Cette thèse porte sur la crise ivoirienne dans ce qu’elle décline de pluralité étiologique, de complexité dimensionnelle mais également d’intérêt épistémologique et heuristique en raison des pistes analytiques qu’elle ouvre et permet. Elle enracine la crise dans le « sol des fondations » développementalistes et du diffusionnisme des modèles étatiques à l’épreuve de la donne endogène. L’Houphouëtisme, conception pragmatiste du pouvoir, structure en grande partie la trajectoire ivoirienne postcoloniale marquée par le double cycle de la stabilité et de l’implosion crisogène. La crise structurelle de l’État-nation ivoirien a un complexe étiologique pluriel (économique, social, foncier, migratoire, politique, biopolitique). La faillite du modèle agro-exportateur a servi de terreau fertile à la triple crise socio- économique, politique et militaire. La phénoménologie belligène puise, en réalité, dans des causes lointaines et structurelles. Manipulant l’autochtonie et la différence ethnique à des fins politiciennes, les entrepreneurs politiques ivoiriens semblent avoir choisi le pouvoir au détriment de la nation. L’ivoirité, en tant qu’idéologie d’exclusion, est, en réalité, un outil biopolitique au service de la préservation tant du pouvoir que de l’hégémonie politique. Elle symbolise autant la déhouphouëtisation que la rupture du consensus social. Autant l’ethnie n’est pas, selon nous, une momie autant l’ivoirité ne constitue point ici un disque dur étiologique. Plus profondes et structurelles, les causes de la crise ivoirienne s’enracinent tant dans la généalogie que dans la trajectoire de l’État-nation à la construction inachevée. Renversant le paradigme marxiste, nous donnons ici le primat au politique sur l’économique dans une réalité ivoirienne marquée par la double faiblesse du secteur privé et de la société civile, conférant à la sphère étatique et son immense manne une importance néopatrimoniale. La rébellion et le recours aux armes comme moyens concurrentiels dans la conquête du pouvoir et la partition consacrent la fracture de l’État-nation, aggravée par la crise post électorale de 2010/2011. La prégnance des enjeux politiques n’empêche point de recourir à l’interparadigmité ainsi qu’à la bénéfique connexion des sciences pour un éclairage politologique, et au-delà, une exploration de ce champ épistémique que constitue la Côte d’Ivoire « dans » et « avec » le Monde. / This thesis focuses on the Ivorian crisis in what it holds in terms of etiological dimensional complexity but also of epistemological and heuristic interest because of the analytical ideas it opens and allows. It roots the crisis in the "rockbottom" of developmentalist theories and the diffusionism of state models resistant to endogenous data. Houphouëtism, a pragmatist conception of power, structures most of the Ivorian postcolonial trajectory marked by the dual cycle of stability and crisogenic implosion. A structural crisis of the Ivorian nation-state with a manifold etiologic complex (economic, social, land use, migration, politics, biopolitics). The failure of an agricultural export model fed the threefold crisis: socio-economic, political and military. The phenomenology generating war goes back, in fact, to structural and remote causes. Manipulating indigenism (autochthonous) and ethnic differences for political ends, Ivorian political “entrepreneurs” seem to have opted for power at the expense of the nation. Ivoreanity, as an ideology of exclusion, is in reality a biopolitical tool at the service of retaining power as well as political dominance. It symbolizes the dehouphouëtization as well as the break up of social consensus. Neither is ethnicity, in our opinion, a mummy, nor is Ivoreanity here an etiological hard drive. Deeper and more structural, the causes of the Ivorian crisis are rooted as much in the genealogy as in the trajectory of the nation-state whose construction is still unfinished. Reversing the Marxist paradigm, here we give primacy to the political over the economic in an Ivorian reality marked by a double weakness of private sector and civil society, giving the state sphere and its immense manna a neo-patrimonial importance. Rebellion and the use of weapons as a means to compete in the conquest of power and partition emphasize the collapse of the nation-state, aggravated by post-election crisis of 2010/2011. The salience of political issues does not prevent resorting to interparadigmity and the beneficial connection of science to political science insights, and Beyond, an exploration of this epistemic field that is Côte d'Ivoire "in" and "with" the World.

Les ressorts d’une crise de l’État-nation belge sont avant tout analysés comme la montée croissante des mouvements nationalistes, régionalistes flamands et wallons (Witte, 2011 ; Bitsch, 2004) Ici, la crise s’inscrit prioritairement dans une logique de fragmentation territoriale. D’un État-nation unitaire, centralisé et francophone, la Belgique est devenue officiellement au cours du XX e siècle un État fédéral, composé de trois Régions (Wallonie, Flandre, Bruxelles-Capitale) et de trois Communautés (Française, Flamande et Germanophone). Cette progressive fragmentation de l’État-nation territorial belge s’est doublée d’une logique de confrontation entre deux groupes politiques et identitaires : les Flamands (néerlandophones) et les Wallons (francophones). Dans cette logique de confrontation, c’est la capitale belge, Bruxelles, qui apparaît comme le terrain de jeu conflictuel et l’enjeu territorial entre Flamands et Francophones. Appréhender la crise de l’État-nation belge au prisme de l’enjeu territorial bruxellois nourrit la démarche d’ensemble de cette thèse. L’origine grecque du concept de crise, krisis, fournit des éléments d’analyse essentiels afin de dépasser une approche de l’ébranlement de l’État-nation centrée sur les effets et les situations de blocage. Le concept de crise met en œuvre le couple conceptuel de aporie/poros/kairos. Le poros signifie le passage, l’issue, le chemin. A contrario, l’aporie désigne des situations de blocage et l’absence d’issue. L’aporie, les situations de blocages de l’État-nation belge se matérialisant à Bruxelles, révèlent le paradoxe sur lequel se sont construits les États-nations territoriaux. Dans ce contexte, l’introduction du kairos – l’opportunité - dans cette situation d’aporie se réfère à l’émergence d’un paradigme concurrent au nationalisme méthodologique : le cosmopolitisme méthodologique. Celui-ci se nourrit de l’affirmation et de la reconnaissance de différents mécanismes globaux et urbains, distillant de la diversité au sein des sociétés, se jouant ainsi des paradigmes et des constructions nationales reconnues ou en devenir. Dans cette perspective, cette thèse étudie l’émergence de mouvements urbains comme porteurs de ce cosmopolitisme méthodologique dans un ensemble de pratiques politiques, sociales et spatiales. Plus spécifiquement, cette recherche porte sur le mouvement bruxellois, regroupant aujourd’hui une partie de la société civile et des partis politiques à Bruxelles, et dont l’objectif est de proposer une alternative à la montée croissante des nationalismes en Belgique, mis en concurrence au sein de l’espace bruxellois. / This work analyzes the patterns of the crisis of the Belgian Nation-state and its territorial fragmentation in the light of the rise of nationalist movements (Witte, 2011 ; Bitsch, 2004). From a centralized, French-speaking and unitary Nation-State, Belgium became, during the 20th century, a federal state. The Belgian federal state gathers three Regions (Wallonia, Flanders, Brussels Capital-Region) and three Communities (French-speaking, Flemish and German-Speaking). This progressive territorial fragmentation was coupled with a confrontation between political groups with strong identity claims: the Flemish (Dutch speaking) and Walloon (French speaking). Amidst this confrontation Brussels appears as a conflicting territorial issue between the Flemish and the French-Speaking Community. This work aims precisely to understand the crisis of the Belgian Nation-State through the role of and issues at stake with Brussels. The Greek origin of the concept of crisis, krisis, provides cornerstone elements to overcome an approach centered on the nation-state ‘blocking effects’. The relations among aporia/kairos/poros structure the concept of krisis. The poros means the outcome, the way out. In contrast, aporia reflects a deadlock situation and the lack of solutions. In the context of our study, the introduction of kairos – i.e. opportunity – refers to the emergence of a methodological cosmopolitan paradigm (Beck, 2003). It refers to the affirmation and recognition of urban and global mechanisms, distilling diversity within societies. In this perspective, this thesis focuses on the emergence of urban movements who are supporting methodological cosmopolitanism in a set of political, social and spatial practices. More specifically, it researches how the Brussels’ urban movement brings together the civil society and political parties to offer an alternative to the increasing rise of nationalism in Belgium

Diese Dissertation befasst sich mit dem oft vernachlässigten Problem ethnischer Gruppen, die eine Delegitimierung ihrer Staatsbürgerschaft erfahren haben. Sie gelten nicht als „richtige“ Staatsbürger eines Nationalstaates, da sie nicht der ethnischen Definition der Nation entsprechen. Staatsbürgerschaft entsteht im Zuge der Bildung von Nationalstaaten in einem modernen Weltsystem, das nach wie vor kolonial geprägt ist. Die Legitimität dieser globalen kolonialen Idee des Nationalstaates basierte auf dem kulturellen Konzept einer Nation; der Illusion einer homogenen gemeinsamen Vergangenheit, gemeinsamer Gebräuche und einer gemeinsamen Sprache, in der Unterschiede unterdrückt werden. Auf diesem Modell basiert die Idee eines legitimen Bürgers. Illegitime Staatsbürgerschaft ist eine andere Art und Weise, eine koloniale Staatsbürgerschaft zu benennen, die in ein eurozentrisches, patriarchalisch/weiß und christlich zentriertes Weltsystem eingebettet ist. Staatsbürgerschaft ist ein Konzept, das sich auf Individuen bezieht. Durch Rassializierung und Ethnisierung wird dem Mensch seine Individualität genommen. Der rassifizierte -illegitime Bürger wird stets als Teil einer Gruppe beschrieben; die "Einwanderer", die "Muslime", die "Indigenen", die "Inder des Nordostens". Sie werden nie als autonomes individuelles Subjekt beschrieben. Diese Individualität ist den weißen europäischen oder europäischen Nachkommen vorbehalten und wird als "weißes Privileg" bezeichnet. Diese Dissertation beschreibt, wie ähnlich die illegitime Staatsbürgerschaft in zwei unterschiedlichen Ländern empirisch operiert, die beide eine koloniale, untergeordnete Position im Weltsystem einnehmen. Die untersuchten Gruppen – die Mapuche in Chile und die Menschen im Nordosten Indiens – leiden unter einer doppelten Kolonialisierung. Zum einen aufgrund der Position von Chile und Indien im Weltsystem, zum anderen bezüglich der geringen Wertschätzung innerhalb des Nationalstaates. / This thesis tackles the commonly overlooked issue of ethnic groups that have suffered a delegetimization of their citizenship. They are not considered as the ideal citizens of a nation-state because they do not conform ethnically to the definition of the nation. Citizenship emerges with the formation of the nation-state in a modern world system characterized by a still operating coloniality. The legitimacy of this global colonial idea of nation-state was based on the cultural concept of a nation; an illusion of a homogenous shared past, customs and language where differences were suppressed. This is the common pattern of nation-state formation and the rise of the idea of a legitimate citizen. Illegitimate citizenship is another way of naming a colonial citizenship inserted in a Eurocentric patriarchal/white and Christian-centered world-system. Citizenship is a concept referring to individuals, however, and when it is racialized or ethnicized, the individuality of the person is taken away. The racialized citizen, the illegitimate citizen is always described as part of a group; the “immigrants”, the “Muslims”, the “indigenous”, the “northeastern Indians”. They are never described as an autonomous individual subject. This individuality is reserved for white European or European- descendant people and has been coined as “white privilege”. This research describes how illegitimate citizenship empirically operates in a very similar way in two ethnic groups within two different countries that have in common a colonial subordinated position in the world system. Therefore, Mapuches in Chile and Northeastern Indians suffer a double colonization in two different scales; one regarding the position of Chile and India in the world-system and one regarding their own position within the nation-state.

This is a study of the development of post-war Iraq after the downfall of former President Saddam Hussein in 2003. The thesis examines the actions and consequences of the coalition led by the United States to facilitate the re-construction of Iraq as a democratic nation-state. The thesis examines the geo-political, economic and ideological motivations behind the US actions in Iraq in order to explain why the coalition plans to reconstruct the country along the lines of a democratic nation-state have failed so profoundly. The thesis develops a typology of policies that lead to successful nation-state building in post-authoritarian and post-conflict scenarios and applies this typology to the actual policies implemented by the US-led coalition after the fall of Saddam in 2003. The thesis illustrates that many of the policies implemented by the coalition undermined successful nation-state building. These policies failed to ensure the security and stability of Iraq after the invasion and thereby hampered economic development. Rather than re-defining Iraqi nationhood in democratic terms, the implemented policies enshrined ethno-sectarian divisions in the political landscape and in the social fabric of Iraq. The new Iraqi state lacked a stable constitutional and legal foundation and a functioning judiciary to ensure the rule of law. Finally, the political order established by the US-led coalition is marred by partisan conflicts and Kurdish independence tendencies which weaken the central government and the operation of its various departments and further threaten the territorial integrity of the Iraqi state. The thesis argues - based on evidence gathered through a nation-wide survey, in-depth interviews with influential stakeholders in the public sectors and other material - that Iraq after 2003 has become a failed state.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-08-04T18:20:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Elias Jacob de Menezes Neto_.pdf: 2096242 bytes, checksum: f9ff0ea22f6bd8896098e791182efd27 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-04T18:20:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elias Jacob de Menezes Neto_.pdf: 2096242 bytes, checksum: f9ff0ea22f6bd8896098e791182efd27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-28 / Nenhuma / Esta tese resulta da necessidade de situar a proteção dos direitos humanos e da democracia diante dos fenômenos da surveillance e dos fluxos globais de dados, especialmente, levando-se em conta que a desterritorialidade e a fluidez desses fenômenos desafiam os mecanismos de controle jurídico, centrados, exclusivamente no Estado-nação. Demonstra como a soberania estatal passa a ser afetada pelas transformações oriundas da globalização, da modernidade líquida e da sociedade em rede. Delimita a categoria da surveillance, analisada como uma característica inerente à modernidade líquida com o objetivo de demarcar, de forma acertada, o papel do Estado e da democracia diante dos fluxos globais de dados. Para tanto, explica como a palavra surveillance não pode ser, diretamente, traduzida para o português sem que haja prejuízo semântico. Aborda, ainda, os limites dos modelos do panóptico e do Big Brother para elucidar a coleta de dados em massa na era do big data. Para tanto, analisa a expansão da surveillance no século XXI, bem como os efeitos do big data e dos algoritmos preditivos na construção do tempo e do espaço. Fundados na guerra ao terror, esses instrumentos buscam capturar o passado e analisar o presente com a finalidade de prever eventos futuros antes mesmo que aconteçam. Tais mecanismos permitem a desterritorialização das fronteiras e a sua transformação em espaço de controle de fluxos de pessoas consideradas indesejáveis. Por isso, demonstra que o Estado é palco fragilizado para a proteção dos direitos humanos violados pela surveillance, o que permite considerar as matrizes teóricas sistêmicas – inclusive a ideia de constitucionalismo híbrido – como adequadas para proteger direitos violados por corporações transnacionais ligadas à tecnologia da informação. Conclui que a proteção dos direitos humanos afetados pela surveillance não pode depender, exclusivamente, dos meios de regulação jurídica associados ao Estado, dada a sua impossibilidade de lidar com problemas que escapam à esfera da política e ao container territorial, o que torna imprescindível a participação da iniciativa privada. / This thesis stems from the need to properly understand protection of fundamental rights and democracy under the effects of surveillance and global data flows, especially considering that these phenomena are deterritorialized and fluid and, hence, they challenge traditional legal control mechanisms based on the nation-state. For this, it shows how state sovereignty is now affected by the transformations of the nation-state caused by globalization, liquid modernity and the network society. It also explains that surveillance is intrinsic to liquid modernity, which is needed to properly understand the protection of fundamental rights and democracy against global data flows. Thus, it analyses how the word surveillance cannot be directly translated into Portuguese without losing its meaning. In addition, it explains why ideas such as panoptic and Big Brother aren’t enough to understand surveillance in the age of big data. That why it deals with the expansion of surveillance in the twentieth first century and estabilishes how big data and predictive analytics change the meaning of time and space. Based in the war on terror, these techniques try to capture the past and analyse the present in order to predict future events even before they happen. Also, they allow the deterritorialization of nation-state borders, converting them in places to control undesired people flows. For this reason, it shows how the nation-state is weakened on its role of human rights guardian, especially those violated by surveillance, which is why system’s theory and hybrid constitutionalism were considered capable to properly understand human rights violations by information technology transnational organizations. The conclusion points to the idea that human rights cannot be protected against surveillance by traditional legal control mechanisms as they are centered around the idea of the nation-state, which makes it impossible to handle issues that surpass its political system and territorial container, thus requiring private actor to take part in this discussion.

<p><strong>Purpose/Aim: </strong>The purpose of this paper is to describe how a number of strategically selected employees at the Swedish Institute, with the purpose to promote Sweden in the world, look at the challenges facing Sweden concerning nation branding in the new era of cooperation within the European Union. I examine how these people look upon the work of public diplomacy and nation branding in order to actively participate and influence the EU's common communications platform.</p><p><strong>Material/Method: </strong>The method used in this thesis is qualitative interviews. The reason why I chose this method is because I consider it to be the most appropriate in order to collect information about how these selected employees at the Swedish institute regard the challenges that lay ahead in terms of nation branding within the European Union.</p><p><strong>Main results: </strong>On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the analysis, it can be concluded that it is of utmost importance to take the societal changes, which are a result both of the worldwide globalization and the EU cooperation, into consideration when designing a future communication strategy for the Swedish Institute. The nation-state continues to play an important role in Sweden, but its importance is declining as the EU cooperation is progressing. The citizens’ identity plays a crucial role in designing a nation’s communications strategy, and from the analysis I conclude that we move not from a Swedish to a European identity, but towards a pluralistic union where multiple identities meet under one umbrella; the EU.</p>

This thesis attempts to provide a critical perspective on state failure together with its consequences, and how the reconstruction of state is carried out in the aftermath of failure. The thesis commences by discussing the emergence of &lsquo / modern&rsquo / nation-states, and proceeds by analyzing how current patterns of statehood respond to the classic nation-state denominations. Examining the concept of state failure, the thesis aims to verify whether established characteristics of statehood are applicable in view of contemporary dynamics of state weakness. The thesis then observes the difficulties for upholding inherent weaknesses in a state against the pressing nature of the contemporary dynamics of international relations / and, thus explores avenues for frameworks preventive to state failure, as well as postfailure resuscitation of states when these frameworks fail to take effect. Putting this analysis into perspective, the thesis discusses various aspects of international community&rsquo / s engagement for reconstruction of the state in Afghanistan, a country which represents an example for state failure and collapse par excellence, in the frame of a case study. Drawing from this case study, the thesis highlights the shortfalls and successes of state reconstruction in Afghanistan, in an attempt to provide useful hints for similar future engagements elsewhere.

In Bezug auf irreguläre Migrationsformen, die sich den bestehenden rechtlichen Einreise- und Aufenthaltsregelungen entziehen, wird nur selten hinterfragt, inwieweit diese durch Attribution von Aufenthaltsmerkmalen konstruiert werden. Entscheidend hierfür ist die national(staatlich)e Zugehörigkeit. Die vorliegende Arbeit fokussiert die Wechselwirkungen von Illegalität und Illegalisierung. Um die Konstruktionsmechanismen besser aufzudecken, wurde ein Ländervergleich zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich gewählt. So wurden Zeitungsartikel aus jeweils zwei deutschen und französischen Zeitungen inhaltsanalytisch untersucht. Zwei zentrale Fragestellungen standen im Vordergrund. Zum einen wurde untersucht, in welchem Kontext Illegalität und Illegalisierung thematisiert werden und in welcher Gewichtung sie auftreten. Des Weiteren wurde betrachtet, welche Argumentationen im Umgang mit den Betroffenen im öffentlichen Diskurs dargestellt werden. Dabei wurde festgestellt, dass stärker als angenommen Illegalisierungselemente in den Medien dargestellt werden, allerdings kaum als solche benannt werden. Illegalität und Illegalisierung werden darüber hinaus kaum in einen Zusammenhang gestellt. Argumente werden selten detailliert dargestellt, wobei in der Regel eine Rückbindung an allgemeine Zuwanderungsdiskurse zu beobachten ist. Ein diskursiver Exkurs deckt wesentliche Unterschiede zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich auf. Die Arbeit versucht, das Bild von Migranten ohne regulären Aufenthaltsstatus zu differenzieren und Fragen im Umgang mit Fremdheitserfahrungen zu erörtern.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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