Submitted by Miriam Lucas (miriam.lucas@unioeste.br) on 2018-04-13T13:49:33Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Adriana_Stormoski Lara_2017.pdf: 1545851 bytes, checksum: 5f13a034a4893eefb0ac7c8abb789066 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-13T13:49:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Adriana_Stormoski Lara_2017.pdf: 1545851 bytes, checksum: 5f13a034a4893eefb0ac7c8abb789066 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-22 / The present research deals with the constructions of representations of the region of the triple frontier, which is the encounter and disencumbering of cultures, ethnicities and illicit practices, considering the porosity of the frontier. Thus the triple border beyond being a space for a show of natural beauties, is also marked by the constant discourse of national security, territorial defense. Given this context, it is intended to answer the following question: How do the Brazilian State and its institutions observe foreigners involved in illegal acts in the Border? In order to do so, one studies the relation of power defended by Foucault, in order to seek to construct the representation of the subject that speaks offense at the border and how the State creates devices through the repressive power to inhibit its criminal practice through the dynamics of the frontier. It was thus sought to make a historical-social analysis of the region of the triple border, a critical approach to the border devices as a way to contain the criminal practice in the border porosity and, finally, a procedural analysis of the foreign prisoners in Foz do Iguaçu a From a human rights perspective. Concluding that due to the state repression discourse, based on the existence of various national security devices, the incarcerated foreigner finds no human rights abode through public policies despite the significant number of foreigners arrested in the region of the triple border / A presente pesquisa versa sobre as construções de representações da região da tríplice fronteira, espaço de encontro e desencontro de culturas, etnias e práticas ilícitas, tendo em vista a porosidade da fronteira. Assim, a tríplice fronteira além de ser espaço de um show de belezas naturais, também é marcado pelo constante discurso de segurança nacional, defesa territorial. Diante deste contexto, pretende-se responder a seguinte pergunta: Como o Estado brasileiro e suas instituições observam os estrangeiros envolvidos pelos atos ilícitos na Fronteira? Para tanto estuda-se a relação de poder defendida por Foucault, para buscar construir a representação do sujeito que comente delito na fronteira e como o Estado cria dispositivos através do poder repressivo para inibir sua prática delituosa através da dinâmica da fronteira. Buscou-se assim fazer uma análise histórico-social da região da tríplice fronteira, uma abordagem crítica em relação aos dispositivos de fronteira como maneira de conter a prática delituosa na porosidade fronteiriça e por último, uma análise processual dos presos estrangeiros em Foz do Iguaçu a partir de uma perspectiva dos direitos humanos. Concluindo que devido ao discurso de repressão do Estado, pautado na existência de diversos dispositivos de segurança nacional o estrangeiro encarcerado não encontra guarida nos direitos humanos, através de políticas públicas, apesar do número expressivo de estrangeiros presos na região da tríplice fronteira.

La recherche sur les soucoupes volantes commence à la fin des années 1940 en France. Elle est principalement le fait de ceux qui se nomment « soucoupistes ». En parallèle de cette activité exercée essentiellement à titre individuel, l’armée mène également ses propres enquêtes. Son intérêt pour la question ne se dément pas depuis les années 1940, même si les informations concernant son implication et son action se révèlent peu accessibles. De leur côté les soucoupistes s’agrègent et les premiers groupements privés d’envergure apparaissent dans les années 1950 et se généralisent à la fin des années 1960. La décennie 1970 correspond, quant à elle, à l’âge d’or de l’ufologie en France : les organisations se comptent par centaines et les ufologues par milliers. Un véritable réseau de recherche scientifique sur les ovnis apparait donc. Ce réseau s’articule autour des groupements de personnes et des individus -qui publient dans des revues spécialisées- et tente de se connecter à une ufologie scientifique publique en plein essor. Cette dernière, placée sous l’égide du CNES, prend le nom de GEPAN. Ce service, plusieurs fois rebaptisé, existe toujours aujourd’hui. Il s’appuie sur l’armée –principalement la gendarmerie- et certaines administrations qui le pourvoient en informations OVNI. L’ufologie française –en déclin depuis les années 1980- se caractérise donc par la coexistence d’un réseau de recherche privé et d’un réseau public qui, hormis en de rares occasions, collaborèrent très peu, cette situation contribuant à la maigreur des résultats obtenus par les ufologues. / The research about unidentified flying objects has started in the late 1940s in France. All this is the doing of those who are commonly known in French as the soucoupistes (the researchers in this field). Currently with this mainly individual initiative, the army also has made their own enquiries. Their interest for the question has proved consistent since the 1940s although the details about their implication and their action have been uneasy to know. As for them, the soucoupistes (or French ufologists) have joined together and the first major private groups have come out in the 1950s to become widespread in the late 1960s. Nonetheless, the decade of the 1970s was the golden age of ufology research in France : there were hundreds of organizations and thousands of ufologists. A real reasearch network came out. This network has revolved both around groups of people and individuals, who publish in specialized reviews, and they try to connect to a booming public scientific ufology. The latter, which is under the aegis of the CNES, is known as GEPAN. The department has been often renamed but still exists today. It is based on the army, mainly on the police force, but also on some administrations which provide them with information about UFO. French ufology, which has been in decline since the 1980s, is characterized by the coexistence of a private research network and a public one. Except for a few occasions, both of them have hardly collaborated and this situation explains why ufologists haven’t found many results.

Rares sont les voix qui s’élèvent contre l’enseignement de la défense dans son approche globale mais force est de constater que les élèves devenus adultes ne se souviennent pratiquement pas de cet enseignement. Les raisons de cet échec sont multiples : le flou du concept de défense globale et de sécurité devenue nationale, un enseignement intégré principalement dans les programmes d’éducation civique, un pilotage de l’éducation à la défense par deux administrations concurrentes, la réduction du format des armées depuis plusieurs décennies … Alors que les risques et les menaces se complexifient, que la jeunesse est en recherche de repères, il apparaît plus que jamais indispensable que cet enseignement imprègne la société dès l’enfance ou la pré adolescence. Un collège et une académie ont constitué un laboratoire pédagogique pour expérimenter et mettre au point un dispositif de classe à projet dont le fil directeur est la défense globale. Après quelques années et dans le cadre d'une expérimentation devenue nationale, il apparaît rapidement comme un moyen de motiver les élèves, de travailler des compétences du socle et de leur ouvrir l’école sur les enjeux du monde actuel. / Few voices criticize the teaching of global defence. Nevertheless, it seems that the former pupils, once adults, forget a great deal about these courses. The reasons for this failure are multiple: first, there is the abstract concept of global defence andnational security, which must be added to the fact it is mainly integrated into civics education. Moreover, the management of this teaching depends on two different and rival administrations. Eventually, one should also take into account the lastingdecrease in the army numbers over the past decades. While the risks and threats tend to complicate, alongside with the growing demand of youth for points of reference, the need for such teaching from childhood or preadolescence appears to be vital. a Few years ago, a junior high school and an academy created an educational laboratory to experiment and innovate through a new class system which focused on a global defence project. Several years later, and within a newly national experiment framework, these classes have undoubtedly proved to be a means to motivate the pupils, to develop a common set of core skills, and to open their school on the challenges of today's world.

Réfléchir à partir de la philosophie politique nous permet d’établir que la vision selon laquelle on conçoit actuellement l’environnement et la nature contribuent à modifier les conduites de la population afin de parvenir à une nouvelle façon de la gouverner. De même, les problèmes environnementaux et le changement climatique engendrent des risques pour la stabilité des États, rendant inévitable le renforcement de leur pouvoir, ce pourquoi ceux-ci invoquent la sécurité comme nécessité fondamentale pour leur conservation. On pourrait avancer que de la même manière que ce qui s’est produit au début de la modernité, lorsqu’on a découvert la nature et l’État comme entités objet d’étude avec leurs propres lois et rationalité, on repense actuellement la façon d’utiliser la nature et la problématique environnementale dérivée du changement climatique comme mécanisme de transformation des conduites et de renforcement de l’État, se manifestant maintenant dans l’idée de sécurité nationale. En procédant à une révision de la théorie de la raison d’État, de ses principaux théoriciens et des apports latino-américains à la sécurité nationale, on peut considérer qu’à partir du changement climatique et de la problématique environnementale elle permet de générer de nouvelles formes de gouverner afin de modifier les comportements de la population et par là même fortifier l’État. Ceci conduit à la nécessité de réfléchir à la nécessité de revoir les positions sur ce phénomène dans la mesure où cela peut entraîner des façons irrationnelles d’exercer le pouvoir. C’est-à-dire qu’il faut regarder la nature et l’environnement selon une perspective politique pour comprendre la portée de cette situation provenant de la manière dont on aborde actuellement la nature et l’environnement. / A reflection from the political philosophy would permit to propose that the vision as one conceive the currently the environment and the nature contribute to modify the behaviour of the population in order to achieve a new form of governance. Furthermore, the environmental problems and climate change create risks for the stability of the different states, making unavoidable the strengthening its power, when invoking its security as a necessity for its conservation.We could argue that, as it happened at the beginning of modern times, when the state and the nature were discovered as entities to study with their own laws and rationality. Currently, one is rethinking the way to use the nature and the environment’s question derivate from climate change as a mechanism to transform the behaviours and the strengthening of the state, manifested now in the idea of national security, Making a revision about the theory of national interest (raisón d’état) the main theorist and the Latin-American contribution to the national –security doctrine, one might considerate that due to climate change the environmental problem it allows to generate new forms to govern and modify the behaviours of the population whereas strengthening the state. This crates the necessity to wonder around the necessity to revise the proposals about the phenomenon, so that it could lead to irrational ways to exert the power. Thus, one shall see the nature and the environment with a political perspective in order to understand the reach from this situation derivate from the form as one address the nature and the environment nowadays. / Una reflexión desde la filosofía política, permitiría plantear que la visión como se concibe actualmente el medio ambiente y la naturaleza contribuyen a modificar las conductas de la población con el fin de lograr una nueva forma de gobernarla. Así mismo, los problemas ambientales y el cambio climático generan riesgos para la estabilidad de los Estados, haciendo inevitable el reforzamiento de su poder, para lo cual invoca la seguridad como necesidad fundamental para su conservación.Se podría plantear que al igual como ocurrió al inicio de la modernidad, cuando se descubrió la naturaleza y el Estado como entidades objeto de estudio con sus propias leyes y racionalidad, en la actualidad se está repensando la forma de utilizar la naturaleza y la problemática ambiental derivada del cambio climático, como mecanismo de transformación de las conductas y de fortalecimiento del Estado, manifestado ahora en la idea de seguridad nacional. Realizando una revisión sobre la teoría de la razón de Estado, los principales teóricos y los aportes latinoamericanos en la seguridad nacional, se puede llevar a considerar que a raíz del cambio climático y la problemática ambiental permite generar nuevas formas de gobernar para modificar los comportamientos de la población y de paso fortalecer el Estado. Esto genera la necesidad de reflexionar en torno a la necesidad de revisar los planteamientos sobre este fenómeno por cuanto ello puede conllevar a formas irracionales de ejercer el poder. Es decir hay que mirar la naturaleza y el medio ambiente en una perspectiva política para comprender el alcance de esta situación derivada de la forma como se aborda la naturaleza y el medio ambiente en la actualidad.

水資源是人類生存及文明延續關鍵，雖然海洋佔有地球表面積約百分之七十，但可直接供應人類生養淡水卻極為有限。隨著世界人口持續增長、工商業發展迅速，全球水資源需求量不斷攀升，加以時空分配不均、氣候變遷等因素，引發旱澇災情加劇，進而威脅民生用水、農漁糧食、疾病衛生、社區遷徙及能源供應等安全，導致國家政經社會動盪，尤其是人口密集的亞洲地區多屬開發中國家，仰賴水資源獲取足夠糧食及經濟發展所需能源，再者，亞洲地區數條重要江河跨越數個國家地域，連接維繫流域內國家命脈及利益，惟各國對於國際河流治理政策及目標卻存在紛歧差異性而屢生爭議、矛盾，因此，國際河流所涉及水資源問題具有重要性及複雜性，若未能妥適紓解，則可能引發國際衝突而危及國家安全。 2009年中國水資源最豐沛的西南地區連續乾旱，中國為紓解水資源匱乏的嚴重性及急迫性，積極修建水壩以維繫水資源安全，卻引發與下游國家間跨境水資源衝突，中國在面臨境內水資源短缺危機，以及與鄰國共用治理國際河流二者衝突，都是當今非傳統安全領域的重要課題。湄公河是亞洲地區重要國際水系，流域遍及中國、寮國、緬甸、泰國、柬埔寨及越南等六個國家，富含水力動能及自然資源，然而，流域內各國政經體制、民族文化差異極大，對於水電開發、航道通商、農漁發展及生態維護各有主張而扞格爭嚷互見，衝突並不意味毫無合作契機，本文認為中國兼具地理及政經大國的優勢地位，水資源政策及執行往往引發鄰國諸多猜忌不安，又國際河流開發使用及管理約制，常事涉國家主權讓渡而難獲共識，但藉由水資源多層次規劃開發及協商管理，不僅能維護中國利益安全，同時，伴隨水電、航運建設所帶來鉅大經濟利益，也提供諸國亟欲脫貧的契機，進而促進地區安全。 / Water is indispensable to human life and civilization. We all know that the earth surface is composed of sea water by nearly 70%, but what we don’t know is freshwater on the rest 30% of the world is limited for human usage. With continuously rising population and rapid growth in economy, people’s demands for water is getting more and more intensive than that decades ago. Drought and flood damage caused by climate change affect water supply, agriculture and food safety, diseases and hygiene, even threaten national security in each country. Densely populated countries in Asia depend on water heavily for economic development, but major rivers running through those nation borders and territories complicate their political and diplomatic relations. Conflicts resulted from water resource management and national interests follow suit, which may escalate tension if not been dealt properly. In 2009, China’s southwest region was severely hit by droughts. Dams were needed for relieving the water shortage problem, but the construction in major rivers triggered China’s conflicts with countries in the downstream territories due to water resource distribution. Among these disputes, Mekong River, an international river flowing through China, Liao, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam stood out. Each related nation has its own political considerations and economic plans with this river, and their exploitation policies were diverse. Seeing crisis of water shortage at home and conflicts resulted from water management with its neighbors outside, China was in a dilemma. However, contentions could create opportunities for cooperation. This paper tries to find the answer. It suggests that since China holds a geopolitical significance and economic dominance in the southwestern part of Asia, it can maintain its own security and interests by coming up comprehensive water exploitation policies and seek bilateral and multilateral water resource management with neighboring countries simultaneously, so as to bring in huge benefits on the one hand and acts as a responsible stakeholder in the area in promoting peace solution and stability on the other hand.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à la protection de la vie privée informationnelle dans le contexte de la biosécurité. La biosécurité se définit comme le processus qui vise à prendre en charge, dans une optique de sécurité nationale, les menaces et dangers que représentent les épidémies de maladies infectieuses pour la santé des populations humaines et la sécurité de l’État. Notre projet remet en question l’idée selon laquelle la conduite des activités de surveillance de la santé publique implique nécessairement une diminution de la protection offerte aux renseignements personnels sur la santé. Nos recherches tendent à démontrer que la conciliation de la surveillance de la santé et la protection de la vie privée est non seulement possible, mais qu’elle est surtout nécessaire. Nous portons plus précisément notre attention sur le cas de la collecte et de l’utilisation de renseignements dépersonnalisés sur la santé par les systèmes de surveillance syndromique. Bien calibrée et soigneusement réglementée, cette forme novatrice et particulière de surveillance offrirait le double avantage de réduire les risques d’atteintes à la vie privée des individus et d’augmenter de manière considérable l’efficacité des capacités étatiques en matière de détection des épidémies. / This thesis focuses on the protection of privacy in the context of biosecurity. Biosecurity is concerned with the threats that epidemics of infectious diseases present to public health and national security. The main goal of my thesis is to challenge the idea that conducting meaningful public health surveillance necessarily implies that the scope of the legal protection given to personal health information has to be reduced. My research demonstrates that, given certain conditions, a public health surveillance conducted with carefully configured syndromic surveillance systems operating with de-identified health data would increase both the efficiency of surveillance in terms of its capacity to detect emerging epidemics and the level of informational privacy of the patients.

Electronic surveillance for foreign intelligence purposes was largely unregulated prior to 1978. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (hereinafter "FISA") was enacted to implement a judicial authorization process for foreign intelligence electronic surveillance that would effectively balance competing needs for national security and civil liberty under the Fourth Amendment. This study examines the evolution of FISA and its effectiveness under the Fourth Amendment, as assessed by federal reviewing courts and scholars since the statute's enactment. The study concludes that the FISA electronic surveillance authorization process has been effective in providing a constitutional mechanism to obtain foreign intelligence information.

This study analyses parliamentary intelligence oversight in South Africa by assessing the understanding of members of the JSCI of its core business, its mission and vision and powers and functions as are stipulated by law. The study locates the JSCI within an international intelligence oversight milieu through a review and evaluation of selected countries’ intelligence oversight mechanisms. Furthermore, international best practice is sought and applicable lessons are drawn for South Africa. The study is bases on a literature review and interviews with members of the JSCI to gather information and draw insights to evaluate and test the propositions in the context of international and national best practice. The propositions, which are supported by the research, are that: · Intelligence oversight in South Africa under the JSCI has hitherto been relatively effective although there is room for improvement. · The JSCI has good relations with the other arms of the state that are responsible for the oversight of Intelligence in South Africa – making parliamentary intelligence oversight, overall, quite effective. · Despite this effectiveness there are legislative gaps and problems pertaining to the modus operandi of the JSCI that need the attention of both the Executive and Legislature and which could be part of a package of legislative reform. The research supported these propositions whilst pointing out that new initiatives need attention if the culture of oversight is to find root. These are the need to widen the scope of accountability to build a culture of accountability among middle and senior management members of the Intelligence structures and secondly the way Parliament resources the JSCI. / Dissertation (M (Political Sciences))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

La lutte contre le terrorisme implique, entre autres, la mise en œuvre de mesures législatives préventives et punitives pour gérer les menaces auxquelles le Canada est exposé. Dans cet ordre d’idée, l’État et ses agents ont recours à plusieurs outils, dont « les technologies de sécurités » (reconnaissance faciale, la vidéo surveillance, l’empreinte digitale, etc.), pour réaliser leurs différents mandats. Le fonctionnement de ces mécanismes suscite des questionnements quant à la protection de la vie privée. Le partage des renseignements personnels entre différents ministères, le consentement relatif à la collecte des renseignements, le droit d’accès des parlementaires aux secrets d’État, etc. sont des enjeux qui surgissent lorsque le pouvoir exécutif déploie ses actions sécuritaires. Nous constatons que les modifications législatives pour lutter contre le terrorisme créent un déséquilibre par rapport à la protection de la vie privée. En effet, contrairement à la lutte contre le terrorisme, la vie privée jouit d’une protection constitutionnelle selon la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. L’un des défis qui s’imposent au pouvoir exécutif, législatif et judiciaire est de mener leurs actions dans le respect de la primauté du droit dans un contexte de sécurité nationale. / The fight against terrorism implies, amongst others, the execution of preventative and punitive legislation to manage the threats from which Canada is exposed. In this context, the state and its agents have access to many tools, such as “security technology” (facial recognition, video surveillance, fingerprinting, etc.), to achieve their different mandates. The operation of these mechanisms raises questions and concerns in regards to privacy protection. The sharing of personal information between different ministries, the consent pertaining to the collection of personal information, and legislators’ right of access to state secrets, etc., are issues that arise when the executive power undertakes security measures. It’s found that the legislative changes to fight against terrorism create an imbalance with respect to privacy protection. Indeed, unlike the fight against terrorism, the right to privacy is constitutionally protected under the Canadian Charter of rights and freedoms. One of the challenges that must be recognized by the executive, legislative and judiciary authorities is to conduct their actions according to the rule of law in the context of national security.

The subject of this thesis is the processing of the business plan for the introduction of a new information system for the administration, with an evaluation and with an assessment whether the business plan to accept or reject. Assessment of business plan is to use methods of analysis, metrics for information systems.