雖則蘇聯已經解體，世界進入了後冷戰時代。在冷戰時期相互抗衡的美蘇關係，仍是學界研究的熱點之一。自1990年冷戰終結之後，蘇聯、原本在舊蘇聯中的國家及中國大陸檔案資料的陸續開放，對韓戰研究可說有了新的突破。以美國學者John Lewis Gaddis為首的冷戰國際史學派補充或批判了前面包括傳統學派、修正學派等研究的不足之處。 本文引用檔案和韓戰研究學者的論點與分析，重新梳理在韓戰前後蘇中的國家安全政策考量，並深入析論有關下列幾項當今學者尚未分析或深入研究的種種問題。 本研究嘗試結合國際關係與冷戰國際史(Cold War International History Project)兩學門之跨領域研究，藉以澄清韓戰時期國際體系成員的互動及其造成的影響。另外，也試著使用理性決策模式來分析中蘇兩國領導人的國家安全決策。 研究結果顯示中蘇兩國領導人都是以理性判斷認為自己的決策是正確的，然而事實結果卻並非如此。莫斯科對平壤所提之韓戰計畫錯誤地開放了「綠燈」，北京在多次以外交方式警告華盛頓無效之後，認為美國可能進攻中國東北，並對其新興政權造成威脅，以致最後出兵介入韓戰。戰爭的結果最後還是在38度線附近簽署了停戰協定，但南北韓仍舊尚未統一，無數人員卻因此喪失寶貴的生命。 本文結論提出在美軍進逼鴨綠江和蘇聯的雙重壓力下，中共最後決定出兵介入韓戰，主因是國家安全利益。中共軍事戰略因戰局轉變而改變其戰略：前期是「間接路線」與「殲滅戰」，後期則是「消耗戰」。不論是在軍事戰略或是外交戰略上，莫斯科扮演之角色是在背後指揮協調北京和平壤。蘇聯使中共成為「責任承擔者」(buck-catcher)，本國則扮演「離岸平衡者」(offshore balancer)的角色。中共和北韓事事都要通報莫斯科，由莫斯科做出最後決定─即使北京和平壤兩方都想停戰，莫斯科仍堅持不停戰。戰爭後期蘇聯為削弱美國和中共實力，支持中共續戰。 韓戰停戰協議之簽署是因史達林去世之後。莫斯科認為戰爭再繼續有損蘇聯國家利益，乃通知平壤和北京有關停戰的解決方針的策略。韓戰協議的簽署基本上是在莫斯科新政府的領導與調停之下，北京和平壤最後遵循了莫斯科的指示才停戰。 中蘇兩造在共同利益驅使之下為追求個別利益，在利益衝突之間尋求合作利益。兩國且於韓戰之中各自為該國的國家利益著想，盟友關係只是暫時的而非永久的。 / In this study, an attempt is made to clarify the interactions between the members of the international system during the Korean War in an interdisciplinary approach combining the International Relations and the Cold War International History. Based on the materials from opened archives in the former Soviet Union and Communist China, the considerations, objectives and national security strategies of the leaders are analyzed in the light of the rational decision-making model. The results show that although the leaders made their own judgments based on rational thinking, the outcome of the war is the armistice agreement demarcating the 38th parallel as the borderline between the two Koreas with minor changes; North and South Korea are still yet to be reunified, despite numerous soldiers and civilians losing their precious lives. The conclusion is as follows. China decided to send troops to intervene in the Korean War mainly due to national security interest to cope with the threat of the approaching US forces and the Soviet Union pressure. To cope with the varying war situation, China’s military strategy changed from the “war of annihilation” and the “indirect approach strategy” in the former phase, to the “strategy of exhaustion” in the later phase. Whether in the military or diplomatic field, Moscow played a commanding role and coordinated of Beijing and Pyongyang behind. Soviet Union made China the “buck-catcher”, meanwhile played the role as the “offshore balancer”. Soviet Union pushed for the continuation of the war to weaken the strength of United States, in spite of the reluctance of China and North Korea. It was after Joseph V. Stalin’s death than the Armistice Agreement was finally signed. The signing of the agreement was essentially under the lead of the new leadership in Moscow. Both Soviet Union and China sought their own national interest during the Korean war. The Sino- Soviet alliance was only temporary rather than permanent.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 1, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, 2005. / Typescript (photocopy).

Thesis (M.S.)--Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, 2005. / Typescript (photocopy).

Thesis (M.S.)--Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, 2005. / Typescript (photocopy).

Thesis (master's)--Universität, Mainz. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 195-205).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2928.pdf: 2990316 bytes, checksum: df691bb4de5c985a304ebdcb532e262b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-24 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / This work focuses on the State of Espírito Santo in the 30 and 40 decades in the 20th century and aims to analyze the conflicts that took place in the meeting of two relevant events of this period: the repression to the Integralism and the consequences of the Second World War. It is important to stand out that the State of Espírito Santo, as well as other Brazilian States, had its history marked by European immigration in the 19th century. At that time the state received, mainly, Pomeranian/German and Italian immigrants. Part of these immigrants and descendants, in the decade of 30, acted in Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB), a right extreme party and influenced by European Nazi-fascism. Some conflicts that imbricated ethical issues and the acting of AIB, officially forbidden since the coup of the New State, became more visible and resulted in criminal proceedings. It was ascertained that AIB had strong presence in Espírito Santo, especially, in the regions of Pomeranian/German and Italian settlement. Also, it was verified that ethical conflicts did not seem to be so prominent as it was expected to. It seemed that the major conflicts were marked by a nationalistic feeling and confrontations that still had AIB as an explanation. It can also be suggested that differentiated cultural practices of the immigrants and descendants were not understood as so dangerous by the government since they were followed of economic and politic status, for instance, case of the South of Brazil. Originated criminal proceedings in the State of Espírito Santo, which were presented at the court of National Security (TSN), were used as privileged sources. Some paper was analyzed such as: documents and photographs apprehended by the Espírito Santo police from AIB nucleus, official letters from the Education and Justice department, newspaper and magazines, besides interviews with inhabitants of Domingos Martins city (ES). The historical event reported starts with AIB National Congress in Vitória (1934) and it closes up with the Second World War end (1945). Key words: Brazilian Integralist Action. Second World War. Immigrants. Criminal Proceedings. National Security Court. / Este trabalho focaliza o Estado do Espírito Santo nas décadas de 30 e 40 do século XX e objetiva analisar os conflitos que se situaram no encontro de dois acontecimentos marcantes desse período: a repressão ao integralismo e as consequências da Segunda Guerra Mundial. É importante ressaltar que o Estado do Espírito Santo, assim como outros Estados brasileiros, teve sua história marcada pela imigração europeia no século XIX recebendo, principalmente, imigrantes alemães/pomeranos e italianos. Parte desses imigrantes e descendentes, na década de 30, atuou na Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB), um partido de extrema direita e com influências do nazifascismo europeu. Com a entrada do Brasil na guerra, em 1942, vários conflitos que imbricaram questões étnicas e a atuação da AIB que, oficialmente, estava proibida de funcionar desde o golpe do Estado Novo, tornaramse mais visíveis e resultaram em processos criminais. Constata que a AIB teve uma forte atuação no Espírito Santo, especialmente, nas regiões de colonização italiana e alemã/pomerana. Verifica também que conflitos étnicos não se mostraram tão relevantes como se esperava, parecendo que os maiores conflitos estavam marcados por um sentimento nacionalista e por confrontos que ainda tinham a AIB como explicação. Sugere também que, para o governo, as práticas culturais diferenciadas dos imigrantes e descendentes não eram entendidas como tão perigosas do que quando acompanhadas de representatividade econômica e política, caso do Sul do País. Utiliza, como fontes privilegiadas, os processos criminais originados no Estado do Espírito Santo que chegaram ao Tribunal de Segurança Nacional (TSN). Analisa também a documentação e fotografias apreendidas pela polícia capixaba dos núcleos da AIB, os ofícios da Secretaria de Educação e Justiça, jornais e revistas, além de entrevistas com moradores do município de Domingos Martins (ES). O recorte temporal efetuado tem início com o Congresso Nacional da AIB em Vitória (1934) e encerra-se com o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1945).

Essa tese pretende demonstrar as conexões repressivas estabelecidas entre as ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia, por meio da colaboração entre os seus órgãos de informação, desde 1973, ano do golpe de Estado no Uruguai, até 1985, ano em que ambos os regimes se encerraram. Considerada de vital importância na concepção da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, a informação, bem como sua produção, controle e difusão, adquiriu caráter ímpar nas ditaduras que se instalaram no Cone Sul nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, pois era percebida como instrumento de controle social. Nas premissas dessa doutrina, a violência, antes de ser repressiva, era preventiva, e os órgãos de informação das ditaduras desempenharam papel fundamental nessa execução. As ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia modificaram órgãos de informação e segurança já existentes, bem como criaram novos organismos que se adequassem à realidade das novas conjunturas. No Brasil, esse sistema ficou conhecido como “comunidade de informações”; já no Uruguai, eram denominados “serviços de inteligência”. Tinham por função a busca e coleta de informação, utilizando-se de diversos métodos sistemáticos, tais como suspeição, infiltração, interrogatório e tortura, levando à promoção do terrorismo de Estado nessas ditaduras. Para o desenvolvimento da presente tese, foram analisados vários documentos produzidos pelo complexo do sistema de informações das ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia. Um conjunto documental de grande relevância para essa pesquisa refere-se aos órgãos de inteligência e espionagem vinculados aos Ministérios das Relações Exteriores do Brasil e do Uruguai, assim como de suas embaixadas e consulados. A preocupação da ditadura brasileira com os brasileiros que estivessem fora do território nacional era tamanha que no ano de 1966 o ex-embaixador no Uruguai criou o Centro de Informações do Exterior, baseado na sua experiência de monitoramento aos exilados ali presentes. Somou-se a esse órgão a Divisão de Segurança e Informações do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, rearranjada em 1967, presente em todos os ministérios civis. No Uruguai, cabia principalmente ao Departamento II (Exterior) do Servicio de Información de Defensa a espionagem dos uruguaios que estivessem fora do país. A colaboração entre esses órgãos de informação, inteligência e espionagem das ditaduras brasileira e uruguaia foi abundante, e alguns casos foram analisados na presente tese. As conexões repressivas também operaram por outros caminhos. Destaca-se a preocupação que ambas as ditaduras possuíam em relação aos exilados, sendo que num primeiro momento o Uruguai converteu-se no santuário do asilo político para os brasileiros; num segundo momento, a dinâmica inverteu, e foram os uruguaios que passaram a buscar refúgio político no Brasil. Esses movimentos foram acompanhados de perto pelos dois governos. Nessa conexão, releva-se o papel do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, fronteira entre Brasil e Uruguai. Na Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, as fronteiras territoriais cederam espaço às “fronteiras ideológicas”, ou seja, na luta contra o “comunismo internacional” as fronteiras se desfariam. Nesse sentido, ressalta-se a montagem e a orquestração da chamada Operação Condor, realizando ações conjuntas entre os países do Cone Sul, inclusive entre Brasil e o Uruguai, como foi o caso que ficou conhecido como “sequestro dos uruguaios” e a suspeita, até hoje não eliminada, da morte do ex-presidente João Goulart. / This thesis aims to demonstrate the repressive connections established between the Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships, through collaboration among their information organs, from 1973, the year of the coup d'état in Uruguay, until 1985, the year in which both regimes ended. Considered of vital importance in the conception of the National Security Doctrine, information, as well as its production, control, and diffusion, acquired a unique character in the dictatorships that settled in the South Cone in the decades of 1960 and 1970 since it was perceived as an instrument of social control. Within the premises of this doctrine, violence, before being repressive, was preventive, and the informational organs of dictatorships played a fundamental role in this execution. The Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships modified existing information and security organs, as well as created new organizations to fit the reality of these new conjunctures. In Brazil, this system became known as an "information community"; already in Uruguay, it was called "intelligence services." Their function was to search for and collect information, using a variety of systematic methods, such as suspicion, infiltration, interrogation, and torture, leading to the promotion of State terrorism in these dictatorships. For the development of this thesis, several documents produced by the information system complex of the Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships were analyzed. Documents of great relevance for this research refers to the intelligence and espionage organs linked to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Brazil and Uruguay, as well as their embassies and consulates. The concern of the Brazilian dictatorship with the Brazilians who were outside the national territory was such that in 1966 the former ambassador in Uruguay created the Foreign Information Center based on his experience of monitoring the exiles. It was joined by the Security and Information Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, rearranged in 1967, present in all civilian ministries. In Uruguay, it was primarily for Department II (Exterior) of the Defense Information Service to spy on Uruguayans who were out of the country. The collaboration between these organs of information, intelligence and espionage of the Brazilian and Uruguayan dictatorships was abundant, and some of those cases were analyzed in the present thesis. The repressive connections also operated in other ways. The concern that both dictatorships had about the exiles was emphasized. In a first moment, Uruguay became the sanctuary of the political asylum for the Brazilians; in a second moment, the dynamics reversed, and it was the Uruguayans who began to seek political refuge in Brazil. These movements were closely monitored by both governments. In this connection, the role of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the border between Brazil and Uruguay stands out. In the National Security Doctrine, territorial boundaries gave way to "ideological frontiers," i.e., in the fight against "international communism" the borders would be misplaced. In this sense, the assembly and orchestration of the so-called Condor Operation is highlighted, carrying out joint actions between the countries of the Southern Cone, including between Brazil and Uruguay, as was the case known as "kidnapping of Uruguayans" and the suspicion, until today, not eliminated, of the death of former president João Goulart.

Les fonds souverains, véhicules d'investissement créés, financés et contrôlés par leur Etat d'origine, échappent à l'heure actuelle à toute qualification juridique. Leur structure et finalité souveraines, conjuguées à la nature privée de leurs activités, suscitent de nombreux débats au sein de la communauté internationale, d'autant plus que certaines de leurs opérations, dont l'opacité est régulièrement relevée, s'effectuent en dehors de leur territoire. Les percevant à la fois chevaliers blancs au secours d'un marché financier en pleine crise, et menaces à la souveraineté des nations, les Etats récepteurs de leurs investissements semblent adopter une position quelque peu ambigüe à leur égard, laquelle oscille entre libéralisme et retour à un protectionnisme latent. Ces craintes plus ou moins fantasmés dont ils font l'objet sont par ailleurs attisées par la nouvelle réalité qu'ils projettent d'un basculement du pouvoir au détriment des pays occidentaux et de l'essor d'un nouveau capitalisme d'Etat. Il importe dès lors de déterminer si les fonds souverains sont des acteurs économiques comme les autres, susceptibles de bénéficier de la protection offerte aux investisseurs étrangers, ou des représentants de l'Etat dont ils émanent. Cette question, pierre angulaire des problématiques posées par les fonds souverains, n'épuise toutefois pas l'ensemble des controverses soulevées à leur sujet, ces dernières étant particulièrement nombreuses en termes de problèmes juridiques relatifs à l'encadrement juridique qui leur serait applicable. / Sovereign wealth funds, investment vehicles created, funded and controlled by nation states, do not adhere to any clear legal status. Their public ownership and ultimate objectives, together with the private nature of their activities, most of which are confidential and international, have created much debate and controversy within the international community. Considered by many to be white knights of a financial market in crisis, sovereign wealth funds are also seen as a threat to the economic sovereignty of their host countries, which seem to adopt an ambiguous position towards them, varying between liberalism and a return to a latent protectionism. These more or less fantasized fears are exacerbated by the new reality they project: a decline in western influence and the rise of a new state capitalism in the global scene. It is therefore imperative to understand whether sovereign wealth funds are ordinary economic players that should benefit from the protection provided to international investors, or whether they represent the objectives of the nation states from which they emanate. This question is at the heart of the debates ranging around sovereign wealth funds in addition to controversies surrounding other legal aspects regarding the legal regime that would apply to them.