Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Trying to adapt to the post-9/11 challenges to Euro-Atlantic security, the Romanian Ministry of National Defense continues its efforts to modernize and professionalize the country's armed forces in accordance with NATO standards. Part of this process is the development of a Special Forces (SF) capability that is to accomplish initial operational readiness by FY 2005. With appropriate organizational arrangements and focused combat training, the Romanian SF will increase their performance during future deployments in joint and combined settings. This project analyzes Romania's strategic documents, identifies the missions that can be conducted by the country's General-Purpose Forces or other security services, and finally proposes five appropriate tasks for the SF: Combating Terrorism, Counterproliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction, Special Reconnaissance, Direct Action, and Security Detail for Romanian officials in crisis zones. In exploring what are the most effective structural arrangements for the Romanian Special Forces, this thesis uses a design program the recommendations of which lead to the proposal of a new organizational structure. Thus, it is determined that Romania's Special Forces elements should develop into a flexible, highly-mobile and joint organization displaying a flat hierarchy and centralized command and control. / Lieutenant, Romanian Army

Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas desmigrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui latraversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en unedestination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politiquenationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêtsinternes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000,constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord leprocessus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes etpratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration,tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processusd’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient unarchétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui,par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeuxmigratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations del’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent enAfrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain commeterrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de cerégime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir enprofondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politique. / This project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the caseof West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature ofthe policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly importantdestination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a nationalpolicy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. Ishall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents akey moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. Thesignificance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of Europeannorms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surroundingimmigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process ofimmigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policythrough its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of theexternal dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharanimmigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. Thereassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucialmoment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trendcontinued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which Ibelieve reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards theexternalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-Africanframework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend theconsequences and collateral effects of this policy.

<p>Држава данас није више једини пружалац услуга безбедности, те због тога све већу улогу и значај добија приватни сектор безбедности. До ове појаве су, пре свега, довели преоптерећеност националних буџета, као и одређене тешкоће са којима су се суочавали органи унутрашње безбедности, који су били неспремни да адекватно одговоре на неке нове и савремене безбедносне проблеме. То је, између осталог, довело и до тзв. појаве ,,приватизације&ldquo; послова безбедности, којима су се полако сужавали послови полиције, а паралелно са тим ширили послови али и одговорност приватног обезбеђења.</p><p>Дугу традицију модела односа у виду сарадње и партнерства између полиције и приватног обезбеђења налазимо пре свега у Сједињеним Америчким Државама, Канади и Великој Британији, али исто тако и у поједним земљама Европске уније. Потреба за успостављањем ближих веза и подизања сарадње на још виши ниво посебно је интензивирана након катастрофалних последица терористичког напада 11. септембра 2001. године у Сједињеним Америчким Државама. Тероризам, али и остали савремени безбедносни проблеми с краја 20. и почетка 21. века дале су додатни импулс даљем приближавању полиције и агенција за приватно обезбеђење.</p><p>Односи између полиције и приватног обезбеђења су нужно условљени њиховим статусом, улогом и функцијом. Заштита личне и имовинске безбедности грађана представља основ за заједничко деловање, а јавно-приватно партнерство парадигму којом би се капацитети оба сектора искористили на најбољи могући начин. Предуслов за заједничко деловање ће свакако бити правна регулатива и опште усвојени стандарди који ће уважити интересе оба сектора. Наведено ће представљати гарант квалитета услуга које пружају лиценциране агенције за приватно обезбеђење. Различите историјске, друштвене, политичке, економске, безбедносне и правне околности у одређеним државама условиле су различите моделе сарадње и партнерства полиције и приватног обезбеђења.</p><p>Оно што је заједничко свим државам јесте да се под јавно-приватним партнерством подразумева постојање кооперативног споразума између јавних (локалних, регионалних или државних) и приватних актера који се удружују (размена људских и материјалних ресурса) како би остварили заједничке интересе и циљеве, при чему постоји договорен степен равноправности актера и јасна расподела надлежности и одговорности. Схваћен на овај начин, модел партнерства представља и продубљенији вид сарадње између полиције и приватног обезбеђења који покушава да ,,помири&ldquo; стално присутне и спорадичне антагонистичке ставове који међу њима постоје.</p><p>Што се тиче стања односа полиције и приватног обезбеђења у Републици Србији, можемо рећи да упркос реформским променама у систему националне безбедности извршеним након 2000. године, још увек не можемо говорити о постојању партнерских односа. Томе у прилог говоре и даље присутни проблеми који отежавају остваривање јавно-приватног партнерства. Да би се партнерство остварило, приватно обезбеђење ће нужно морати да се интегрише у систем националне безбедности. То нажалост још увек није учињено. Само правно уређена, планска, организована и перманентна сарадња ова два сектора биће у функцији остваривања оптималног стања безбедности у друштву и држави.</p><p>Релативно скоро позитивноправно регулисање приватног обезбеђења требало је, између осталог, да омогући институционализацију и формализацију сарадње са полицијом. Постојећа ,,сарадња&ldquo; је и даље на изразито ниском нивоу и заступљена је највише у областима обезбеђивања јавних скупова и спортских приредби. Доношењем Закона о приватном обезбеђењу 2013. године, Закона о полицији 2016. године као и других системских закона који уређују области деловања полиције и приватно обезбеђења, нису створене претпоставке које би омогућиле даље приближавање два сектора, њихову сарадњу и на крају партнерство.</p><p>Рад је структурисан у шест целина. У оквиру прве три целине осврнули смо се на општетеоријска питања везанa за безбедност, националну безбедност, систем националне безбедности, јавну и приватну безбедност. У четвртом делу смо анализирила искуства појединих развијених земља у погледу модела партнерства, са циљем идентификовања позитивних и негативних аспеката тог односа. У петом делу смо се осврнули на историјски развој приватне безбедности у нашој земљи и њену повезаност са полицијом до данас. Такође, анализирали смо и постојећи позитивно правни оквир организације и деловања полиције и приватног обезбеђења као и јавно-приватно партнерства. Након тога смо, уважавајући искуства развијених земаља, идентификовали области сарадње у којим је могуће остварити партнерске односе полиције и приватног обезбеђења у Републици Србији. Такође, извршили смо класификацију облика сарадње, као и идентификовање проблема који отежавају сарадњу и партнерство.</p><p>Шести и последњи део рада је посвећен спроведеном емпиријском истраживању које је за циљ имало утврђивање актуелног стања у области приватног обезбеђења, у смислу ставова о њиховом односу са полицијом, односно утврђивање области сарадње и партнерства полиције и приватног обезбеђења, као и проблема који отежавају ту сарадњу. У циљу утврђивања личних ставова и мишљења службеника обезбеђења и одређених припадника полиције, примењене су две технике у оквиру метода испитивања &ndash; анкета и интервју. На крају, у закључку смо се посебно осврнули на кључне резулатате спроведеног истраживања.</p> / <p>Država danas nije više jedini pružalac usluga bezbednosti, te zbog toga sve veću ulogu i značaj dobija privatni sektor bezbednosti. Do ove pojave su, pre svega, doveli preopterećenost nacionalnih budžeta, kao i određene teškoće sa kojima su se suočavali organi unutrašnje bezbednosti, koji su bili nespremni da adekvatno odgovore na neke nove i savremene bezbednosne probleme. To je, između ostalog, dovelo i do tzv. pojave ,,privatizacije&ldquo; poslova bezbednosti, kojima su se polako sužavali poslovi policije, a paralelno sa tim širili poslovi ali i odgovornost privatnog obezbeđenja.</p><p>Dugu tradiciju modela odnosa u vidu saradnje i partnerstva između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja nalazimo pre svega u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, Kanadi i Velikoj Britaniji, ali isto tako i u pojednim zemljama Evropske unije. Potreba za uspostavljanjem bližih veza i podizanja saradnje na još viši nivo posebno je intenzivirana nakon katastrofalnih posledica terorističkog napada 11. septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Terorizam, ali i ostali savremeni bezbednosni problemi s kraja 20. i početka 21. veka dale su dodatni impuls daljem približavanju policije i agencija za privatno obezbeđenje.</p><p>Odnosi između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja su nužno uslovljeni njihovim statusom, ulogom i funkcijom. Zaštita lične i imovinske bezbednosti građana predstavlja osnov za zajedničko delovanje, a javno-privatno partnerstvo paradigmu kojom bi se kapaciteti oba sektora iskoristili na najbolji mogući način. Preduslov za zajedničko delovanje će svakako biti pravna regulativa i opšte usvojeni standardi koji će uvažiti interese oba sektora. Navedeno će predstavljati garant kvaliteta usluga koje pružaju licencirane agencije za privatno obezbeđenje. Različite istorijske, društvene, političke, ekonomske, bezbednosne i pravne okolnosti u određenim državama uslovile su različite modele saradnje i partnerstva policije i privatnog obezbeđenja.</p><p>Ono što je zajedničko svim državam jeste da se pod javno-privatnim partnerstvom podrazumeva postojanje kooperativnog sporazuma između javnih (lokalnih, regionalnih ili državnih) i privatnih aktera koji se udružuju (razmena ljudskih i materijalnih resursa) kako bi ostvarili zajedničke interese i ciljeve, pri čemu postoji dogovoren stepen ravnopravnosti aktera i jasna raspodela nadležnosti i odgovornosti. Shvaćen na ovaj način, model partnerstva predstavlja i produbljeniji vid saradnje između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja koji pokušava da ,,pomiri&ldquo; stalno prisutne i sporadične antagonističke stavove koji među njima postoje.</p><p>Što se tiče stanja odnosa policije i privatnog obezbeđenja u Republici Srbiji, možemo reći da uprkos reformskim promenama u sistemu nacionalne bezbednosti izvršenim nakon 2000. godine, još uvek ne možemo govoriti o postojanju partnerskih odnosa. Tome u prilog govore i dalje prisutni problemi koji otežavaju ostvarivanje javno-privatnog partnerstva. Da bi se partnerstvo ostvarilo, privatno obezbeđenje će nužno morati da se integriše u sistem nacionalne bezbednosti. To nažalost još uvek nije učinjeno. Samo pravno uređena, planska, organizovana i permanentna saradnja ova dva sektora biće u funkciji ostvarivanja optimalnog stanja bezbednosti u društvu i državi.</p><p>Relativno skoro pozitivnopravno regulisanje privatnog obezbeđenja trebalo je, između ostalog, da omogući institucionalizaciju i formalizaciju saradnje sa policijom. Postojeća ,,saradnja&ldquo; je i dalje na izrazito niskom nivou i zastupljena je najviše u oblastima obezbeđivanja javnih skupova i sportskih priredbi. Donošenjem Zakona o privatnom obezbeđenju 2013. godine, Zakona o policiji 2016. godine kao i drugih sistemskih zakona koji uređuju oblasti delovanja policije i privatno obezbeđenja, nisu stvorene pretpostavke koje bi omogućile dalje približavanje dva sektora, njihovu saradnju i na kraju partnerstvo.</p><p>Rad je strukturisan u šest celina. U okviru prve tri celine osvrnuli smo se na opšteteorijska pitanja vezana za bezbednost, nacionalnu bezbednost, sistem nacionalne bezbednosti, javnu i privatnu bezbednost. U četvrtom delu smo analizirila iskustva pojedinih razvijenih zemlja u pogledu modela partnerstva, sa ciljem identifikovanja pozitivnih i negativnih aspekata tog odnosa. U petom delu smo se osvrnuli na istorijski razvoj privatne bezbednosti u našoj zemlji i njenu povezanost sa policijom do danas. Takođe, analizirali smo i postojeći pozitivno pravni okvir organizacije i delovanja policije i privatnog obezbeđenja kao i javno-privatno partnerstva. Nakon toga smo, uvažavajući iskustva razvijenih zemalja, identifikovali oblasti saradnje u kojim je moguće ostvariti partnerske odnose policije i privatnog obezbeđenja u Republici Srbiji. Takođe, izvršili smo klasifikaciju oblika saradnje, kao i identifikovanje problema koji otežavaju saradnju i partnerstvo.</p><p>Šesti i poslednji deo rada je posvećen sprovedenom empirijskom istraživanju koje je za cilj imalo utvrđivanje aktuelnog stanja u oblasti privatnog obezbeđenja, u smislu stavova o njihovom odnosu sa policijom, odnosno utvrđivanje oblasti saradnje i partnerstva policije i privatnog obezbeđenja, kao i problema koji otežavaju tu saradnju. U cilju utvrđivanja ličnih stavova i mišljenja službenika obezbeđenja i određenih pripadnika policije, primenjene su dve tehnike u okviru metoda ispitivanja &ndash; anketa i intervju. Na kraju, u zaključku smo se posebno osvrnuli na ključne rezulatate sprovedenog istraživanja.</p> / <p>The state is no longer the only provider of security services, and because of this, the private security sector is gaining an increasing role and importance. This phenomenon, above all, is led by the overload of national budgets, as well as certain difficulties faced by internal security authorities, who were unwilling to adequately respond to some new and contemporary security issues. This, among other things, has led to the so-called occurrence of &quot;privatization&quot; of security operations, which were slowly narrowing down the work of the police, and in parallel, expanded the tasks as well as the responsibilities of the private security sector.<br />A long tradition of modeling relationships in the form of cooperation and partnership between the police and private security sector is found primarily in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom, but also in some European Union countries. The need for establishing closer ties and raising the cooperation to an even higher level was particularly intensified following the catastrophic consequences of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States. Terrorism, as well as other contemporary security problems at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, gave further impetus to further relationships between the police and private security agencies.<br />Relations between police and the private security sector are necessarily conditioned by their status, role and function. The protection of personal and property safety of citizens is the basis for joint action, and public-private partnership is a paradigm that would use the capacities of both sectors in the best possible way. The precondition for joint action will certainly be legal regulations and generally adopted standards that will respect the interests of both sectors. The above will be a guarantee of the quality of services provided by licensed private security agencies. The different historical, social, political, economic, security and legal circumstances in certain countries have led to different models of cooperation and partnership between the police and private security sector.<br />What is common to all countries is that, under a public-private partnership, it implies the existence of a cooperative agreement between public (local, regional or state) and private actors joining (exchange of human and material resources) in order to achieve common interests and goals, where there is an agreed level of equality of actors and a clear distribution of competencies and responsibilities. Taken in this way, the model of partnership is a more comprehensive form of cooperation between the police and private security, which seeks to &quot;calm&quot; the constantly present and sporadic antagonistic attitudes that exist among them.<br />Regarding the state of relations between the police and private security in the Republic of Serbia, we can say that despite the reform changes in the national security system after 2000, we cannot yet talk about the existence of partnership relations. The problems that make public-private partnerships difficult are still present. In order to achieve partnership, private security will necessarily have to be integrated into the national security system. Unfortunately, this has not yet been done. Only legally regulated, planned, organized and permanent cooperation between these two sectors will be in the function of achieving an optimal state of security in society and the state.<br />Relatively near-positive regulation of private security should, among other things, enable the institutionalization and formalization of the cooperation with the police. Existing &quot;cooperation&quot; is still at a very low level and is most represented in the areas of securing public events and sports events. With the adoption of the Law on Private Security in 2013, the Law on Police in 2016, as well as other systemic laws regulating the fields of police and private security, no preconditions were established that would allow for further approximation of the two sectors, their cooperation and ultimately partnership.<br />The work is structured into six partitions. Within the first three, we looked at general-level issues related to security, national security, the national security system, public and private security. In the fourth part, we analyzed the experiences of some developed countries regarding the partnership model, with the aim of identifying the positive and negative aspects of this relationship. In the fifth part, we looked at the historical development of private security in our country and its connection with the police to this day. We also analyzed the existing positive legal framework for organization and operation of the police and the private security sector as well as public-private partnerships. After that, taking into account the experiences of the developed countries, we identified the areas of cooperation in which it is possible to achieve partnership relations between the police and the private security sector in the Republic of Serbia. We also performed a classification of forms of cooperation, as well as identification of problems that make cooperation and partnership difficult.<br />The sixth and final part of the paper is dedicated to the conducted empirical research aimed at determining the current situation in the field of private security, in terms of attitudes about their relationship with the police, that is, determining the field of cooperation and partnership</p>

Under 2014 genomförde Ryssland framför ögonen på resten av världen en annektering av Krimhalvön i Ukraina. Västvärlden var i det som närmast kan beskrivas som en chock över detta offensiva beteende. Utan någon förvarning så flyttade Ryssland med stöd av "små gröna män" fram sina positioner på Krimhalvön. En ny taktik användes och strider blandades med andra medel och metoder i det som populärt kan uttryckas som gråzonen. Denna undersökning besvarar följande problemformulering med stöd av en kvalitativ textanalys i form av en dokumentundersökning. Utifrån ett säkerhetsstrategiskt perspektiv; Hur kan problamtiken med hybrida hot i gråzonen beskrivas och hur omhändertas dessa i den nationella säkerhetsstrategin? Genom att läsa i empiri och teori om gråzon, hybrida hot och säkerhetsstrategier skapar sig författarna en modell för analys. Denna analysmodell används sedan för att analysera den (Svenska) nationella säkerhetstrategin som publicerades 2017. Analysmodellen grundar sig på de av Treverton identifierade hybrida hoten: Desinformation, cyberattacker, ekonomiska påtryckningar, irreguljära beväpnade styrkor, reguljära beväpnade styrkor.Undersökningen visar att den nationella säkerhetsstrategin, trots en bristande tydlighet inom vissa områden och en bristande balans mellan mål, metoder och medel, identifierar och ger styrningar för omhändertagandet av de identifierade hybrida hoten. Vidare visar säkerhetsstrategin på en bred förståelse och tolkning av begreppen hybrida hot och gråzonen, utan att försöka definiera dessa komplexa begrepp. Då analysmodellen appliceras, belyses en möjlig hotbild; miljöhot. Resultaten av analysen visar också att det kan vara klokt att beskriva just de samtida hoten och utnyttjande av dessa, istället för att argumentera avseende definitioner. Författarna menar att det är av större vikt att skapa en större förståelse för fenomenen, i syfte att åstadkomma en allomfattande ansats för att motverka de verkliga effekterna av hoten. / In 2014 Russia, in front of the rest of the world, claimed and performed an annexing of Crimea. The larger parts of the western world were left in shock. Without any acknowledgment Russia moved forward with “little green men” and implied a different tactic. It was not officially war and nor peace, the fighting and the action took place in what was popularly named as the gray zone. This thesis is answering the following questions by using a qualitative document examination. From a strategic security perspective: How can the problem regarding hybrid threats in the gray zone be described and how does the national Swedish strategy respond to these threats? By reading and concluding existing theory about hybrid threats within the gray zone the authors have created their own model of analysis to utilize on the Swedish National Security Strategy. The model of analysis consists of the five main hybrid threats chosen from the theory presented by Treverton: Disinformation, Cyber-attacks, Economic pressure, Irregular armed forces and Regular forces.The thesis concludes that although unclear and found lacking in coherence regarding ends, ways and means; the National Security Strategy addresses and gives guidance on how to counter the effects of the above-mentioned threats. The Security Strategy also shows a consciousness regarding the complexity of the hybrid threats and the gray zone, without trying to define the actual area or methods utilized. When looked at through the model of analysis, it also highlights a possible new threat to be considered; environmental threats. The results of the analysis also indicate that it might be wise to use the term contemporary threats and the utilization of these, instead of arguing about definitions. The authors argue that it is of greater importance to create a larger understanding of the phenomena, in order to counter the actual effects by employing a truly comprehensive approach.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Giane Alvares Ambrosio Alvares.pdf: 1179597 bytes, checksum: f4d37e0df5ae94cd603b72b28c776f58 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In Brazil, although the right to protest is protected by the expressed rule of freedom of expression of the thought, of assembly and of association (5º article, items IV, XVI and XVIII of the 1988 Constitution), on some ocasions the states uses your punitive power against the protesters, wich are accused of common crimes and National Security Law crimes. Based on doctrinal and jurisprudencial analysis of the brazilian Democratic State components, on constitutional principles that limits and guides the use of the state punitive power, and also on the understanding that the right to protest is a fundamental right and the perception that the protesters are accused of commiting crimes just because they were part of a protest act, the goal of this scientific wok is to consider the relations e tensions between criminal proceedings, the right to protest and democracy. It is argued in this work that on the situation exposed the state punitive power was revealed as a censorship tool against the right to protest, blemishing constitutional principles of criminal proceedings and weakening the requirements of the Democratic State / No Brasil, não obstante o direito ao protesto estar protegido pela previsão expressa das liberdades de expressão do pensamento, de reunião e de associação (art. 5º, incisos IV, XVI e XVIII da Constituição da República de 1988), verifica-se ocasiões em que se dá a intervenção da atividade punitiva estatal contra participantes de manifestações, a quem são imputadas práticas de crimes comuns e de crimes constantes da Lei de Segurança Nacional. Com base na análise doutrinária e jurisprudencial dos elementos constitutivos do Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiro, nos princípios constitucionais que limitam e orientam a atuação do poder punitivo estatal e nos entendimentos que caracterizam o direito ao protesto como um direito fundamental e constata a realidade em que, em razão da participação em atos de protestos, indivíduos são acusados da prática de crimes, o objetivo do presente trabalho é o de refletir sobre as relações e tensões que se estabelecem entre processo penal, direito ao protesto e democracia. Sustenta-se que, nas ocasiões apontadas, a atividade punitiva estatal revelou-se como instrumento de censura contra o direito ao protesto, ferindo princípios constitucionais relativos ao processo penal e ocasionando a fragilização de pressupostos do Estado Democrático de Direito

Essa tese pretende demonstrar as conexões repressivas estabelecidas entre as ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia, por meio da colaboração entre os seus órgãos de informação, desde 1973, ano do golpe de Estado no Uruguai, até 1985, ano em que ambos os regimes se encerraram. Considerada de vital importância na concepção da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, a informação, bem como sua produção, controle e difusão, adquiriu caráter ímpar nas ditaduras que se instalaram no Cone Sul nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, pois era percebida como instrumento de controle social. Nas premissas dessa doutrina, a violência, antes de ser repressiva, era preventiva, e os órgãos de informação das ditaduras desempenharam papel fundamental nessa execução. As ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia modificaram órgãos de informação e segurança já existentes, bem como criaram novos organismos que se adequassem à realidade das novas conjunturas. No Brasil, esse sistema ficou conhecido como “comunidade de informações”; já no Uruguai, eram denominados “serviços de inteligência”. Tinham por função a busca e coleta de informação, utilizando-se de diversos métodos sistemáticos, tais como suspeição, infiltração, interrogatório e tortura, levando à promoção do terrorismo de Estado nessas ditaduras. Para o desenvolvimento da presente tese, foram analisados vários documentos produzidos pelo complexo do sistema de informações das ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia. Um conjunto documental de grande relevância para essa pesquisa refere-se aos órgãos de inteligência e espionagem vinculados aos Ministérios das Relações Exteriores do Brasil e do Uruguai, assim como de suas embaixadas e consulados. A preocupação da ditadura brasileira com os brasileiros que estivessem fora do território nacional era tamanha que no ano de 1966 o ex-embaixador no Uruguai criou o Centro de Informações do Exterior, baseado na sua experiência de monitoramento aos exilados ali presentes. Somou-se a esse órgão a Divisão de Segurança e Informações do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, rearranjada em 1967, presente em todos os ministérios civis. No Uruguai, cabia principalmente ao Departamento II (Exterior) do Servicio de Información de Defensa a espionagem dos uruguaios que estivessem fora do país. A colaboração entre esses órgãos de informação, inteligência e espionagem das ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia foi abundante, e alguns casos foram analisados na presente tese. As conexões repressivas também operaram por outros caminhos. Destaca-se a preocupação que ambas as ditaduras possuíam em relação aos exilados, sendo que num primeiro momento o Uruguai converteu-se no santuário do asilo político para os brasileiros; num segundo momento, a dinâmica inverteu, e foram os uruguaios que passaram a buscar refúgio político no Brasil. Esses movimentos foram acompanhados de perto pelos dois governos. Nessa conexão, releva-se o papel do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, fronteira entre Brasil e Uruguai. Na Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, as fronteiras territoriais cederam espaço às “fronteiras ideológicas”, ou seja, na luta contra o “comunismo internacional” as fronteiras se desfariam. Nesse sentido, ressalta-se a montagem e a orquestração da chamada Operação Condor, realizando ações conjuntas entre os países do Cone Sul, inclusive entre Brasil e o Uruguai, como foi o caso que ficou conhecido como “sequestro dos uruguaios” e a suspeita, até hoje não eliminada, da morte do ex-presidente João Goulart. / This thesis aims to demonstrate the repressive connections established between the Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships, through collaboration among their information organs, from 1973, the year of the coup d'état in Uruguay, until 1985, the year in which both regimes ended. Considered of vital importance in the conception of the National Security Doctrine, information, as well as its production, control, and diffusion, acquired a unique character in the dictatorships that settled in the South Cone in the decades of 1960 and 1970 since it was perceived as an instrument of social control. Within the premises of this doctrine, violence, before being repressive, was preventive, and the informational organs of dictatorships played a fundamental role in this execution. The Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships modified existing information and security organs, as well as created new organizations to fit the reality of these new conjunctures. In Brazil, this system became known as an "information community"; already in Uruguay, it was called "intelligence services." Their function was to search for and collect information, using a variety of systematic methods, such as suspicion, infiltration, interrogation, and torture, leading to the promotion of State terrorism in these dictatorships. For the development of this thesis, several documents produced by the information system complex of the Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships were analyzed. Documents of great relevance for this research refers to the intelligence and espionage organs linked to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Brazil and Uruguay, as well as their embassies and consulates. The concern of the Brazilian dictatorship with the Brazilians who were outside the national territory was such that in 1966 the former ambassador in Uruguay created the Foreign Information Center based on his experience of monitoring the exiles. It was joined by the Security and Information Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, rearranged in 1967, present in all civilian ministries. In Uruguay, it was primarily for Department II (Exterior) of the Defense Information Service to spy on Uruguayans who were out of the country. The collaboration between these organs of information, intelligence and espionage of the Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships was abundant, and some of those cases were analyzed in the present thesis. The repressive connections also operated in other ways. The concern that both dictatorships had about the exiles was emphasized. In a first moment, Uruguay became the sanctuary of the political asylum for the Brazilians; in a second moment, the dynamics reversed, and it was the Uruguayans who began to seek political refuge in Brazil. These movements were closely monitored by both governments. In this connection, the role of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the border between Brazil and Uruguay stands out. In the National Security Doctrine, territorial boundaries gave way to "ideological frontiers," i.e., in the fight against "international communism" the borders would be misplaced. In this sense, the assembly and orchestration of the so-called Condor Operation is highlighted, carrying out joint actions between the countries of the Southern Cone, including between Brazil and Uruguay, as was the case known as "kidnapping of Uruguayans" and the suspicion, until today, not eliminated, of the death of former president João Goulart.

Národní bezpečnostní systém v Libanonu Jan Kužvart Abstract Diploma thesis "The National Security System of the Republic of Lebanon" (the LSS) deals with the system which keeps order and stability in Lebanon. The thesis also focuses on the possibility of its reform (i.e. security sector reform, SSR). The LSS contains army and other various security apparatus institutions and superior control bodies. It also includes external actors who are participating in SSR (for example the EU and the USA) or actors who are helping the Lebanese state to maintain security inside of its territory (e.g. UNIFIL). The LSS has strong normative dimension as well. It comprehends the unwritten rules of the game, the Lebanese foreign relations and fundamental Lebanese constitutional documents. The thesis delineates objects which the LSS is supposed to protect (i.e. Lebanon and its citizens) and threats which the LSS faces.

This thesis investigates how and why U.S. policies and agencies are ill-equipped to respond to narco-terrorism and offers some policy recommendations for remedying that. Narco-terrorism is the merging of terrorism and drug trafficking. Terrorist organizations and narcotics traffickers each have much to offer the other; there is potential for symbiosis in the form of cooperation and even hybridization. Examination of the dynamics between terrorist organizations and drug traffickers, combined with an evaluation of the US responses to narcoterrorism in Colombia and Afghanistan, makes it clear that current US policy responses fail to recognize narcoterrorism as a unique challenge, and instead attempt to deal separately with terrorism and drug trafficking. This approach has the potential to actually worsen both situations. The US needs a narcoterrorism strategy and institutions in place to implement it.

美國柯林頓總統於1995、1996年所提出《擴大與交往的國家安全戰略》報告指出：「美國國家安全戰略基礎在於擴大市場、民主社群，同時嚇阻與圍堵對我們國家、盟邦與我們利益的廣泛威脅。」。為了這一廣泛目的，美國須維持一個強大的防衛力量與運用有效的外交政策，以提升合作性的安全措施；致力打開外國市場與激勵全球成長；助長海外的民主並促進區域的合作安全等。 　　小布希總統2002年《美國國家安全戰略》報告也將「透過自由市場和自由貿易開啟全球經濟發展的新時期」列為國家安全戰略的一環。2006年的「美國國家安全戰略」重申自由且公平的貿易政策是第一支柱的一部份，透過自由市場和自由貿易來啟動一個全球經濟成長的新時代是其整體戰略之一；另一方面為了終結暴政和促進有效率的民主，工具之一就是締結自由貿易協定，鼓勵各國加強法治、打擊腐敗、落實民主責任。 　　美國的東亞政策可說重回「新現實主義」與「新自由主義」的雙軌路線。東亞經貿的發展與區域經濟的整合，更是讓美國看到延長霸權經濟命脈的新金礦。未來區域內的主導地位，將會取決於中國與美國相互競爭，這個競爭也許會是良性的，各取所需、各有所獲，但是過程中將會顯示這兩個大國經濟發展將在區域內的產生權力消長。 　　美國認為，中國在地緣戰略上是具有實力引起國際權力分配產生重大轉變，因此美國政策必須調和改變去掌控中國，以便維持及促進美國重大利益。但是隨著國際局勢變化，美國對中國的態度趨於務實，摒除與中國聯盟對抗蘇聯的思維，轉為全面性交往，但是強化其與日本等國的軍事同盟關係。 　　推展民主制度雖然不一定是美國的優先要務，但只要機會，美國總是鼓勵各國走向民主，因為美國人普遍認為，民主政體有能力抵擋極權擴張、便於美國行使權利、減少軍事衝突的風險。此論點乃基於民主國家比非民主國家更不願意發動戰爭之想法。在某些菁英人士心目中，保障及推展民主乃是美國重要的道德目標。 　　美國為確保國家利益及國家安全戰略總體指導，後冷戰時期美國在東亞區域經濟、軍事、政治安全等領域維護將更為重視，並力求主導區域安全相關議題制定、運作機制和秩序規範。 / US president Clinton points out a topic “Enlargement and Engagement” in the National Security Strategy Report, it says “United States National Security Strategy is based on enlargement the market and diplomatic social groups, simultaneously deter and stop any threat that will disadvantage out nation and allied nations.” For this general purpose, United States has to sustain a strong defense power and utilize diplomatic to improve the cooperation of security measures, endeavor in open foreign market, incentive global economic growth, diplomatic nations growth, and area security cooperation, etc. 　　President George Bush also point out “use free market and free trading to open the new growth of global economic era” from the National Security Strategy Report in 2002. It restated free and fair trading policy plays a big portion in 2006. Through free market and free trading to initiate a new era of global economic growth is part of the plan. The tool of terminating tyranny and effective the diplomatic is making a trade policy to encourage other nations stop crime and corruption. Play the role of democracy country. 　　United States Eastern Asia policy is back to theory of “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” two axis. The development of Eastern Asia Trade and Integration of Area Economic are the new vault for United States to prolong his sovereign rule in economic. The future leading nation of the area depends on China and United States competition. It maybe positive, each gains his own benefits, but the process will show the grow or diminish of these two nations economic growth within the area. 　　United States think that China’s regional strategy is very powerful which makes the change of international power distribution, so that U.S. has to adjust the policy to facilitate the U.S. key interests. But, along the change of international situation, the U.S. attitude with China turns out to be more practical. It changes the idea of allied with China against Soviet to fully engage with China in all perspectives. In addition, it strengths the military allied relationship with Japan and eastern Asia countries. 　　To popularize the democracy is not the first priority of United States. If there is a chance, U.S. will always encourage all countries toward democracy. American think that democratic system can stop the extremity system expand, which ease U.S. use his privilege and reduce military conflict risk. This is based on democratic nation is more unwilling to start a war than any other nations. In certain elites’ mind, that the goal of U.S. ethics is to ensure and improve democratic. 　　After cold war era based on U.S. interest, United States is more emphasize on the Eastern Asia’s economic, military, and political security, and endeavor on leading the area security.

<p>Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström</p><p>“The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international</p><p>law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign</p><p>policy”</p><p>Supervisor: Jan Olsson</p><p>The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to</p><p>international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in</p><p>order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for</p><p>international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the</p><p>administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The</p><p>traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly</p><p>include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content</p><p>analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United</p><p>States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by</p><p>categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In</p><p>the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The</p><p>frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts</p><p>of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main</p><p>conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to</p><p>international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be</p><p>necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations</p><p>and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of</p><p>the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation</p><p>and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s</p><p>foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had</p><p>the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the</p><p>foreign policy.</p>