote significant improvements to building a
more just Brazil. The modernization in the way reproduced in historiy, is a scam legitimized by the
sate. And that’s the point of orientation of the analysis / interpretation / reading Os Sertões to
contemporary: overcoming the institutionalized deception involving imaginary of Brazilian spaces. / A obra literária Os Sertões (1902), de Euclides da Cunha, é considerada fundante da nacionalidade
brasileira. Nela, mais que narrar e denunciar a Guerra de Canudos (1896 – 1897), Euclides da
Cunha projetou um futuro para o Brasil. Em seu imaginário, o futuro estaria na integração nacional
por meio dos valores e práticas da sociedade moderna Ocidental. O discurso euclidiano, de forma
sistemática desde 1930 até o início do século XXI, se torna o grande projeto para o Estado
brasileiro. Integrar o território, a partir dos preceitos modernos ocidentais, se hegemoniza enquanto
possibilidade de um “Brasil grande”, promovendo o crescimento econômico e o desenvolvimento
social, conquanto, o segundo fica circunscrito ao primeiro. A tese objetivou compreender a
contemporaneidade do projeto euclidiano. Para isso, se buscou interpretar o imaginário do Estado a
partir da Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional – PNDR -, criada em 2003. Como espaço
de análise, foi interpretado as transformações socioespaciais ocorridas na região do Semiárido
durante os 13 anos de atuação da PNDR. Procurando maior aproximação com “Os Sertões” e o
espaço delimitado para estudo, houve o campo e a análise sobre a microrregião baiana de Euclides
da Cunha, envolvendo nove municípios. Cinco municípios (Euclides da Cunha – antiga Cumbe -,
Monte Santo, Tucano, Uauá e Canudos – antiga Monte Belo) são citados por Euclides da Cunha.
Assim, a escolha do Semiárido bem como da microrregião de Euclides da Cunha é oriunda do fato
destes corresponderem fisicamente e socialmente com o espaço que envolveu a trama romanesca
Os Sertões. A interpretação da integração modernizadora por meio da PNDR possibilitou verificar
que o projeto euclidiano permanece, em sua respectiva especificidade, na base da ação do Estado;
assim, conclui-se, com a interpretação do imaginário de integração modernizadora, que este é um
processo que não se finda. A análise do imaginário espacial de Os Sertões e da PNDR permitiu
compreender que, nos pontos de encontro do ontem com o “hoje”, o histórico de intervenção
estatal via a integração modernizadora serviu como instrumento de retroalimentação das estruturas
sociais (política e econômica) conservadoras. O Estado não promove, portanto, melhoras
significativas para a construção de um Brasil mais justo. A modernização, assim, na forma com
que se reproduziu na história, é uma farsa legitimada pelo Estado. E aqui se encontra o ponto de
orientação da análise/interpretação/leitura de Os Sertões para a contemporaneidade, a superação
dos engodos institucionalizados que envolvem o imaginário modernizador dos espaços brasileiro.
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