Orientador: Flávia Arlanch Martins de Oliveira / Banca: Tania Regina de Luca / Banca: Marcia Regina Berbel / Resumo: Este estudo tem por objetivo fazer uma análise de tipo qualitativo no sentido de inteligir os acontecimentos envolvendo o judiciário, enquanto dispositivo de contenção e de produção do social, e sua atuação visando reprimir o nascente movimento sindical rural de influência comunista em Londrina, a partir da figura criminal da marginalidade política. Tendo como fontes primárias, um processo-crime iniciado em 1956, portanto, no período denominado democrático (1945-1964) e outro instaurado nos primeiros momentos do regime civil-militar (1964), acrescidos de documentos produzidos pela Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social do Paraná (DOPS/PR) e artigos de jornais da época, objetivou-se também extrair elementos de comparação entre os dois processos-crime nos diferentes regimes, com o fito de verificar as similaridades e as diferenças entre ambos. Partiu-se da perspectiva foucaultiana de que o dispositivo jurídico não reproduz apenas o discurso do Estado, mas constitui um amálgama de diferentes discursos como o veiculado na imprensa, nas escolas, nas igrejas, nas empresas, no meio acadêmico, etc. Verifica-se que a estrutura sindical legalista e corporativista preconizada pelo Estado e aceita pelo movimento sindical como modalidade de luta política nesse período produziu a proeminência do advogado como liderança iniciada nos rituais jurídicos e, portanto, habilitado a reivindicar em nome dos trabalhadores rurais os direitos balizados pela legislação trabalhista. Pode-se constatar também que, independente da modalidade do regime político estabelecido, os dispositivos policiais e jurídicos de informação, controle e repressão, foram sistematicamente se... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The purpose of this study is a qualitative analysis to understand events in which the judiciary is seen as a device for social contention and production, and its work in preventing the surge of the rural union movement under the communist influence in Londrina, making use of the criminal figure of political marginality. Having as primary sources a criminal process that started in 1956, a period called as democratic (1945-1964) and another process from the initial moments of the civil-military regime (1964), together with documents prepared by the Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social do Paraná (DOPS/PR) and newspaper articles from that time, this study also aimed at comparing these two criminal processes from two different regimens in order to identify their similarities and differences. This study follows the Foucault perspective that the juridical device does not only translate the State’s discourse but it also comprehends an amalgam of other discourses as found in the press, in schools, churches, companies, academic communities and the like. It is verified that the legalist and corporative labor structure, as advocated by the State and accepted by the labor union movement as a political fight modality, in that period, turned the professional lawyer as a leader, initiated in the juridical rituals and, therefore, an individual qualified to demand, on behalf of the rural workers, those rights guaranteed by the labor legislation. It was also verified that no matter the modality of political regimen, the police and judicial devices of information, control and repression had been systematically improved in Brazil since the 1920s and were ostensibly put into action during the authoritarian regimens... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below) / Mestre

自從一九九五年六月李登輝總統訪問美國康乃爾大學（Cornell University）展開「世紀之旅」後，一九九五年下半年中共一連串的軍事演習、對台實施一連串的「文攻武嚇」到一九九六年的台海危機，這一段期間內中共對台政策特別的強硬，有別於中共一再重申的「一國兩制、和平統一」政策，引起了國內對於國家安全的討論與關切，也引發筆者對於探討中華民國國家安全的興趣。 在國際關係中，「安全」（security）是一個基本的概念，也是一個基本的價值。隨著國際政治學的發展，在第二次世界大戰結束後，由於核子武器的出現與冷戰的爆發，在西方國家特別是美國，許多學者開始將安全問題從國際政治研究中分離出來，作為一個次領域（sub-field）做專門研究，這就是安全研究（security study） 。此階段，安全研究的問題主要是指國家安全（National Security），即國家軍事力量的穩定，因此國家安全就是防務或國防的代名詞，保障國家安全是遂成為國家最重要的職責。 冷戰結束後，「安全」的內涵與外延不斷擴大，不再局限於軍事領域，而是逐步延伸到政治、經濟、科技、文化、環境領域，所以學者將其稱為「綜合安全」（Comprehensive Security）。對於安全之研究雖然有國家安全（National Security）、區域安全（Regional Security）、國際安全（International Security）、全球安全（Global Security）、共同安全（Common Security）、集體安全（Collective Security）、合作安全（Cooperative Security）等若干不同的層次，但一般的安全研究仍是以國家為中心，探討國家面臨威脅時，以國家層次的安全，整合各層次的安全關係，了解威脅安全的因素，並謀求解除威脅之道。 據此，國家安全的定義為：「為維持國家長久生存、發展與傳統生活方式，確保領土、主權與國家利益，並提升國家在國際上的地位，保障國民福祉，所採取對抗不安全的措施。」 我國國情特殊，長久以來在中共的敵對威脅下生存、發展，雖然沒有形之於正式文書的「國家安全政策」，但是我國憑藉「反共」與「發展」的策略，以堅定的意志，不僅確保了國家安全，也維持了經濟穩定的成長，創造了舉世公認的經濟奇蹟。冷戰時期的來臨，隨著國際情勢的轉變，將影響國家安全政策的內涵與目標，尤其兩岸互動關係日益密切，在表象上敵對意識漸次模糊，而又無法保證中共不以武力進犯的情況下，建立一套整體的國家安全政策，實為確保國家生存與發展的必要條件，值得重視。無疑地，以現階段而言，中共可能以武力侵犯台澎金馬的行動，是「危害我們國家生存最直接、最嚴重之威脅。」 。換言之，「確保台澎金馬及諸外島安全，與爭取國人生存發展的國際空間」 就成為當前我國國家安全為的首要目標。 不可諱言的，後冷戰時期國際情勢的變遷必將影響我國國家安全政策的內涵與目標，尤其，面對中共武力的威脅，我國對於國家安全的問題應該投入更多的關心和努力。本研究之目的即針對後冷戰時期的中華民國國家安全政策作一評析，將從我國國家安全之環境因素、我國安全威脅對國家安全之衝擊與影響，及主要的政策與作為加以研究，以作為我國修訂國家安全政策的參考與依據，並希望能進一步尋求我國長治久安之道，此為本文的最大目的所在。 目 錄 第一章 緒論 第一節 研究動機與目的……………………………………1 第二節 研究範圍與方法………..………………………..2 第三節 研究限制……………………………………………5 第二章 國家安全概論 第一節 國家安全研究與國家安全的意義…………………7 第二節 威脅國家安全的因素與來源……………………..11 第三節 國家安全政策的內涵……………………………..15 第四節 中華民國國家安全議題…………………………..18 第三章 後冷戰時期中華民國國家安全環境 第一節 後冷戰時期國際安全環境……………………….23 第二節 後冷戰時期亞太地區的安全環境……………….31 第三節 後冷戰時期兩岸關係的發展…………………….43 第四節 後冷戰時期對我國國家安全的影響…………….61 第四章 中華民國國家安全的威脅來源 第一節 中共武力犯台……………………………………..67 第二節 國土分裂：台灣獨立………………………………77 第三節 區域衝突：南海主權衝突…………………………85 第四節 我國安全威脅的評估……………………………..106 第五章 中華民國國家安全的國際保障 第一節 聯合國對中華民國安全的保障……..…………..137 第二節 美國對台海的安全保障.……..…………………154 第三節 美日安保條約與台海安全………………………172 第四節 中華民國國家安全國際保障的評估…………..185 第六章 後冷戰時期中華民國的國家安全政策 第一節 大陸政策…………………………………………187 第二節 外交政策…………………………………………200 第三節 國防政策…………………………………………211 第四節 經濟政策…………………………………………223 第七章 本文結論………………………………………..235 參考書目…………………………………………………..239

任何國家在面對安全威脅時，其關鍵在於強盛的國防軍力，現代戰爭已由「單純武力戰」轉為「全民總體戰」，而且台海一旦發生戰事，其作戰縱深短淺，已沒有前方和後方的分別，囿於國際情勢使武器外購受限，國防工業發展成為關鍵因素，我們應發展「小而精、小而強、小而巧」的國防武力，並建立全民國防理念與全民防衛動員機制，運用軍民一體的力量，共同來防衛我們的國土。本文將從「綜合性安全」的角度，以文獻分析法，透過國家安全的觀點，探討我國全民國防的建構、運用與軍備發展，並從中華民國國家安全遭受的威脅及全民防衛動員與軍備發展所面臨的挑戰，探討「全民國防」與「軍備發展」之涵義與重要性，並區分政策面、執行面兩個構面加以說明。在「政策面」的層次分析在「全民防衛動員準備法」的基礎上，闡述「全民國防的理念」與「軍備發展」；在「執行面」上，則針對塑造軍民共用之「國防工業發展」，以為「全民國防軍備體系」之實行方向等，說明全民國防與軍備發展的關係。俾整合全國產、學、研資源，推動國防和民生合一，釋出國防科技轉為民用，並藉由民生產業技術的提升，戰時能支持國防的需求，支援軍事作戰。達成「平時國防支持經建」、「戰時經建支持國防」的國家戰略目標。 / First of all whenever a country faces a threat security, the decisive point relies on the strength of its national power. This critical element has evolved over time from tangible arms forces into spiritual “All -out Defense”. Secondly due to our country’s long and narrow geography , as long as hostility breaks out across the straits, short battlefield depth makes no distinct from the area to frontline. Furthermore our foreign procurement for military we apons is subject to the international circumstance. Apparently “small but precise and strong” defense capability and All-out Defense Mechanism should be more suitable as the determining guidelines towards our defense industry. This study aims for the upcoming threats and challenges when it comes to our national security and is divided into 2 aspects: policy guidance and execution. The former focuses on the analysis of All-out Defense and Mobilization Law and sets forth concept and development tendency of the military preparedness. The latter direct at the relationship and interaction between the All -out defense and armament development. In the long term, we hope to consolidate efforts of the private sectors to develop defense technology industries, the public and civilian assets can be merged into a single whole; such combination can prompt the private sectors to support military missions in wartime and vice versa.

中國自2001年加入WTO並開放境內市場後，外資便開始以併購方式迅速進入中國市場，造成中國諸多產業遭外資壟斷，使中國於2007年8月30日迫切通過前後立法超過二十年的《反壟斷法》，並於2008年8月1日開始實施以規範外資併購行為。中國《反壟斷法》係管理市場秩序的主要法律亦被稱作「經濟憲法」，惟相較於世界先進國家已有悠久歷史，相關法規範已發展成熟，檢視該法的規範與實際操作上卻仍可發現諸多問題。 　　本文擬從外國競爭經濟法理論出發，剖析中國《反壟斷法》的立法基礎，並先探究該法之立法過程、規範範圍、執法機構分散與行政壟斷問題，再申論外資併購中國境內企業涉及反壟斷申報審查制度，最後進入本文核心議題即國家安全與濫用市場支配地位，輔以詳細數據與實際案例探討，翼望得以作為外資併購中國企業之參考依據。 / Since 2001 China has became one of the members of WTO, foreign investors used mergers and acquisitions as business strategy to dominate position in some specific markets in China, which caused China government adopted the first “Antimonopoly Law” on August 30, 2007 and it went into effect on August 1, 2008. China’s antimonopoly law also called“Economic Constitution”aims to establish the new economic order; however, compared with the western developed countries which has developed a great legal system, its substance has aroused suspicion and criticism. This paper seeks to provide an assessment for China’s “Antimonopoly Law” from the analysis of the soul of antitrust theory to discuss the structure of China’s “Antimonopoly Law” including the drafting stage, application of the law, lack of substantive enforcement authority and the issue of administrative monopoly. Then, this paper aims to solve the problem of the provisions of thresholds for concentration of foreign investors. After the basic discussion the issue above, this paper tries to discuss the core issue –national security and abuses of dominant market position—by providing statistics and analyzing real cases to draft conclusion for the foreign investors to follow when seeking to undertake mergers and acquisitions in China.

任何地區、國家，無論發生自然或人為災害，事故一旦發生都有其共通現象就是「形成災難」緊急救援，爾後再依相關情況研判是為自然或人為災害，災情是逐次明朗，風災、水災、震災如此，其他災害亦是如此；當一個國家之「國土安全」面對不安定的情勢或緊急狀況下，無法阻止或處理、甚至於潛在持續惡化之重大變故，其國家之軍隊可證明國家有持續(恢復)政府功能運作之能力。這些「非戰爭行為之軍事行動」包含：災難援助、反恐怖主義行動、人道救援協助、環境保護、大規模支援反毒行動、環境許可下的撤僑及維和行動等。 我國現階段國防政策以「預防戰爭、國土防衛、反恐制變」為基本目標；另在強化全民防衛理念上，兼顧「國防安全」和「危機應變」考量，積極配合各部會整合，建構完整之機處理應變機制，於發生重大危機、事故或緊急災難時，在不影響國軍戰備、不破壞國軍指揮體系、不超過國軍支援能力範圍之原則下，於第一時間投入國軍的人力與資源，依法提供國家社會及人民必要的災難援助支援。 觀察國內過去幾次重大災害的救災行動，由於「國軍」最具組織性、紀律化、機動快、效率高的特性，能使救災的行動更快速又有效。然而，歷經921大地震、八八風災後，發現國軍執行救災因國內救災體系、法制的不完備，使得國軍救災的能力受限，無法發揮該有的效用；因此，政府從各層面深入檢討，完成了一系列的精進措施，在馬總統出席民99年國軍重要幹部研習會時指示：「災害防救」是國軍中心任務，國軍要「超前部署、預置兵力，隨時防救，防災重於救災，離災優於。」在之後的幾次颱風來襲期間，國軍超前預置兵力有效降低災損發揮了相當的效果，也顯示出國軍遂行災害救援的重要性。 綜上，提昇國軍災害救援能力，符合國防政策基本方針，亦符合政府施政目標，確保人民生命財產安全，國軍應持續強化執行非軍事行動能力，俾利確保國土安全。 / No matter what regions, nations, natural or manmade disasters, it will soon come with disaster rescue. After that, it depends on what kind of disasters. When a country cannot deal with the national security, the armed forces can prove that a country can run their government continually. These MOOTW include disaster rescue, counter-terrorism, humanity rescue assistance, environment protection, anti-drug action, approval evacuation and peace keeping. The Defense Policy of our country is based on war prevention, national defense and anti-terrorism action now. It also concerns about defense security and crisis reaction to strengthen national defense idea, and cooperates with other departments in order to build a whole crisis reaction. When the crisis happens, the armed forces will send people and other resources to help them without affecting national combat readiness, violating armed forces command system, and overloading the armed forces supportive ability. According to the law, it will provide assistance for the disasters. According to the major disaster rescue in the past, the armed forces can do it effectively because of their buildup, discipline and mobility. However, during the natural disaster of earthquake, typhoon, we realize that the troops and law on the disaster rescue are not good enough to cover all situations. The armed forces ability is also limited by the law, and cannot be effectively. After inspecting, the government finishes a series of solutions. During a major member meeting on armed forces, the President Ma said that disaster rescue is the main purpose of our armed forces. The military should deploy before the natural disaster, and prevent for the natural disaster all the time. Prevention is better than rescue. During some typhoon disasters, the armed forces follow the policy and do it effectively. It also shows the importance of armed forces when doing the disaster rescue. Above all, increasing armed forces ability on disaster rescue fits to our defense policy, the government goal, and also ensures the people and property safe. Tha armed forces should continue and strengthen the non-military action ability to ensure the national security. Key words: national security, MOOTW, armed forces, disaster rescue.

Abstract This thesis focuses on the oversight mechanism used by congress to supervise the intelligence department, mainly through examining the historical development of the oversight mechanism that the U.S. Congress uses over the Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, as well as evaluating the mechanism¡¦s successes and failures, in order to find a suitable direction for establishing an oversight mechanism for our country¡¦s Legislative Yuan over the National Security Agency, NSA. First of all, the inceptive backgrounds and historical developments of the CIA and the NSA are introduced. After establishing an understanding of the special backgrounds and developments of the two agencies, the writer, using the Institutional Process Theory, analyzes and discusses how the U.S. Congress¡¦ oversight mechanism over the CIA has progressed, thereby determining the key to the successes and failures of the U.S. Congress¡¦ intelligence oversight mechanism. Having analyzed the intelligence oversight mechanism of the U.S. Congress, the writer brings up suggestions as to how our country¡¦s Legislative Yuan can develop an oversight mechanism over the NSA in the future. Lastly, from these discussions, the writer addresses the contributions, propositions, and limitations of this research and hopes that these research and discussions can assist the Legislative Yuan in institutionalizing a comprehensive intelligence oversight mechanism over the NSA.

從1986年起，因為經濟大幅成長，中國的石油需求也隨之增加，但是中國國內的石油生產卻開始下降。進入後冷戰時期，中國的石油供給更已無法自給自足，成為仰賴石油進口的國家。透過傳統現實主義理論對石油安全進行討論，我們可以得知，石油不僅僅牽涉到經濟的發展，也牽涉到國力的強弱與否。因此，石油對於一個國家在國際政治的地位或是經濟發展上都扮演了十分重要的角色，中國也因而必須考量石油對於國家安全的影響。本研究即自地緣政治觀點，分析中國石油能源與國家安全。 中國目前建構的石油安全體系，是以國內的石油化學產業的改革為基礎，以石油化學產業為工具，建構取得油源的石油外交體系，同時積極分散油源。由中國所規劃的中南半島輸油路線，中巴、中孟輸油路線，以及已經開始建設的中俄、中哈輸油路線都是以分散石油運輸路線為目標。運輸路線的規劃就是以地緣政治為出發點考量，透過與周邊國的關係建構石油運輸。 然而，儘管中國積極推動分散油源、油路的石油安全戰略，卻也牽涉到各強國在各地區的利益問題，以及各地區內部的政治、經濟、族群、宗教等問題。例如中東內部有以阿衝突、反美等問題，非洲的新興油源國、中亞各國內部都有因為宗教、政治導致的問題，而美、俄、日、印等大國與中國也在各地有所利益衝突，即使中國與俄羅斯有合作關係，卻也在中亞地區有利益競爭的關係。所以不僅中國與各強國之間有合作也有競爭外，也必須面對各個地區內部的各種問題。 / Since 1986, China’s demands for petroleum had increased extensively with the significant growth of economy, but the domestic production of petroleum decreased relatively. In the post-Cold War period, China was non-self-sufficient on supplying petroleum, and became a state which depending on importing petroleum thereout. By the discussion on the security of petroleum with the theory of traditional realism, we can conclude that the petroleum doesn’t only concern the development of economy but also concern the strength of nations. Therefore, we can see that petroleum plays an important role both on the status of international politics and the development of economy, and China must concern the influence of petroleum to national security thereof. Then, the proposal of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between supplies and demands of petroleum and the national security of China with the view of geo-politics. The petroleum security system of China was framed on the basis of the revolution of domestic petroleum chemical industry, so as to frame her petroleum diplomacy system to acquire the petroleum, and decentralize the sources of petroleum meanwhile. The oil pipeline ways set up by China was formulated according to the goal of decentralizing the pipeline of petroleum, such as Medium South Peninsula pipeline, China-Pakistan pipeline, China-Bengal pipeline, China-Russia pipeline, and the China- Kazakhstan pipeline. Therefore, we can conclude that China set up its oil pipeline by establishimg the relations with surrounding nations which concerning geo-politics. However, the strategies of petroleum security that decentralizing oil pipelines and petroleum sources was involved with the conflicts of interests among powerful nations in all areas, including the conflicts of politics, economy, race, and religion. For examples, there are conflicts between Israel and Palestine, and anti-American issue in Middle-East area. There are conflicts among the nations in middle Asia which caused by religion and politics. And there are conflicts of interests among USA, Russia, Japan, Indian and China all over the world. So does China conflict with Russia in middle Asia, even though there is a cooperative relation between them. In general, China does not only cooperate with other powerful nations but also contend against them. Furthermore, China has to face the conflicts and issues caused in every area when she promotes the strategy of petroleum security.

Since the Open-Door Policy has been carried out in 1979, China has gained dramatic improvements in many fields, such as economies and military. At the same time, the considerable changes also bring China many crises from the complicated international envirorunent. This thesis will illustrate these questions through nationalism and realism theoretical framework by using case study with a qualitative approach as the method. With the Five Peaceful Principles of Co-existence based foreign policy, this thesis will experience "Century of Humiliation" of China again and redefine the rising power of China through a case study about Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute between China and Japan. Although it is a little hard to analyze this case under a complicated international environment, plenty of document information will support to get a result of how China's foreign policy and national security are interlinked? Finally, "national insecurities" and "humiliating history" are drawn as the key factors that affect China's foreign policy making, and the interconnections of China's peaceful diplomacy and national security. "National insecurities" and "humiliating history" drive China to make the foreign policy of peaceful development, otherwise, to ensure national security, China need to strengthen the comprehensive national power.

Since the end of World War II the United States has grown and maintained a stockpile of nuclear weapons in the interest of preserving world peace, and with the specific intent to provide unparalleled national security to its citizens. It was a commonly held view during this time that a large diverse stockpile was a fundamental key to national security. However, in today’s ever-changing environment, Los Alamos National Laboratory finds itself with an infrastructure unable to quickly adapt to new national security needs and threats. Burdened by the management of a Cold-War-era stockpile, nuclear operations at Los Alamos will benefit from a reduced stockpile initiative. Contrary to previously held beliefs, Los Alamos can be the prime beneficiary to such an approach, and use such a monumental shift in strategy to modernize infrastructure, revitalize critical staff, and effectively manage critical materials and facilities while simultaneously reducing waste and environmental impacts to better support national security needs. / text

全民國防是21世紀世界各國國防發展的主軸，也是檢驗一個國家一旦面臨外患時，能否經得起戰爭考驗的必要機制。國防建設與發展一向是走在國家建設事務之先，因此，愈是先進的國家，愈是重視國防建設；愈是面臨戰爭與生存威脅的國家，「全民國防」的共識與行動愈顯重要。本文旨在探討中國民國《全民國防教育法》立法的動機與過程，以及其正式施行迄今，在整體執行規劃與成效是否尚有精進或強化之空間，並就研究心得，提出後續規劃修法建議，期使「全民國防教育」之推展更臻完善，以建立其國人具有全民防衛意識的國防認知與決心，維護國家安全。 / All-out defense is the core development of national in 21st century for countries throughout the world. It is also an essential mechanism to examine whether a country can stand up to war while facing intruding enemies. Construction and development of national defense usually precede the affairs of domestic construction. Therefore, the more advanced a country is, the more they will value the construction of national defense; the more a country is threatened by war and survival, the more important it becomes to have the consensus and acts of national defense. The objective of the paper aims to discuss the legislative motive and process of all-out defense education of the Republic of China. It addresses whether there is space for advancing or strengthening in executive planning and effectiveness as a whole. The research outcome suggests the revision of subsequent planning which expects to promote better development of all-out defense education and thereby civilians build the awareness and determination of national defense in support of maintaining national security.