Si les contours de la liberté d’expression sont régulièrement discutés ces dernières années, c’est le plus fréquemment s’agissant de la régulation par le droit pénal de l’expression publique que les polémiques se font les plus vives. En effet, c’est assurément sous cette dimension, c’est-à-dire lorsqu’elle consiste dans l’extériorisation directe de la pensée dirigée vers un public indéterminé, que l’expression emporte ses répercussions les plus spectaculaires au sein d’une société. Source de mobilisations citoyennes et d’une réflexion collective aux fins de l’élévation des mentalités vers le bien commun, l’expression publique peut également constituer le ferment de comportements antisociaux par l’alimentation des inimitiés, de l’intolérance et d’un état d’esprit criminel. Partant, la pénalisation, qui désigne l’ensemble des processus d’intervention du droit pénal dans un domaine déterminé, se trouve pleinement légitimée face aux dangers d’une expression publique immodérée. Toutefois, la pénalisation peine à trouver ses repères dans l’établissement des critères de sa nécessité et de son opportunité, à une époque où la place prise par l’expression publique au sein de notre société apparaît, plus que jamais, prépondérante. La pénalisation de l’expression publique est d’abord mise à l’épreuve de son instrumentalisation. La norme pénale semble en effet souffrir, de nos jours, d’une surestimation de ses vertus régulatrices dans sa création et dans sa mise en oeuvre en matière d’expression publique. La pénalisation de l’expression publique est ensuite mise à l’épreuve de la modernité. L’évolution des techniques place en effet l’expression publique au cœur d’une mutation profonde de ses usages au sein de notre société, modifiant les paradigmes classiques du rapport entretenu par celle-ci avec le droit pénal. / While the contours of freedom of expression have been regularly discussed in recent years, it is most frequently in the case of the regulation of public expression by criminal law that polemics are most heated. Indeed, it is certainly under this dimension, that is, when it consists in the direct exteriorization of thought directed towards an indeterminate public, that the expression has its most spectacular repercussions within a society. A source of citizen mobilization and collective thinking for the purpose of raising mentalities towards the common good, public expression can also constitute the ferment of antisocial behaviour by feeding enmities, intolerance and a criminal state of mind.Consequently, penalization, which refers to all the processes of criminal law intervention in a given field, is fully legitimate in the face of the dangers of immoderate public expression. However, penalization is struggling to find its bearings in establishing the criteria of its necessity and timeliness, at a time when the place taken by public expression within our society appears, more than ever, predominant. Penalization of public expression is first put to the test of its instrumentalization. The penal norm seems to suffer, nowadays, from an overestimation of its regulatory virtues in its creation and in its implementation in the area of public expression. Penalization of public expression is then put to the test of modernity. The evolution of technology places public expression at the heart of a profound change in its uses in our society, modifying the classic paradigms of the interplay between public expression and criminal law.

A l’intersection de plusieurs champs disciplinaires – littérature, philosophie, histoire, épistémologie médicale, psychanalyse, droit -, ce travail reconstruit le cheminement de l’auteur qui, après de nombreuses publications [romans, essais, articles], expose les expériences, les connaissances et les outils conceptuels qui lui ont permis d’interpréter la répétition génocidaire dans les Balkans et de s’engager dans le débat éthique en médecine. Parvenue dans ses ouvrages précédents à un résultat qu’elle estime à la fois scientifique – d’un point de vue clinique – et éthique, un résultat qui lui permet, à partir de la mise en évidence du mécanisme clinique de la répétition, d’énoncer une loi vérifiable dans les Balkans, elle rend compte de sa démarche pour en venir à interroger le bain de langage actuel et la responsabilité de l’écrivain, mais aussi des historiens et de la critique, face à la spécificité génocidaire qui occupe, ici, la place d’un réel par la plupart impensé. Cette étape d’un travail en cours permet de comprendre que si la littérature permet de révéler ce qu’il en est du réel en tant qu’il est humain, le réel n’est pas synonyme de vérité. En revanche, la mise en évidence d’un mécanisme réel – un mécanisme qu’il faut qualifier ici de psycho-historique ou mémoriel – permet d’approcher avec plus de précision la situation actuelle, de mieux en saisir la logique, et d’envisager de nouvelles stratégies pour tenter de contribuer à construire la paix dans les Balkans, pour les générations futures. / At the intersection of several disciplinary fields – literature, philosophy, history, medical epistemology, psychoanalysis, and law – this work reconstructs the winding path of the author who, after numerous publications [novels, essays, articles], here exhibits the experiences, the knowledge and the conceptual tools that have allowed her to interpret the genocidal repetition in the Balkans, and to become engaged in the ethical debate in medicine. Having reached in her previous works a result that she deems both scientific – from a clinical point of view – and ethical, a result that allows her on the basis of the investigation of the clinical mechanism of repetition to voice a law that can be confirmed in the Balkans, she gives an account of her undertaking so as to interrogate the current language being used and the responsibility, not only of the writer, but also of historians and criticism, faced with the genocidal specificity that here occupies the place of a real that for the most part has not been thought through elsewhere. This stage of a work in progress enables one to understand that if literature allows for the uncovering of the real that is in play in so far as it is human, the real is not synonymous with truth. On the other hand, the investigation of a real mechanism – a mechanism that here has to be qualified as psycho-historic or memorial – allows one to approach the current situation with greater precision, to better grasp its logic, and to envisage new strategies to try and contribute to the construction of peace in the Balkans, for future generations.

[pt] A disseminação de ideias negacionistas a respeito da ditadura militar tomou uma grande proporção nos últimos anos. Impulsionada pelo alto número de acesso de usuários à internet e também pelo uso frequente das redes sociais, essas ideias têm sido altamente difundidas e propagadas por meio de um grande número de seguidores e com alcance de um público cada vez maior. Nesse contexto em que o negacionismo se mostra crescente, é importante olhar para esse fenômeno a fim entendê-lo e buscar estratégias de enfrentamento dentro dos parâmetros da educação. Sendo assim, esta pesquisa procurou compreender e propor caminhos possíveis para o ensino da ditadura militar no Brasil no contexto do ensino básico mediante o uso de fontes em sala de aula. Procurou-se fomentar a reflexão sobre a utilização de fontes históricas como estratégia de ensino, especificamente por meio dos documentos e relatórios disponibilizados no site (http://cnv.memoriasreveladas.gov.br/) da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) como forma de pensar e fortalecer o estado democrático de direito e também de combater as fake news e o negacionismo. O estudo procura contribuir para o pensamento crítico sobre as formas possíveis de utilização das fontes disponibilizadas pela CNV que podem contribuir para o ensino da ditadura militar no Brasil. Para isso foram propostas sequências didáticas baseadas nos relatórios produzidos pela CNV que podem ser utilizadas nas aulas de história pelo professor. Desse modo, esta dissertação de mestrado pretende pensar como estabelecer uma relação entre os documentos acima mencionados no período da ditadura militar com o ensino de história de maneira a construir conhecimento e auxiliar na aprendizagem dos alunos. / [en] The dissemination of revisionist ideas about the military dictatorship took great proportion in the last years. Fostered by the high number of people having access to the internet and also by the frequent usage of social networks, those ideas have been highly widespread and propagated through a great number of followers and reaching an increasing audience. In this context, where revisionism seems to be growing, it is important to look at this phenomenon in order to understand it and to look for strategies of confrontation inside the parameters of education. Therefore, the research attempted to understand and offer possible ways for teaching the military dictatorship in Brazil in the context of primary education through the usage of sources in class. It was intended to foster the reflection about the usage of historical sources as teaching strategy, specifically through the documents and reports provided by the Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) in their website (http://cnv.memoriasreveladas.gov.br/), as a way of thinking and strengthening the democratic rule of law and also fight the fake news and the revisionism. The study seeks to contribute with the critical thinking about the possible ways of using the sources provided by CNV that can contribute with the teaching of military dictatorship in Brazil. In this regard, educational sequences based on the reports produced by CNV that can be used by the teacher in history classes were suggested. Thereby, this master’s thesis intends to think of ways for establishing a relation between the documents mentioned above about the military dictatorship and the teaching of history in a way of building knowledge and assist the student learning.

Cette thèse porte sur les mémoires de dirigeants du Comité Union et Progrès, une société secrète formée d’officiers, de bureaucrates et d’intellectuels qui ont tenu les rênes de l’Empire Ottoman de 1913 à 1918. Au-delà des évènements relatés dans ces documents, cette étude explore la construction d’un discours public sur la période du « Deuxième Régime Constitutionnel » (1908-1918) par la publication de ces mémoires en Turquie. L’analyse associe deux dimensions, synchronique et diachronique. D’une part, l’analyse du discours met en lumière trois grands thèmes sur lesquels s’expriment et se reflètent les subjectivités des auteurs – eux-mêmes (le Comité), la révolution et la guerre. D’autre part, des variations sont repérées au sein de ces trois thèmes, et interprétées au moyen d’une contextualisation de l’écriture et de la publication des mémoires. Les ruptures majeures dans les écrits des Unionistes permettent ainsi de considérer l’existence de trois « régimes mémoriels » (Johann Michel) – kémaliste, unioniste, islamiste – apparus successivement en Turquie au cours du vingtième siècle. La thèse met ainsi en évidence la convergence de ces régimes mémoriels sur la négation du génocide arménien de 1915-1916. Au-delà du cas d’étude, elle interroge l’immuabilité et la permanence d’un discours négationniste sur une violence exterminatrice, lorsqu’il est élaboré par les auteurs de cette violence, et le phénomène de pétrification discursive qu’il provoque dans la société qui en est réceptrice. / This dissertation deals with the memoirs of the Union and Progress Committee leaders, a secret society of officers, bureaucrats and intellectuals who ruled over the Ottoman Empire from 1913 to 1918. Going beyond an analysis of the events reported in these documents, this study explores the construction of a public narrative on the “Second Constitutional Era” (1908-1918) by the publication of these memoirs in Turkey. The analysis combines two dimensions, a synchronic one and a diachronic one. On the one hand, the discourse analysis highlights three major themes expressing and reflecting the subjectivities of the authors: themselves (the Committee), the revolution and the war. On the other hand, this analysis identifies variations within these three themes, and interprets them through a contextualization of the writing and publication of the memoirs. The major discontinuities in the Unionists’ writings thus make it possible to consider the existence of three “memorial regimes” (Johann Michel) – Kemalist, Unionist, Islamist – that appeared successively in Turkey during the twentieth century. The thesis highlights the convergence of these memorial regimes on the denial of the 1915-1916 Armenian genocide. Beyond this case study, it questions the immutability and the permanence of a negationist discourse on exterminatory violence, when developed by the perpetrators of this violence, and the phenomenon of paralysis that it provokes at the discursive level in the receiving society.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work analyzes the Metapedia portal (www.metapedia.org), which is an initiative from right-wing extremists groups, and its proposal to be an Alternative Encyclopedia. The Metapedia is an electronic encyclopedia which adopts the Wiki system and has as an objective to be an electronic support. In presenting concepts and biographies, Metapedia uses negationist revisionism as its basis, offering different versions for events and historical concepts, especially those related to World War II. In the research we selected entries on this portal as sources. They were analyzed with the intention of exposing what kind of “history” is told in Metapedia. The dissertation was organized in sections that covered the structure and proposal of Metapedia to demonstrate how it works, besides performing the analysis of fundamental entries to the Portal. With this, we offer a comprehensive view on this proposal of encyclopedia in the digital environment. We consider that Metapedia is embedded in the context of history rewriting activities on the World Wide Web, at the position of a pedagogical support of intolerance in the digital environment. The research found that, although it fulfills its objective of being a pedagogical support according to its idealizers, in part, Metapedia does not show success in its proposal to encourage the debate on the subjects that it intends, since its foundation, to review. / Este trabalho analisa o portal Metapedia (www.metapedia.org), uma iniciativa de grupos de extrema-direita e sua proposta de ser uma Enciclopédia Alternativa. Metapedia é uma enciclopédia eletrônica que adota o sistema Wiki e tem como objetivo ser um suporte eletrônico. Ao apresentar conceitos e biografias, a Metapedia utiliza como base o revisionismo negacionista, oferecendo versões diferentes para os acontecimentos e conceitos históricos, sobretudos aqueles ligados à Segunda Guerra Mundial. Na pesquisa selecionamos como fontes verbetes presentes neste portal. Eles foram analisados com o intuito de expor que tipo de “história” é contada na Metapedia. A dissertação se organizou em seções que abrangeram a estrutura e proposta da Metapedia para demonstrar como ela funciona, além de realizar a análise de verbetes fundamentais ao Portal. Com isso oferecemos uma visão abrangente sobre essa proposta de Enciclopédia no meio digital. Consideramos que a Metapedia está inserida no contexto das atividades de reescrita da história na rede mundial de computadores, posicionando-se como um suporte pedagógico da intolerância no meio digital. A pesquisa constatou que, embora cumpra seu objetivo de ser um suporte pedagógico conforme os seus idealizadores, em parte, a Metapedia não demonstra sucesso em sua proposta de incentivar o debate sobre os temas que pretende, desde a sua fundação, revisar.

[pt] A proposta deste trabalho versará sobre buscar entender como a onda conservadora que assola o país, mais especificamente a área da Educação e o Ensino de História, acabou por influenciar o cotidiano dos professores em sala de aula e os mesmos passaram a ser considerados grandes inimigos por parte de negacionistas. Nesse sentido, as origens e embasamentos para os ataques conservadores serão demonstrados e os seus mentores explicitados, tais como Olavo de Carvalho, Leandro Narloch e suas práticas. Veremos os impactos no cotidiano do ensino de História principalmente através da atuação do Movimento Escola Sem Partido (MESP) e perceberemos, por exemplo, que a chamada doutrinação ideológica de que os professores são acusados, na verdade, possui uma direção e uma causa muito direcionada: Os professores de História e Ciências Humanas. Também será percebido as formas como o MESP se aproxima de grupos e partidos políticos com temáticas conservadoras, apropriando-se de suas pautas, para que assim possa se alavancar no cenário nacional. Para além disso, a resposta dos professores de História e as novas formas de se discutir essa Ciência, principalmente através da História Digital. Veremos como esse movimento de ocupar as mídias digitais e a disputa desse espaço com os Negacionistas começam a ser feitos pelos especialistas da área e como há a demonstração de que o ocorrido nos espaços acadêmicos não são Balbúrdias, mas sim, Ciência de alta qualidade e complexidade. Essa resposta será buscada através de um pequeno mapeamento sobre canais dos mais variados tipos, mas que prezam pela divulgação científica de linguagem acessível para os simpatizantes da área e como uma maneira de combater o obscurantismo negacionista que nos cerca. / [en] The purpose of this work is to seek to understand how the conservative wave that is plaguing the country, more specifically the area of Education and History Teaching, has ended up influencing the teachers daily lives in the classroom, and how they started to be considered great enemies by part of Negationists. In this sense, the origins and grounds for conservative attacks will be demonstrated and their mentors made explicit, such as Olavo de Carvalho, Leandro Narloch and their practices. We will see the impacts on the daily teaching of History mainly through the work of the School Without Party Movement (Movimento Escola Sem Partido - MESP) and we will see, for example, that the ideological indoctrination of which teachers are accused, in fact, has a direction and a cause specifically targeting History and Human Sciences teachers. This work will also analyse how MESP approaches groups and political parties with conservative themes and how the appropriation of its guidelines can leverage itself in the national scenario. In addition, this work will also focus on the response of History teachers and the new ways of discussing this Science, mainly through Digital History. We will see how this movement to occupy digital media and the dispute over this space with Negationists are both done by specialists in the area, concluding that a demonstration of what has happened in academic spaces is not a kerfuffle, but rather, Science of high quality and complexity. This answer will be sought through a small mapping of channels of the most varied types, which value the scientific dissemination of accessible language to supporters of the area and are a way to combat the negationist obscurantism that surrounds us.

[pt] Frente aos acontecimentos advindos do enfrentamento da pandemia de Covid-19 no Brasil, o presente trabalho se propõe a uma análise das práticas e discursos do governo no combate ao vírus através da identificação de estratégias negacionistas por ele utilizadas. Assim, com o objetivo de entender como este movimento influenciou as ações do governo durante o período, principalmente na escolha pelo uso da cloroquina como foco do combate, e seus impactos tanto na política e opinião pública como nas instituições estatais. O trabalho analisa os discursos e as práticas do governo Bolsonaro para entender como o negacionismo foi articulado para o fim de promover o uso de um medicamento comprovadamente ineficaz, impactando assim na efetividade das medidas sanitárias e não sanitárias de combate à pandemia. / [en] Faced with the events arising from the actions against the Covid-19 pandemic in Brazil, this present work proposes an analysis of the practices and speeches of the government regarding the confrontation of the virus through the identification of denialist strategies used by it. Thus, with the objective of understanding how this movement influenced government actions during this period, principally in the choice of using chloroquine as the main course of action, and its impacts both on public politics and opinion as on the state institutions. The work analyses the speeches and practices of Bolsonaro and his government to understand how denialism was articulated in order to promote the use of a medicine prove ineffective, with that, impacting the effectiveness of sanitary and nonsanitary measures to combat the pandemic.