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Dissertation "Risk assessment in selected municipality with extended powers with precautions suggestion to eliminate losses and damages to public assets" deals with analyses and assessment of the current situation at the selected municipality with extended powers. Vision of the first part of the thesis is to analyse current status of the analysis issues and risk assessment on the territory of the municipality. The second part of the thesis contains methods to achieve the risk assessment, evaluation of the current threats in the municipality and will provide a draft measure for the targeted risk management.

This research set out to develop a deeper theoretical component to the emerging discipline of hydropolitics by studying the political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector. The focal point was the four international river basins that are shared between South Africa and six of its neighbouring states. The study found that while there is a lot of evidence for the securitization of water resource management in South Africa’s international river basins, there are also a number of examples of regimes. The creation of these regimes was driven primarily by threat perceptions relating to state security, mostly during the period of apartheid and the Cold War. These regimes were mostly robust and served as a valuable instrument for the de-escalation of conflict, which was primarily of a high politics nature. Examples of both plus-sum and zero-sum outcomes have been isolated. Plus-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of national self-interest with four examples of this condition. In all four cases the non-hegemonic state benefited from cooperation with South Africa. Zero-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of ideology with two examples of this condition. In both cases the non-hegemonic state did not benefit and was sidelined to the extent that they became marginalized and worse off than before. In all cases the hegemonic state benefited from the regime. The research consequently showed that a hydropolitical complex is emerging in Southern Africa, clustered around two international river basins, the Orange and Limpopo, which have been defined as pivotal basins. Both of these basins have reached the limit of their readily available water resources and future development is not possible on any great scale. Four of the most economically developed states in Southern Africa (Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa) are riparians on these two international river basins, and have been defined as pivotal states. Other less developed countries that share any international river basin with a pivotal state have been defined as an impacted state, because their own development aspirations have been capped through this association. Any international river basin that has at least one of the pivotal states in it has been defined an impacted basin. Finally, this research showed that regimes create a plus-sum outcome in closed international river basins because they reduce the levels of uncertainty and institutionalize the conflict potential. As such regimes are a useful instrument with which to regulate inter-state behavior, leading over time to the development of institutions consisting of rules and procedures. / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The aim of this study is to analyse and critically assess the nature, scope and basis of South Africa‟s official external threat perception as it developed during the period from 1994 to 2012. Accordingly, the assessment allows for the identification of shortcomings in the current national security policy on external security threats, based on the alignment of external threat perceptions with the Government Programme of Action. Essentially what had to be determined is whether perceived official threats correspond with the actual situation. Accordingly, the main research question of the study is: What is the nature, scope and basis of the post-1994 official external threat perception of South Africa? The research problem generated four subsidiary questions: When does a security issue become a national threat? What types of threat are there? How does the South African government perceive these threats? And whose security is threatened? In responding to the main research questions, the study‟s findings note a change in perceptions during the post-Cold War era as to what constituted threats to security. The focus shifted from traditional to non-traditional threats to national security, because most current threats are non-military and transnational in nature. The analysis of South Africa‟s official external threat perception is informed by the changed views of Government towards what are considered the main threats to national security. The study concludes with key findings in response to the stated problem and with specific recommendations. The study confirmed that the nature of threats and security debates post-1994 have changed constantly with the expansion of the security agenda beyond state and military security. The official viewpoint is that South Africa at present is not faced with any military threats. Emphasis is currently placed on human beings as the main object of security. Most identified threats are transnational in nature and these relate to the illegal flow of immigrants, terrorism, organised crime, climate change (linked to food and water security), regional instability and other socio-economic threats. These threats are being perceived and articulated by Government through policy announcements and public speeches, also validated in the critical analysis of various scholars. The concept of non-traditional threats still lacks a commonly accepted definition; hence the study proposes the need for South Africa to define and outline non-military security threats in a comprehensive manner, preferably through the development of a South African External Threat Perception Framework. Developing such a framework will assist security agencies (such as analysts) and other stakeholders in providing advice and guidance to Government in identifying external security threats. This initiative could eliminate the abuse of power by various stakeholders in securitising any issue as a threat to national security, and instead divert those resources to other Government services. Provision should also be made in the form of policy initiatives on the role of military force and other agencies in addressing non-military security threats. Thus, the development of key elements of an integrated national security strategy in order to address external security issues and threats is essential. / Dissertation (MSecurity Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2015 / Political Sciences / MSecurity Studies / Unrestricted

(English): The Cold War is a major milestone in world history and the general history of mankind. He created a world order that confirmed Western hegemony over the world for decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the Cold War did not emerge from nothing. It was created by people after World War II (Americans, Russians, British etc.). Since the defeat of Germany was inevitable, the Allies, together with their disputes on individual issues (Iran, Turkey and Greece), began to create a spawn for the next conflict, which we call the Cold War. This struggle for domination over the world lasted for decades and cost many lives in the name of dubious ideas about social engineering, where it is possible to ,,revolutionize" society from above or manage life according to abstract economic calculations. Behind the phrases of progress was the great power desires of people and politicians, emphasized by the individual ideologies of liberal democracy and Stalinist communism.

(English): The Cold War is a major milestone in world history and the general history of mankind. He created a world order that confirmed Western hegemony over the world for decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the Cold War did not emerge from nothing. It was created by people after World War II (Americans, Russians, British etc.). Since the defeat of Germany was inevitable, the Allies, together with their disputes on individual issues (Iran, Turkey and Greece), began to create a spawn for the next conflict, which we call the Cold War. This struggle for domination over the world lasted for decades and cost many lives in the name of dubious ideas about social engineering, where it is possible to ,,revolutionize" society from above or manage life according to abstract economic calculations. Behind the phrases of progress was the great power desires of people and politicians, emphasized by the individual ideologies of liberal democracy and Stalinist communism.

Intelligence services are vital security systém elements of each democratic state. Access to the important intels without any lags is basic for state to survive. No state, nor the democratic nor the totalitarian can survive withou intelligence. On the other hand, strong based and rooted oversight is nature in democratic states. Basic purpose of this work is in examination of the situation in the Czech republic, where intelligence systém reform should be prepared as soon as possible. Especially in the light of missuse of the military intelligence by prime minister's mistress in 2013. In advance, the limits of current oversight methods and systém should be find. Deborah Stone's, proffesor of Dartmouth university, in the Czech republic rare theory called Policy Paradox is used as main for this work. It was choosen because it brings new view on the current intelligence system setup and its oversight. This analytical model see creation of public policy as continuous clash of personal and public interests. In advanced it is in opposition to the traditional view of policy from the market perspective and it provide new view as ancient polis where you have to beer the public interest on your mind. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This diploma thesis deals with conflict prevention in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Its aim was to compare its relevance and results in the both countries. In doing so, the first theoretical section outlined the way of assessing conflict potential, which conditions and justifies applying preventative measures. This was examined in terms of Copenhagen school and its broaden meaning of security, whereas the paper focused on the political, economic and societal dimension. Then the notion of conflict prevention was framed within terminological and historical context and considered in terms of its trends and current challenges. At the end of the theoretical section, the concepts if security dimensions and conflict prevention were discussed in terms of their applicability for the case studies of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Afterwards, the empirical section researched the conflict potential and preventive actions of international organisations, states and non-state actors in the both countries. Analytical part evaluated the empirical data in order to assess conflict prevention in the both states. In doing so, I used SWOT analysis, which defined strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of conflict prevention in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. The results can be summarised as follows: The character...

Bibliographic record SVÍTEK, Filip. Securitizing Culture: Normative Behavior and the US Central Intelligence Agency in the Global War on Terror. Prague, 2016. 82 p. Diploma work (Mgr.) Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. Department of Security Studies. Diploma work supervisor JUDr. PhDr. Tomáš Karásek, Ph.D. Abstract This monograph attempts to explore the system the intelligence community in the US from a constructivist perspective to understand domestic security policy as applied to international threats. The research questions examine how the US Central Intelligence Agency is able to functionally employ controversial tactics such as coercive interrogations and extrajudicial detention within a society that represents liberal normative democracy - one that in theory should prefer to uphold norms of human rights rather than infringe upon them. There appear to be two main concepts at play: security as an underlying culture (as a product) and security as a subjective act (as a process). Thus, this work will apply concepts of National Security Culture and securitization as product and process, respectively, using interrogations of suspected terrorists as a case example. The underlying results show that norms, rules, and culture of national security, utilized through...

Die vorgelegte Arbeit stellt eine explorative Studie auf dem Feld der Inneren Sicherheit dar. Angelehnt an politikfeldanalytische Ansätze werden Akteure und Institutionen im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit dargestellt und hinsichtlich ihrer Bedeutung im Rahmen der Terrorismusbekämpfung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird erklärt, welche Faktoren für Veränderungen und Entwicklungen in der Bundesrepublik insbesondere vor dem Hintergrund der Ereignisse des 11. September 2001 verantwortlich sind. Leitend für die Analyse ist es, auf Basis der Beschreibung der Akteure und der aktuellen Gesetzeslage die Art und Richtung der Veränderungen in den letzten zehn Jahren zu untersuchen und zu erklären. Im Rahmen der vorgelegten Untersuchung werden darüber hinaus die politikpraktischen und grundrechtlichen Probleme diskutiert, die im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit von Bedeutung sind. Zugleich werden aber auch politologische Erklärungen für das Entstehen (und Verabschieden) von Gesetzen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit gegeben. Im Bewusstsein, dass eine vollständige Bearbeitung des Politikfeldes Innere Sicherheit nicht in angemessenem Umfang geleistet werden kann, konzentriert sich die Arbeit nur auf ausgewählte Entwicklungen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit. Hierbei wurden nur die Entwicklungen und Veränderungen der so genannten Architektur der Inneren Sicherheit in Deutschland in den Blick genommen, bei denen ein argumentativer oder sachlicher Zusammenhang mit den Ereignissen des 11. September zu beweisen oder plausibel zu vermuten ist. Entwicklungen in europäischen Nachbarstaaten werden dagegen nicht untersucht. Die Auswahl der behandelten Maßnahmen erfolgt auch danach, inwieweit sie in den öffentlichen Debatten überhaupt eine Rolle gespielt haben und wie hoch die Auswirkungen von politischen Entscheidungen beispielsweise auf die Grundrechte der Bürger oder auf die Sicherheitsarchitektur waren (und sind). Die Anschläge des 11. September 2001 selbst werden jedoch nicht analysiert.