Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyaoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estacual de Campinas, Intituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T21:48:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_PetersonFerreirada_M.pdf: 3377279 bytes, checksum: 638d2703f43a235590a45e8a4385326d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Este projeto de pesquisa tem como tema a cooperação internacional em programas de produtos de defesa no entorno estratégico brasileiro. O objeto de investigação é o caso delimitado pela dinâmica dos diversos atores, e seus respectivos interesses, envolvidos no desenvolvimento conjunto Brasil-África do Sul do míssil ar-ar A-Darter. O foco da investigação, à luz das Relações Internacionais, será a interação entre os principais atores do setor de defesa brasileiro em seus contextos específicos porém interdependentes, isto é, diplomático, militar, empresarial e no que tange à sua gestão. O período analisado compreende os primeiros contatos de alto-nível, realizados em 2003, e o primeiro disparo em voo bem sucedido do A-Darter, ocorrido em julho de 2010. Argumenta-se a necessidade de mecanismos claros e permanentes de coordenação entre os principais atores do setor de defesa brasileiro de forma a maximizar os benefícios desse tipo de cooperação / Abstract: The subject of this research project is the international cooperation on defence products programmes in the so-called Brazilian strategic interests area. The object of investigation is the dynamics and respective interests of the various players involved in the Brazil-South Africa joint development of the air-air missile A-Darter. Based on International Relations theory, this research project deals with the interaction among the main players at the Brazilian defence sector, regarding their specific as well as interdependent contexts, namely, diplomatic, military, business and managerial factors. The period of analysis includes the first high-level contacts, conducted in 2003, and the first successful launch of the A-Darter missile, dated of July 2010. It is argued that there is a need for clear mechanisms and permanent coordination among the key players in the Brazilian defence sector in order to maximize the benefits of such type of cooperation / Mestrado / Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de observar as alterações da Doutrina Yoshida como norteadora do posicionamento internacional do Japão no início do século XXI. Para isso, abordaremos a relevância que o Leste Asiático tem para a delimitação das ameaças e como a lógica regional influencia diretamente a atuação do país, principalmente quanto aos temas de segurança. Utilizar-se-á a teoria dos complexos regionais de segurança para compreender a forma de inserção internacional do Japão, bem como embasar o aspecto de instabilidade que levaram às alterações da Doutrina Yoshida. Dentre as principais ameaças ao país, destacamos a relação sino-japonesa e as disputas nas gray zones, bem como a nuclearização norte-coreana. A aliança com os EUA e outros países do entorno regional também serão analisadas a fim de corroborar com a atuação internacional do Japão. Abordaremos também como a criação da Estratégia Nacional de Segurança japonesa e o pacifismo proativo complementam os fundamentos da Doutrina Yoshida na manutenção dos interesses nacionais do país perante as crescentes instabilidades do entorno asiático. / This paper aims to observe the changes of the Yoshida Doctrine as the guideline of Japans international performance in the beginning of the 21st century. In order to do it, we will focus on the threats of East Asia region as well as the relevance of the regional logic and how it directly influences the country\'s performance, especially regarding security issues. The theory of regional security complexes is used to understand Japan\'s international insertion, as well as to base the instability aspect that led to the changes in the Yoshida Doctrine. Among the main threats to the country, we highlight the Sino-Japanese relationship and the disputes in the gray zones, besides the North Korean nuclear program. The US alliance, as other regional countries alliances will also be analyzed in order to corroborate with the international performance of Japan. We will also address how the creation of the Japanese National Security Strategy and proactive pacifism complement the fundamentals principles of the Yoshida Doctrine in order to maintain the countrys interests in the growing instability of the Asian environment.

[pt] Esta dissertação aborda o impacto do fluxo de refugiados de guerra na segurança dos Estados anfitriões. Tal impacto foi investigado por meio de revisão bibliográfica das principais contribuições teóricas sobre a questão, e do estudo de caso da região dos Grandes Lagos, localizada na África Central. Tomando como objeto referencial de segurança os governos de tais Estados, identificou-se que tais fluxos podem representar uma ameaça econômica, política e/ou cultural, o que irá variar de acordo com o contexto específico de cada Estado. Verificou-se ainda que as questões relativas aos refugiados geram uma interdependência entre os Estados da região estudada no que se refere às suas considerações de segurança, identificando-se portanto uma dinâmica regionalista. / [en] This dissertation concerns the impact of the refugees flows on the security of the host State. Such impact was investigated through bibliographic research and the study of case of the Big Lake region, located in Central Africa. Taking as referencial the security of the governements of this States, the analysis identified that such fluxes could configures an economic, political and/or cultural threat, depending of the specific context of each State. It was also identified that the issues related with refugees generate an interdependence between the States of the region in their concerns about security, showing an regionalist dynamics.

National Security Dictatorships deployed in Southern Cone countries set innumerable episodes concerning the violation of human rights. In Brazil, for over twenty-one years military personal and some sectors from civil society were responsible for countless atrocities carried out against citizens, especially regarding the ones who were against the military coup. Inside Brazilian universities, reality was not different because the Academies were known as the most important institutions able to work against repression and as a consequence, they had to be effectively controlled. In the beginning of the 1970 s, Safety and Information Advisors Agencies were created in order to monitor and control all actions of academic communities and also the actions of the ones who positioned themselves against the government. The impact of such measure could be felt by all Brazilian universities, and for more than a decade the Safety and Information Advisors Agencies (ASIs) produced a substantial quantity of documents about the work of its agents as well as registers about the subversives . Taking into consideration the period after the dictatorship and the proposal of a Transitional Justice, considered incomplete in Brazil, it is suggested the reactivation of an institutional body from the Federal University of Santa Maria (UFSM) as an alternative to reach, at least in academic level, the principles of transitional justice whose were still not reached. These principles are: the institutional reform and the rescuing of the institution s memory; for such, it is proposed the granting of free access to the ASI/UFSM files. / As Ditaduras de Segurança Nacional implantadas nos países do Cone Sul determinaram incontáveis episódios de violações de direitos humanos. No Brasil, por mais de vinte anos, os militares e alguns setores da sociedade civil foram responsáveis por inúmeras atrocidades cometidas contra a população, particularmente aos que resistiam ao golpe. Dentro das universidades a realidade não foi diferente, pois a Academia, na percepção dos golpistas, era tida como uma das instituições mais importantes na resistência à repressão e precisava ser controlada de forma eficaz. A partir disso, foram criadas, no início dos anos 1970, as Assessorias de Segurança e Informações (ASIs/AESIs), com o propósito de monitorar e controlar as ações da comunidade acadêmica e dos contrários às ações do governo ditatorial. O impacto dessa medida pôde ser sentido na totalidade das instituições de ensino superior, públicas, já que todas tiveram suas ASI/AESI que, por mais de uma década produziram uma quantidade substancial de documentos que diziam respeito à atuação de seus agentes, assim como registravam os passos dos subversivos . Considerando a fase posterior à ditadura e a proposição da política de Justiça de Transição, (incompleta no caso brasileiro), propõe-se a reativação de um órgão institucional da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (UFSM), como alternativa para o alcance em nível acadêmico, dos princípios da justiça transicional ainda não atingidos, entre eles a reforma institucional e o resgate da memória da instituição, propondo para tanto a reconstituição e o acesso ao acervo da ASI/UFSM.

The dissertation aims to explore the impact of rape on human security and hence to drawn conclusions about rape as a national security concern in South Africa. The dissertation puts forward six propositions to be explored and tested: · Forcible rape undermines human security. · The extent of rape in South Africa constitutes a widespread threat to the personal safety of especially women and children. · The constitutional commitment to gender equality, the empowerment of women, the rights of children and the right to security of the person are indicative of the severity with which South African society views rape. · These factors combine to render rape a national security concern in South Africa during the past decade, requiring direct measures to be undertaken. · This situation obliges a coordinated government strategic interpretation of the impact of rape on constitutional rights and stability, and evaluation of government policy in this regard. · An integrated government strategy that entails close cooperation with civil society is required to enable the countering and reduction of rape and the ultimate construction of a rape-safe culture in South Africa. The dissertation begins with a conceptual exploration of the concepts of rape, violence, gender violence, human and national security, and then provides an outline of how these concepts have been applied in the post-1994 South African context. Human security is identified as a core element of South African national security. Against the background of the conceptual definitions of terminology used in the dissertation, and the outline of the application of these concepts in South Africa, the extent and nature of rape is described and analysed. The dissertation avoids over-utilisation of statistics given that rape statistics are based to a large extent only on those cases that are reported to the police, and there is a range of factors that result in the under-reporting of rape. The dissertation then describes and comments on the government’s response to rape in the period 2000-2003, outlining the inter-departmental strategies that have been initiated by Cabinet. Through this analysis, the seriousness with which government and parliamentary representatives have viewed rape has been indicated, as well as the strengths and weaknesses of the governmental response to rape. This has enabled an indication of certain key aspects of governmental response that must be addressed if the security risk of rape is to be contained. The dissertation concludes that the propositions are indeed supported by the both exploration of the South African policy on rape, human and national security, as well as the operational practice of the relevant government departments. The dissertation indicates a strong emphasis on the criminal justice prosecution of rape cases, and an imbalance in the social crime prevention dimension of government’s response to rape. It is argued that for a successful strategy to combat rape and to achieve a rape-safe culture in South Africa, an integrated governmental response, with a close social compact with civil society, balancing both improved efficiency and effectiveness of the criminal justice prosecution of rape cases, and social crime prevention that addresses the causes of rape, is required. / Dissertation (M (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.

This thesis aims to explore the political, social and religious opposition to Liberation Theology in Latin America during the 1960s to 1990s, and the transformation of Christianity. During this period, most Latin American countries underwent social struggles and political repression in which opposition and persecution arose from dictatorial and military governments who labeled those committed to the poor as communists. Liberation Theology emerged as an ecclesial and theological trend committed to the poor, in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s in Latin America. This thesis traces the origins, development, expansion and repression of Liberation Theology. This work maintains that under the Cold War context and the National Security Doctrine, Liberation Theology became a target of political repression because its commitment with the poor placed it as subversive and communist. This research reveals how it was repressed with violence and the promotion of counteracting religious groups, leading to changes in Christianity.

The increasing complexity and high stakes of foreign policy decisions, especially of major powers such as the United States, have generated specialized studies of decision making. One approach, called "multiple advocacy," maps a strategy of role tasks and process norms to guide the decision-makers towards an optimal decision-making process. This process allows the President to make an informed policy choice as a result of having heard a variety of options debated freely and openly among his advisors in his presence. A crucial actor in this process is the National Security Advisor. As process manager or "custodian," he must ensure that the key provisions of the strategy are met while abstaining from personal involvement in the substance of policy advice and execution. This thesis examines the internal coherence and usefulness of the strategy. The first two years of the Carter administration provide a close approximation of the strategy. Four important policy issues during this period form the empirical basis of this test: the "Deep Cuts" proposals in SALT II, the war in the Horn of Africa, Sino-American Normalization, and the fall of the Shah of Iran. While the basic principles of the strategy are found useful and sound, several of its provisions are challenged. First, in spite of its claim, the strategy does not produce multiple options when the advisors have no wide divergence of opinion. Second, contrary to the strategy's prescriptions, the custodian can improve the process in such situations by joining the policy debate. Third, custodial engagement in activities such as diplomacy and public speaking need not be prohibited too strictly. Last, the demise of the strategy can be more narrowly defined as the result of custodial disregard for a free flow of information and open participation among the advisors. Though further studies are needed to widen the empirical base, several tentative suggestions are offered to improve the strategy. The president must insist on a reasonable range of opinions when appointing advisors. While the National Security Advisor may join the policy debate to widen the range of options, his policy advice should not become the rule. At all times the President must insist that all policy debates among his advisors be brought to his attention, and that all policy options receive a fair hearing. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

在經濟全球化的時代，外國直接、間接投資及企業間之併購行為紛紛崛起，然而外資湧入的同時亦時常對本國產業造成衝擊，因此為防止外資行為對本國企業造成威脅，各國相繼建立起對外國投資行為之「國家安全審查程序」作為外資進入本國市場的門檻，中國亦於2015年1月19日公佈之《中華人民共和國外國投資法（草案徵求意見稿）》中，設置國家安全審查制度，顯見該制度對中國之重要。 在「國家安全」之界定上，於《外資法草案》中增設概括條款，以彌補過去單純採取列舉式立法，所存在之審查範圍過於限縮缺陷。其次，在「外國投資者」之定義上，外國自然人投資者之認定有別於多數國家採用多重標準予以認定，其係單純以國籍作為認定標準，另於外國實體之認定上，為適應現今新形態之商業模式，參考外國法納入實質認定標準，彌補過去之立法漏洞，最後在「審查機構」之組成和建置上，則係由國務院建立外國投資國家安全審查部際聯席會議，作為主要審查機構。 惟於《外資法草案》雖解決許多過去立法之缺陷，卻仍存審查機構間權責不明、審查標準過於模糊及司法救濟缺位等問題，故宜參考美國外國投資委員會之組成結構，並增設監督機構，避免審查機構之獨斷。此外，該制度中更應加強對於外國投資者權益之保護，於審查標準中，重要名詞之界定仍存在模糊不清之情形，有待立法者對之明確定義，另在投資者救濟管道之設置上，於現行草案中付之闕如，應加以補正以符合程序正義之要求，如此方能同時兼顧保護國家經濟安全及促進國內經濟發展之目的。 / With the coming of economic globalization, a wide array of foreign investments, such as direct and indirect investments as well as enterprises mergers and acquisition, increases. However, these also pose a menace to domestic industry and even national security. As a result, national security reviews of foreign investments which aim to prevent this serious situation grow more prevalent. Following this trend, Mainland China also releases a draft version of Foreign Investment Law and a related Explanatory Note on January 19, 2015 to include national security reviews in it. The definition and range of national security is crucial. In order to solve the problems from enumerating which kind of investment is related to national security, China adds a general clause in the draft. In regard to the definition of foreign investor, it is divided into two categories, natural person and foreign entity. The former is determined merely by his or her nationality and the latter is determined not only by its place of registration but also by the actual controllers behind that foreign entity in response to the increasingly new business models. Furthermore, the draft appoints the State Council to establish an inter-ministerial joint committee to be responsible for the foreign investment national security review. However, there are some drawbacks in this draft, such as the unclear distinction of responsibility and accountability between the authorities, the ambiguities in the standard of review and the difficulties of judicial remedy. As a result, emulating the merits in the regulations on national security reviews in the USA and including the protection of investors are beneficial to solve these problems.

<p>My dissertation is an interdisciplinary study of the Korean War stories in America in relation to the history of the national security state of America from the Cold War to post-911 era. Categorizing the Korean War stories in three phases in parallel with three dramatic episodes in the national security of America, including the institutionalization of national security in the early Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the bipolar Cold War system in the 1990s, and the institutionalization of homeland security after the 9/11 attacks, I argue that storytelling of the Korean War morphs with the changes of national security politics in America. Reading James Michener’s Korean War stories, <i>Invasion of the Body Snatchers</i> (1956), and <i>The Manchurian Candidate</i> (1962) in the 1950s and early 1960s, I argue that the first-phase Korean War stories cooperated with the state, translating and popularizing key themes in the national security policies through racial and gender tropes. Focusing on Helie Lee’s <i>Still Life with Rice</i> (1996), Susan Choi’s <i>The Foreign Student</i> (1998), and Heinz Insu Fenkl’s <i>Memories of My Ghost Brother</i> (1996) in the 1990s, I maintain that the second-phase Korean War stories by Korean American writers form a narrative resistance against the ideology of national security and provide alternative histories of racial and gender violence in America’s national security programs. Further reading post-911 Korean War novels such as Toni Morrison’s <i>Home</i> (2012), Ha Jin’s <i>War Trash</i> (2005), and Chang-Rae Lee’s <i>The Surrendered</i> (2010), I contend that in the third-phase Korean War stories, the Korean War is deployed as a historical analogy to understand the War on Terror and diverse writers’ revisiting the war offers alternative perspectives on healing and understanding “homeland” for a traumatized American society. Taken together, these Korean War stories exemplify the politics of storytelling that engages with the national security state and the complex ways individual narratives interact with national narratives. Moreover, the continued morphing of the Korean War in literary representation demonstrates the vitality of the “forgotten war” and constantly reminds us the war’s legacy.</p>